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In the 1970s, the United States and West Germany developed a vital transatlantic partnership focused on new military doctrines and technology that met the challenges of the late Cold War. Due to domestic politics and strategic concerns, the United States never recreated this type of relationship with countries in the Indo-Pacific region--specifically with South Korea. Using a unique synthesis of American, German, and Korean sources, this article argues that another partnership is required in Asia today. Rather than fall back on European partners, Washington should collaborate with Seoul to develop a new generation of doctrine and technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the rise of emerging powers through the lens of international political economy (IPE). While scholarship focuses on established emerging powers such as China and India, a subset of underrepresented countries including Indonesia, Turkey, and South Africa warrant deeper analysis. Contextualizing their ascent through IPE processes highlights how these regional leaders-in-the-making transformed from developing to emergent status amid evolving global power dynamics. The research explores their roles within a Western-dominated order facing challenges to its liberal democratic foundations. By unpacking the implications of their non-liberal capitalist development paths, it provides a refreshed perspective on whether these newly influential states pose a threat to US hegemony or are simply manifestations of an increasingly multipolar world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building a new international system after the end of the cold war turned out to be a complex and multifaceted process, which found its expression in several global developments and scenarios proposed by various scientific schools, opinion leaders and representatives of different cultures and religions. Even if the opportunity to identify certain more constructive and less violent forms of interaction between the international actors is expressed, patterns may bear the imprint of the conflicting logic between the poles, the latter receiving, alongside the traditional realistic treatment, yet another dimension, extracted either from the reflection of new realities or from intellectual speculations. The polarity certainly remains the basic problem of the world geopolitical architecture of the international security, also determining the configuration of the international system structure. Under the conditions of the global anarchy of international relations that define the power's world hierarchy, the existence of the geopolitical hegemony between the major actors is a natural thing conditioned by the need to contribute to the achievement or the impairment of the process of guaranteeing international security, by further maintaining the tendency of extending its sphere of geopolitical influence, intensifying the role of the political and military factor, which has not decisively lost its relevance and topicality, being on the contrary strengthened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian intervention in Ukraine in February 2022 has served as a catalyst or actualizer of a long-standing trend in NATO: that of justifying its existence by its geographical expansion. This is both in organic terms, through the incorporation of new states into its structure, and in operational terms, through the execution of so-called out-of-area operations, and the intensification of its rivalry with Russia. This dynamic, which has been firmly established since the mid-1990s, has been overridden by the growing contradictions between the interests of its members, the successive changes in US administrations, and the transformation of the international system, characterized by an inexorable trend toward multipolarity. Altogether, these factors explain the extent to which NATO is facing a definitive choice. Starting with the implications of the war in Ukraine for NATO, this article provides a historical analysis of this phenomenon, noting the vicissitudes of NATO’s enlargements and operations over the past thirty years, and how these activities have enabled the alliance to weather the successive internal crises it has faced. Ultimately, the authors argue that the war in Ukraine marks the end of this dynamic and of NATO’s masculinist dilemma either to limit its operations to the defense of its members (in line with the collective security clause enshrined in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty) or to complete pending enlargement processes, thereby endangering international peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article talked about the position of academic researchers of the both neighbour regarding Mongolia’s «Third Neighbor» policy. Mongolia’s foreign policy analysis in south neighbour underway at the Academy of Social Sciences under the State Council of China, Global Times, the central daily newspaper of the CPC in chinese and english languages, School of International Studies, Beijing People’s University, Beijing Foreign Studies University. It should be emphasized that the Institute of Russian and Mongolian Studies of the Academy of Social Sciences, Inner Mongolia, the Department of Mongolian Studies of the Inner Mongolia University, the Inner Mongolian University of Education, and the Institute of Near Neighbour Studies of the Shanghai East China Normal University are concentrated. Regarding Russia, it is mainly focused on the Institute of Oriental Studies, the Institute of Far Eastern Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, the Moscow State University, the Diplomatic Academy, MFA, the Russian International Affairs Council, St. Petersburg State University, Irkutsk State University, and Ulan-Udе University, ect., China’s researchers has a tendency in “advise” and some times “educate” to Mongolia on the importance of developing cooperation with its “real neighbour”. For Example, Mongolia’s geopolitical position shows that it should cooperate smartly with China and Russia. The researchers of Russia wrote that Mongolia’s “Third Neighbour” policy is utopian, and it is observed that the principle is “stuck” in its principles. Recently, the deepening of the geopolitical conflict between the two neighbour and the “third neighbour” is a matter of concern, and the criticism of the neighbouring countries is expected to transation from the level of Track 1 to the level of Track 1.5. Finally, The New paradigms of Mongolia’s foreign policy has priority to vital national interests, openness, peaceful, multi-pillars, multi-dimensional, non-Aligned, independently, priority to democratic values and pragmatism. It should be emphasized that it is not a policy directed against the two neighbors, but only peacetime geopolitics. Монгол Улсын «Гуравдагч хөрш»-ийн бодлого: Хоёр хөршийн судлаачдын дүн шинжилгээ Хураангуй: Монгол Улсын «гуравдагч хөрш»-ийн бодлогын тухайд хоёр хөршийн судлаачид ямар байр суурь, хандлагатай байна гэдэг анхаарал татсан нэн чухаг асуудал мөн. Өмнөд, Умард хөршүүд албан ёсны түвшинд дурдсан асуудалд тааламжгүй эсвэл бүр сөрөг байр суурь албан ёсоор илэрхийлж байгаагүй ч, олон улсын харилцаа, геополитик, стратеги судлаачид олон нийтийн хэвлэл, мэдээллийн хэрэгслүүд үзэл бодол, байр сууриа чөлөөтэй илэрхийлж ирсэн байна.

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NATO never managed to settle how the Alliance should manage Russia post-Cold War. Consequently, the Alliance is still experiencing an internal dichotomy. This article explores the Alliance dynamics since the end of the Cold War and argues that the North-eastern flank countries’ perceptions of Russia and Russian intentionality appear to be based on fear which lead them to pursue an ever-strengthened forward defence. Moreover, this is seen by the flank to be at odds with their Western allies that are willing to pursue a more cooperative approach to Russia. Risk reduction policies therefore become a potential point of contention between the allies, however also a vehicle for the North-eastern flank to boost the forward defence in the region.

The authors begin from the premise that it is useful to analyse broad trends in international affairs by identifying key moments of change. The primary focus is the current phase of international affairs that has been labelled the post-Cold War world. The authors accept that the fall of the USSR at the end of 1991 marked an important change in geopolitics but argue that the 30-year time period since the fall of the Soviet Union has been marked by some very important changes. The era began with a seemingly omnipotent United States that proclaimed a New World Order of peace, prosperity and democracy. The authors analyse how that vision did not come to pass in the context of wars in the Middle East and the rise of China as a great power and the recovery of Russia. Cuba's role in the post-Cold War era is analysed and preliminary thoughts are made on the potential changing world order in the context of the Russia-Ukraine War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical technologies movement was an effort among Democrats and Republicans to enact policies to fund scientific research in twenty-three areas of technological growth crucial to economic competitiveness and military security. These areas included micro- and nanofabrication, ceramics, and software, among others. Unlike during the early Cold War when policymakers were unwilling to admit openly whether research and development spending constituted government intervention in the free market, with critical technologies, policymakers actively and publicly collaborated with business interests to selectively target technologies they believed were likely to proffer returns on government investment. This article traces the rise and fall of a political consensus: it discusses how and why these technologies were selected, the policies passed in this area, and ultimately, why this bipartisan convergence around critical technologies fell apart. More broadly, the critical technologies movement provides a fulcrum for understanding two key political shifts: how President Bill Clinton and his fellow Democrats captured Silicon Valley and major business interests to their ascendant political coalition, and why the Republican Party compromised its free-market principles to support critical technologies in the leadup to the 1992 election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-Russian sentiment - what some call “Russophobia” - is subtle, but visible in the American foreign policy discourse since the end of the Cold War. Most recently, it can be found in the Obama-era discourse about Russia, despite the positive bump in relations after the so-called “reset” of 2009. This paper contends that, among the many irritants in Russia - U.S. relations, anti-Russian sentiment among the American foreign policy leadership is an understudied phenomenon. Russophobia matters because it is present even at times of promise in the relationship; it impedes striking a “normal” relationship with Russia, and it influences policy decisions. This paper conceptualizes Russophobia, considers the source of its persistence in the American foreign policy discourse, and identifies examples of anti-Russian sentiment among key members of Barack Obama’s foreign policy team through an examination of memoirs and personal reflections about Russia. The paper asserts that anti-Russian attitudes in the American foreign policy discourse throughout the post-Cold War era must be identified and understood in order to gain a better understanding of why forging stronger, mutually beneficial relations with Russia continues to evade American policy makers. Anti-Russian sentiment undermined the Obama - Medvedev reset and, while it is certainly not alone responsible for deteriorating relations with Russia, it helped to perpetuate the downturn in relations and must be identified and better understood. The arguments made in this paper and in the selected citations herein, are based upon non-partisan scholarly inquiry and are not a consequence of the author’s personal or political views.

Copyright of Co-herencia is the property of Universidad EAFIT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aims & Backgrounds: The US and the Soviet Union led the east and the west camps during the cold war and the geopolitical order was laid on the foundation of the rivalries between these two superpowers. But, after the collapse of the bipolar system, the US became the undisputed power in the international arena and the geopolitical order underwent changes during three decades after that and the conflicts between the superpowers was continued. Based thereon, the current study aims at explaining the geopolitical structure after the cold war and the method of power distribution in the situation after the collapse of Soviet Union up to the present time. Methodology: The present study makes use of a descriptive-analytical method using qualitative content analysis and reviewing literature and the theories presented through reasoning and inference to find answers to three key questions in line with perceiving the relations between the superpowers after the cold war. The method of data and information Collectionis library and documentary. Findings: The present study will show that the world witnessed a geopolitical transition after cold war and that no power is in a hegemonic position currently and the world is bearing witness to a spectrum of unipolar, bipolar and multipolar fluid powers. The conflict between the superpowers can be explained based on subjective and objective geopolitical factors. Conclusion: Powers have chosen such strategies as withdrawal, bandwagoning and, balance of power which is including soft and hard in respect to one another according to the type of conflicts

Theoretical and practical structure of the power system behind the implementation of the global powers’ foreign and security policies should be analysed with the postmodern understanding. In this context, the global powers’ interests – in their soft or hard forms of manifestation – are crucial elements of democratic development and crisis management within the network strategy in Balkan policies. The security culture is about the states’ security perception and about the tools, which are used to combat specific threats. According to postmodern geopolitics, the Post-Cold War realities – with the axis of global powers – and Balkan policies of these powers are related to the political changes. United States (US) maintains its military superiority in the world order with state actors, and on the other hand, cooperates with the European Union (EU) as an international organisation. According to the post-modern understanding, there is neither a new world order nor a new world disorder in the world today. Instead, there is a security zone in Europe and a zone of danger and chaos outside. Balkan policies of global powers are essential because of the problematic issues in the region. Balkan geography constitutes a critical equation in this regard. This study emphasises that EU democratic development projects are different from the US in terms of strategy and institutional means. Some of the projects are considered within the EU enlargement strategy, while others are viewed as a foreign policy strategy, which is mainly assumed by leading countries like China. Compared to the US, the EU strategy focuses more on non-military operations, and the Balkan policies of these states represent a specific feature of the postmodern geopolitics.

The present paper aims at analyzing the cultural dialogue in the post-Cold War era, the Cold War being perceived as a security dilemma. The study makes a clear-cut distinction between the political differences regarding the United States of America and Russia laying emphasis upon concepts, such as: security and risk. This work tries to highlight if the cultural dialogue between the United States and Russia is a failure or a success. Another important issue is diplomacy related to the Soviet ideology and the American response. The concept of power is of paramount importance being viewed as a cultural device in the post-Cold War era. Politics is presented as an instrument of power. Both the United States and Russia fought to be the most powerful nations having the power to rule the world.

In his essay, Moraru contends that Mihai Iovănel’s 2021 History of Contemporary Romanian Literature: 1990-2020 is a breakthrough in Romanian literary historiography and criticism overall. According to Moraru, the History revisits radically the terms of the Romantic contract that, in Romania and elsewhere, has typically been underwriting modern criticism. A form of critical realism and an exemplar of postmillennial Romanian literary and cultural studies, Iovănel’s book is, in Moraru’s view, not only provocative but also effectively transformative. To gauge the scope and nature of the changes advocated and enacted in the History, this article examines how Iovănel has put together what he calls the “system” of contemporary Romanian literature. Thus, Moraru is less concerned with which writers are included in the book and which are left out, seeking, instead, answers to a series of questions concerning primarily Iovănel’s cultural-materialist and transnational studies-informed methodology. Along the same theoretical, historical, and political lines, Moraru discusses the project’s makeup as well as the strength of the case the History makes for the need to have another look at a range of pre- and post-1990 literary movements, directions, styles, and authors, principally at postmodernism and its competition and successors in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effect of bargaining power on the allocation of U.S. military assistance. Conceptualising U.S. military assistance as an aid-for-policy deal, it applies a two-tiered stochastic frontier model to a data sample of the post-Cold War era. It shows that the bargaining effect accounts for a huge variation in U.S. military aid distribution. The volume of U.S. military assistance in equilibrium is lower than the baseline volume by 4% at the mean and by 6% at the median. The donor U.S. extracts a slightly larger portion of the transaction surplus at these central points. However, the game of surplus division is not always about equally strong hagglers as it may first appear. In fact, the quartile values show substantial variance in bargaining performance and, hence, an outcome of surplus division across transactions. The bargaining effect is highly significant in the allocation of U.S. military assistance in the post-Cold War era. The donor U.S enjoys a bargaining advantage at the mean and median, but rich variations are noticeable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aimed to verify the occurrence of convergence and congruence in the positions that the Democratic and Republican parties express about human rights treaties in the Electoral, in the Executive, and the Legislative arenas, in the Post-Cold War (1992-2016). The use of the comparative method guided the study of six specific cases, analyzed using qualitative techniques. The results point to two trends. The first is that the possibility of convergence between the Democratic and Republican parties tends to diminish when their positions on human rights treaties are anchored by ideological perspectives, and the second is that a party’s position on a treaty tends to be congruent among political arenas. Moreover, the divergence of positions between the parties clarifies the liberal internationalist character of the Democratic positions and the conservative isolationist approach of the Republican positions.

This article analyzes diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China during the Post-Cold War era from 1989 to 1996. The Post-Cold War era had seen the anomalies in diplomatic relations between Malaysia and the United States and China. Furthermore, during the Cold War era, a closer relation between Malaysia and the United States could be seen in balancing China’s power. However, the post-Cold War era had seen an increase in diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China and was cold towards the United States. The anomalies of bilateral diplomatic relations are argued through international political changes, domestic interests and the perception of leaders. The research also employs neoclassical realisme theory in analyzing Malaysia's foreign policy anomalies towards China during the Mahathir Mohamad era. This research applies a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants from Malaysia and China; an analytical method based on chronology; and uses supportive empirical evidence from secondary data. Findings show that the anomalies of Malaysia's foreign policy change towards China is influenced by the U.S. pressure on Malaysia and from China's foreign policy change; economic slowdown and political elite crisis; and changes in Mahathir's perceptions and actions towards China. Analysis also found that there was an increase of Malaysia's trust towards China in the Post-Cold War despite the relations normalization have been established since 1974. Although Malaysia can enjoy China's booming economy in terms of trade and investment which did not occur in the previous era, Kuala Lumpur never compromises with Beijing on the issue in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US media's coverage of the comfort women issue has primarily focused on three main aspects: human rights, nationalist conflict, and security. First, American newspapers and magazines asked the Japanese government to apologize to the former comfort women by revealing the misery of their lives through a discussion of human rights. However, that discussion not only reflected the East-West power imbalance, but even served to promote voyeurism and sexual fantasies. Second, following the end of the Cold War, as tensions between South Korea and Japan over the issue have escalated, US media have increasingly taken a position as middleman, indifferent to the history of these women. The US media have scolded both South Korea and Japan for their nationalistic conflict. Third, the US media began to employ a security discourse on the comfort women issue as the controversy between South Korea and Japan deteriorated to a level that threatened the interests of the United States in East Asia and disrupted the Obama administration's "Pivot to Asia" strategy. US media have played the role of midwife for the birth of the 2015 South Korea-Japan Comfort Women Agreement by shaping and disseminating a security discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pluralist Universalism: An Asian Americanist Critique of U.S. and Chinese Multiculturalisms is an extended comparison of US and Chinese multiculturalisms during the post–Cold War era. Her book situates itself at the intersection of Asian American literary critique and the growing field of comparative multiculturalism. Through readings of fictional narratives that address the issue of racial and ethnic difference in both national contexts simultaneously, the author models a “double critique” framework for US–Chinese comparative literary studies.The book approaches U.S. liberal multiculturalism and China’s ethnic policy as two competing multiculturalisms, one grounded primarily in a history of racial desegregation and the other in the legacies of a socialist revolution. Since the end of the Cold War, the two multiculturalisms have increasingly been brought into contact through translation and other forms of mediation. Pluralist Universalism demonstrates that a number of fictional narratives, including those commonly classified as Chinese, American, and Chinese American, have illuminated incongruities and connections between the ethno-racial politics of the two nations.The “double critique” framework builds upon critical perspectives developed in Asian American studies and adjacent fields. The book brings to life an innovative vision of Asian American literary critique, even as it offers a unique intervention in ideas of ethnicity and race prevailing in both China and the United States in the post–Cold War era.

Despite different perceptions, discourses and approaches, the post-Cold War Arctic is with a high geopolitical stability based on institutional, international cooperation started by the Arctic states and supported by Arctic indigenous peoples, non- governmental organizations and sub-national governments. As a result, there are neither armed conflicts nor serious disputes on national borders. Behind the high geopolitical stability are on the one hand, common interests of the Arctic states to decrease military tension and increase political stability by causing a transformation from confrontation to environmental cooperation. On the other hand, there are certain features of Arctic geopolitics as prerequisites for a transformation, such as firm state sovereignty, high degree of legal certainty, and flexibility in agenda setting. When assessing a state of Arctic geopolitics and IR of the post-Cold War era, there is an ambivalence on how ‘geopolitics’ is defined. Behind are the dualism of military presence based on the nuclear weapons’ systems and the high stability based on international, institutional cooperation between the eight Arctic states. As well as, that there are two major competing discourses: first, the Arctic as a ’zone of peace’ and exceptional in world politics, and second, that there is a race of resources and the consequent emerging conflicts in theArctic. In addition, there are fresh reminders that Arctic geopolitics is impacted by (grand) environmental challenges and ‘wicked problems’, in particular climate change; and that new multi- dimensional dynamics has made Arctic geopolitics global. The article aims to draw up a holistic picture of the post-Cold War Arctic, and discuss what might be special features of Arctic geopolitics in globalization. The article examines and discusses the transformation of approach from classical geopolitics to critical geopolitics by applying main approaches of geopolitics to the Arctic/Arctic geopolitics.

THIS STUDY THEMATICALLY COMPARES THE STATE OF CONVENTIONAL AND HUMAN SECURITY STUDIES BETWEEN THE COLD WAR AND POST-COLD WAR EPOCHS. IT EXAMINES CONCISELY THE REASONS AND FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE SYSTEMATIC SHIFT FROM CONVENTIONAL SECURITY TO, AND THE RISE OF, HUMAN SECURITY DURING THE COLD AND POST-COLD WAR EPOCHS. RELYING ON HISTORICAL METHODOLOGY AND OLE WAEVER'S SECURITIZATION THESIS, THE STUDY LOCATES THE CAUSALITY BETWEEN THE FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE PARADIGM SHIFT AND THE PRESENT OVERARCHING PROMINENCE OF HUMAN SECURITY IN; FIRST, THE EVENTUAL END OF THE COLD WAR AND, SECOND, THE RISING COMPELLING HUMAN SECURITY NEEDS AND EMERGENCIES IN THE POST-COLD WAR EPOCH. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Established in the aftermath of the Cold War and animated by US-based scholars and activists experienced in the second wave of women’s liberation movements, the Network of East-West Women (NEWW) has received little attention from scholars. This transnational and transregional group played an instrumental role in triggering and structuring the circulation of information, contacts, and academic and activist publications dedicated to women in Central and Eastern Europe, and in conceptualizing new gender politics in that region after the end of the socialist regimes. Building on original emp irical evidence (archive work and interviews), this article considers NEWW’s founding and its steps in establishing operations “beyond borders” in the 1990s—a time of professionalizing and globalizing women’s rights politics when transnational feminist activism was faced with both new challenges and potentialities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Cold War came to an end, many revisionist powers predicted the disintegration of Yugoslavia, an uneasy alliance of seven nations that had been held together only by Josip Broz Tito’s iron fist. Chief amongst the interested parties was the United States, hegemon of the new unipolar world order. For years, American intelligence agencies warned of the dangers threatening the Bosnian Muslims, a secessionist ethno-religious minority in the centre of the former Yugoslavian borders; and yet, the United States did not act to protect the Bosnian Muslims. Tensions in the region boiled over into civil war, and the world was shocked as the Bosnian Muslims were the target of attempted genocide, most notably at Srebrenica. This paper will focus on the CIA estimate reports written by field officers on the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the US foreign policy towards the probable crisis in the region. The ethnic cleansing efforts targeting Bosnian Muslims, the awareness of US field officers of this process, and whether there were any pre-emptive measures to stop such brutal acts against humanity will also be analysed during this paper.

The theoretical perspectives that have emerged in the post-Cold War emphasized the relevance of the domestic variables in the International Relations Theory study. Considering the ontological changes inside the subdiscipline after 1990, this article aims to analyze the importance of democracy in the hermeneutic scope of the liberal, critical and constructivist theories.

The security-development nexus has become one of the most important agendas especially in the field of peacebuilding in response to urgent needs in complex humanitarian assistance in war-torn areas. With the changing dynamics of conflict since the end of the Cold War, recent peacebuilding efforts have employed a combination of security and development paradigm to ameliorate severe human rights situations in different contexts. In particular, the functionality of security-development nexus has been well observed in post-conflict scenarios where broader state-building, institutional, security, and governance-related reforms were implemented to ensure sustainable peace processes. In addition, it has been criticized in terms of the imposed liberal values. This article critically analyzes the security-development nexus and attempts to examine how and why the nexus has become essential to the post-Cold War peacebuilding framework. It further elucidates the role of the United Nations (UN) as the leading actor in peacebuilding operations, especially in the form of UN Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) which have played a significant role in establishing and consolidating peace in various conflict-ridden societies.

Copyright of Angles: French Perspectives on the Anglophone World is the property of Societe des Anglicistes de l Enseignement Superieur and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When it was decided in the late summer of 1990 that the Soviet troops would withdraw completely from the recently unified Federal Republic of Germany by the end of 1994, the modalities and logistical details of the withdrawal of people and material soon developed into a heated political issue. The 'Russians' and the spaces they had occupied since the end of the Second World War quickly became important topics in the newly unified German society, and their impact during this highly dynamic and confusing period cannot be underestimated. In particular, the German mass media played an immensely important role in the public and symbolic imagination of these perpetual 'strangers' and their spaces. In some parts of the media, these spaces were portrayed as requiring an urgent transformation so that they could become 'German' again. Via the social images of the post-Soviet military bases, this article discusses the immediate and longterm consequences of attributions and categorizations of the 'Russian' past and argues that those contested images also allow insights into the functioning of society's self-understanding discourses in reunified Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper aims at analyzing the cultural dialogue in the post-Cold War era, the Cold War being perceived as a security dilemma. The study makes a clear-cut distinction between the political differences regarding the United States of America and Russia laying emphasis upon concepts, such as: security and risk. This work tries to highlight if the cultural dialogue between the United States and Russia is a failure or a success. Another important issue is diplomacy related to the Soviet ideology and the American response. The concept of power is of paramount importance being viewed as a cultural device in the post-Cold War era. Politics is presented as an instrument of power. Both the United States and Russia fought to be the most powerful nations having the power to rule the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Cold War era is placing the defense industry at a crossroads. If, on the one hand, it is under great pressure to guarantee warlike efforts around the world, with tight budgets and uncertain lead-times, on the other hand, it is seen as a central instrument for national sovereignty and foreign policy. The purpose of this research is to report the state-of-the-art of the existing literature and explore the most relevant research areas in order to provide the conceptual basis for further empirical research. To do so, this study uses a preferred reporting items for systematic review and meta-analysis (PRISMA), which is an adequate technique as it allows one to discover concepts, ideas, and debates about the defense industry. The results evidenced three different approaches to the defense industry—integration, autarky, and domination. In that regard, we present several case studies in which the defense industry is used as an instrument of foreign policy or national sovereignty. Future studies may focus on empirical research to validate the theoretical findings or to identify variables that lead some defense industries to seek synergies, resorting to mergers and acquisitions, while other defense companies prefer to obtain State funds.

The dynamic relations between Japan and the United States are interesting to be observed due to frequently happen in “non-conventional “. Japan and America are two countries leading in the development of high technology, including military technology capabilities. The competition, both in the development of military technology often brings a unique and surprising relationship pattern. This paper shows that Japan continues to develop military technology that affects perception and capability of the country in the international political stage. On the other hand, the Japanese military technology development has given rise to responses from a number of countries in the region, as well as from major countries like USA. This paper shows that the achievement and the use of military technology will determine the future of the country’s diplomacy with major countries in the world, especially the United States.

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Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The end of the Cold War has had profound effect on deterrence theory and practice. Contrary to the perceived belief that deterrence was a dead concept after the demise of the Cold War rivalries, it lives, even grabs more attentions with recent developments in international relations. During the entire Cold War period, deterrence had been studied within a systemic context in which nuclear superpowers operated in a bipolar world. In the post-Cold War era, with a renewing interest in deterrence theory and practice, deterrence at regional level appears to be more pertinent to new security environment. However, current literature on the concept does not pay adequate attention to deterrence at this level. In this sense, Regional Security Complex Theory(RSCT) has an important explanatory power for resolving regional dynamics in which deterrence practice is generally shaped. This article aims to bridge the gap between deterrence studies and regions, as a level of analysis, by integrating RSCT within the wider deterrence discussion.

Due to its location at the edge of the Iron Curtain, a constant military presence existed between today's Hungary and Austria from 1949 to 1989. The northern section of this territory is today a transnational nature park and an economically prosperous area. Most of the information materials, either on site or in publications, cover in detail the end of the military presence and reveal much less about the actual events, failed missions, and negative consequences during that almost half-century. This paper investigates this transformation by focusing on image creation between 1989, when a split appeared in the Iron Curtain in the researched territory, and 2015, when this event received international acknowledgement and appraisal in the form of the European Heritage Label. The focus is on the territory of the north-western borderland of Hungary, which became a transnational world heritage cultural landscape in 2001. The article concentrates on the social engineering processes involved in emphasising certain memories and neglecting others during the heritagisation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Lambda Nordica is the property of Lambda Nordica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)