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En Inde, les transitions énergétiques vers le charbon et l’hydroélectricité exercent une pression sur les ressources naturelles qui affecte gravement les communautés marginalisées, en particulier autochtones. Le modèle libéral de la transition « juste », centré sur la consultation et la participation des « parties prenantes », légitime en réalité les processus d’expropriation en ce qu’il ignore les asymétries et les violences d’État.

One of the most heated debates in psychological science concerns the concept of repressed memory. We discuss how the debate on repressed memories continues to surface in legal settings, sometimes even to suggest avenues of legal reform. In the past years, several European countries have extended or abolished the statute of limitations for the prosecution of sexual crimes. Such statutes force legal actions (e.g., prosecution of sexual abuse) to be applied within a certain period of time. One of the reasons for the changes in statutes of limitations concerns the idea of repressed memory. We argue that from a psychological standpoint, these law reforms can be detrimental, particularly when they are done to endorse unfounded psychological theories. The validity of testimonies is compromised many years after the alleged facts, and abolishing the statute of limitations increases the chance that even more (false) recovered memories of abuse might enter the courtroom. We propose solutions to these changes such as establishing an independent expert committee evaluating claims of sexual abuse.

Why do states and their agents abuse citizens? Traditional explanations focus on contentious politics, the presence of institutions, and international pressures. Despite this, accounts dissecting the state and its agents in this context of abuse remain largely theoretic in nature. This article offers a breakthrough for within-the-state accounts of human rights abuses by focusing on state leaders and their relationship to broader government institutions and function. We posit that personalist leaders have fundamentally different relationship with institutions that foster human rights respect, arguing that leaders relying on their own merits and qualities are less likely to either activate or manipulate institutions of accountability for human rights abuses. Using data from 1991 to 2019, we show that the presence of leaders legitimizing themselves within personalist framing can worsen human rights conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses strategies of electoral manipulation employed by the regime of Recep Tayyip ErdoÄan in Turkey. Three long-term methods and three short-term methods are examined, the former being unequal access to resources, media and law, and the latter being election fraud, intimidation of opposition, and vote buying. The text argues that the Turkish government employs primarily long-term strategies, but short-term ones are also present and thus should not be ignored. State resources are being siphoned to municipalities controlled by AKP and regime-friendly businessmen who then provide donations and other favors for the party. State media and media regulators came under the regimeâs control, resulting in minimal coverage of the opposition in both public and most private media outlets. The takeover of the judiciary and vague definitions in the Anti-Terror law and other laws were used to suppress opposition politicians and journalists. It also allowed the regime to take control of bodies overseeing elections, leading to malpractice. Intimidation of opposition had a form of both legal prosecution and physical attacks and focused primarily on pro-Kurdish parties. Vote buying in Turkey seems mainly to be a form of rewarding voters of the ruling party, not an attempt to persuade swing voters.

The Civil War and the postwar period were key events that marked the existence of millions of people. In this article, we collect the life experience of two of them, as an example of what those millions experienced. The Buitrago, Victoriano and Amor, were two CNT militants who fought for their ideals and who, with the defeat of 1939, wanted to be erased. The objective is the reconstruction and analysis of two life stories crossed by the civil war and Franco’s detention centers as a sample of the succession of events experienced by thousands of people who fought in the Republican rearguard in those years.

The purpose of the article is to reflect the activities of N.A. Voznesensky as head of the State Planning Committee of the USSR, at the same time deputy, and then first deputy chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars (Council of Ministers) of the USSR based on the introduction of new archival documents into scientific circulation. The relevance of the study is due to insufficient knowledge of the activities of this economist and politician. Objectives of the article is to explore historical and political aspects, using analytical, statistical and comparative historical methods to tell about the history of Voznesensky’s creation of the book «The Military Economy of the USSR during the Patriotic War»; consider the reasons for the repression against him and subsequent rehabilitation. It is concluded that Voznesensky in the most difficult economic and political conditions of the pre-war, war and post-war times, sought to preserve and restore the economy of the USSR, the positive and negative aspects of his activities are indicated, as well as the reasons for the execution and rehabilitation. The directions of military restructuring of national economy of the USSR outlined in his book were of great importance for the study of socio-economic conditions of Victory in the war.

The emerging literature dealing with transnational repression has identified several strategies used by authoritarian states to control and coerce their populations abroad. This article builds on existing research by investigating the domestic determinants of transnational repression. It argues that an increase in domestic repression is likely to lead to a subsequent increase in transnational repression because crackdowns at home drive dissent abroad and incentivize the state to extend its repressive gaze beyond its borders. To evaluate its arguments, the article draws on a database of approximately 1200 cases in which authoritarian states around the world threatened, attacked, extradited, abducted, or assassinated their own citizens abroad between 1991 and 2019. Offering a first quantitative test of domestic drivers of transnational repression, using multivariate regression analysis, the paper finds that as repression intensifies domestically, the likelihood of that state subsequently escalating its transnational repression also increases substantively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many autocrats govern with an in-group, whose support must be secured, and an out-group, which is subject to repression. How do autocrats exploit in-group/out-group dynamics to secure their survival? One strategy, we argue, is to broadcast out-group repression to the in-group as a signal of the regime's capacity for violence. Empirically, we focus on China, where the government represses ethnic Uyghurs in Xinjiang. Drawing on 1 million articles from six propaganda newspapers, we show that the regime broadcasts out-group repression to urban elites on each anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, when 10% of Beijing residents joined anti-regime protests. To understand its effects, we conducted a survey experiment balanced on the national census during the June 2020 Tiananmen anniversary. Using a list experiment to mitigate preference falsification, we show that CCP propaganda about Uyghurs during the Tiananmen anniversary discourages protests among politically engaged urban elites because they fear repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is part of a series of publications, which the author devoted to the fate of a priest of the Russian Orthodox Church, who followed the path of a confessor after the revolutionary events of 1917. In the publication, the researcher focuses on the events of life of the Kuban Archpriest Vasily Timofeevich Nikulchev (1876–1949). Before the revolution, Father Vasily’s life was filled with unremarkable activities of a rural pastor and, if not for the change of the political system and the wave of persecution of representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church, it would hardly have become interesting for a historian. During the Civil War, the priest was arrested, convicted and sent to serve his sentence in the walls of the once flourishing women’s monastery — the Kazan Convent, which then housed the Ryazan provincial concentration camp. The conditions of imprisonment made the priest nearly disabled. Returning to the Kuban in 1922, he was forced to join the representatives of Renovationism. In 1930, being a Renovationist priest in the Pshekhskaya village, Father Vasily was again arrested, convicted and sent to the Far East. After imprisonment he was supported by his sons. During the occupation of the Kuban, Priest Vasily Nikulchev repented of being in the Renovationist schism and returned to priestly duties, but the repressions broke his fortitude and strength of mind, so when the front approached, the priest left his service and had to flee, eventually he found himself in a Nazi camp. In 1945, Father Vasily was liberated by the Soviet Army and returned to the Kuban, receiving a parish in the village of Kavkazskaya. In the process of studying the biography of Archpriest Vasily Nikulchev, the author used data from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense, State Archive of the Krasnodar Territory, State Archive of the Ryazan Region, State Archive of the Stavropol Territory, and State Archive of the Tula Region, as well as copies of the criminal cases of Priest Vasily Timofeevich Nikulchev from the Archive of the Federal Security Service Directorate for the Krasnodar Territory. At present, information about Father Vasily and his difficult fate is little known in the Kuban. With this publication, the author seeks to revive the lost memory of the confessor’s path of the priest who died in 1949.

Twelve Communist trade union leaders from nine nations in the prosperous post-war period are compared, on the basis of an in-depth Belgian example, in an attempt to define their common theoretical profile. Five major analogies, from family origins to the end of their careers, offer a hypothetical look at the militant career of twelve workers with little schooling who fought major socio-political conflicts with their factory workers and took on major responsibilities at the head of their union and party, not without encountering numerous problems and internal tensions. This analysis provides a glimpse into the ethos of a particular type of trade unionist and the environment that led them to surpass themselves and break through the glass ceiling of social reproduction, without betraying the aspirations and values of their class.

This article summarizes the data obtained by the research to date on the German repression during the French Occupation. A table and two graphs present the balance of the two main forms of repression – executions and deportations – implemented by the occupiers between 1941 and 1944, whose evolution appears closely linked to the development of the internal resistance. It is complemented by a focus on German executions at Mont-Valérien and the Balard shooting range in Paris during 1943.

ABSTRACTResearch on the formation of transnational social movements primarily view these as either exile support of a local movement or mobilization around an international issue. This article presents a different argument for transnational activism drawing on the logic of the repression-dissent nexus when considering the combination of online and offline performances of contemporary social movements. The starting point is that membership in online communities constitutes a social identity for potential protest participants that can be activated and politicized when states’ seek to repress access and content to online interaction. Since online communities are borderless by nature, we suggest that when regimes employ online repression due to local protests then we will see a backlash that will facilitate the formation of a transnational social movement. We illustrate our argument with an empirical discussion about how the anti-government protests in Thailand in 2020 became part of and facilitated a growing transnational social movement of youth discontent with regimes in Southeast and East Asia. The example shows that the impetus for increasing transnational co-operation throughout the process was in response to growing repression by the Thai authorities both of online content and on the street.

The historical period known as Procés, or the Catalan independence process, has been characterized by an extraordinary political activation that has led to the generation of mass mobilizations. In this process, the individual and collective experimentation of emotions and affections has had a fundamental weight that has not only conditioned political experiences but has created new ones. Ethnographic work has shed light to the idea that the emotion of fear has been widely experienced by supporters of Catalan independence, both on a latent and unspecific level, as a constant threat, but also in specific and localized episodes temporally and spatially. Far from serving to disactivate political activities, fear has activated individual and collective strategies, creating new affective networks, which have made it possible to link the political and mobilizing sphere with the emotional one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secret police are generally viewed as key institutions in autocrats' repression apparatus. However, we lack clear empirical evidence on the link between secret police and repression. Instead, recent studies indicate that the surveillance provided by secret police reduces physical human rights abuses. This paper re-examines the relationship between secret police and physical state repression. We identify four mechanisms linking these variables, deterrence, targeting, organizational practices, and institutional self-preservation. These mechanisms provide contrasting expectations for the overall relationship but also contextual expectations on when secret police may (not) increase repression. To test these expectations, we collect data on the global existence of secret police. Results indicate that secret police are associated with increased physical repression, particularly when they must develop a reputation to deter dissidents or when multiple rival security organizations exist. In contrast, older, more established secret police or ones without institutional rivals are not associated with physical repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does police militarization influence government use of repression? While comparative work examines police militarization, violence, human rights abuses, and torture, it does not integrate militarized police within existing theories of repression. Connecting police militarization and repression, this article argues that police militarization increases the police's perception of threat as well as their coercive capacity, thereby increasing their willingness to repress. As such, we hypothesize police militarization increases repression. To evaluate the theory, we conduct an international analysis using existing datasets covering 102 countries from 1994 to 2010. Employing several statistical models, the data supports the conclusion that police militarization increases the likelihood of government repression, specifically through extrajudicial killing and torture. Aside from highlighting a consequence of police militarization policy, the findings point to police militarization as an important omitted variable in cross-national models of repression and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As for the nature and scope of the research, we emphasize that it included: the nature of the objects used in cases involving homicide; crime scene; family relationships between the perpetrator and the victim; measures taken by state authorities; analysis of the causes of depriving family members of their lives; the number of suicides following the cases of homicide, and types of homicides. The methods used include primarily the statistical method, at the level of descriptive statistics; case study method; content analysis method, and formal-logical method. It has been found that the application of the pre-crime concept gives certain positive results that are related to our research problem. They are reflected in the reduced number of victims deprived of their lives as a result of domestic violence. On the other hand, however, we notice a negative tendency of an increased number of homicides in the events involving perpetrators/repeat offenders who were previously reported due to domestic violence, which may bring into question the effectiveness in the acting of the competent state authorities.

The journal Crimen 3/2023 published an article entitled "Lowering the age limit of criminal responsibility: an eternal dilemma?" in which the author presents arguments against this solution. The aim of this analysis is to provide the opposite arguments, in favor of lowering the minimum age of criminal responsibility, so that the reader can make his judgment based on the pro and contra argumentation. Opponents of lowering the minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR) mostly refer to the argument of "accepted international standards" as well as to the humane, altruistic statement that children perpetrators of criminal offenses are most often victims of poor socio-economic conditions that "force them into crime", so that they should not be punished, but that they should be helped. In the first part of the paper are analysed international standards and MACR in European and non-European countries. We are proving that international standards regarding MACR does not exists, but MACR is different in different countries. The structure of juvenile crime in Serbia is analysed in the second part. Statistical data show that juvenile crime in recent years is increasingly violent and brutal, what confirm the thesis that MACR should be lowered. The third part of the paper deals with juveniles sanctions. They are relatively mild and do not differ much from the measures of social protection, except that they are not imposed by social services but by judicial authorities, whose authority can only act encouragingly and frighteningly on the child to stop with criminal behaviour. In this sense, we do not see that lowering the MACR would drastically "deteriorate" the position of children, except that perhaps the fear of "criminal responsibility" would deter them from committing criminal offenses. In the end, we deal with the psycho-physical (in)maturity of children starting from the premise that we should not only observe the protection and interests of the child perpetrator, but also the protection and interests of the child victims and victims in general, who feel powerless in a system in which they cannot achieve material or moral satisfaction. Statistics show that the most common victims of juvenile crime are other children, and protection of the childperpetrator in such cases means neglection of the child-victim. The law cannot and should not be only "particularly human", neither for the sake of abstract "humanity" turn an eye to concrete crimes. The issue of lowering the age of criminal responsibility below 14 should be considered because this limit was set at another time and for minors who had a completely different lifestyle and who committed mostly property crimes. Having in mind all that, we advocate that MACR should be reduced to 12 years for all or alternatively only for violent crimes, and in terms of "criminally irresponsible" children, some form of parental criminal responsibility should be introduced. Because the child, by birth itself becomes a legal subject, and the consequences of his actions or the pain inflicted on the victim cannot be attributed to "force majeure", but exclusively to their guilt or the guilt of their parents.

The conflict with the Communist Information Bureau and the severing of allied relations with the Soviet Union marked a turning point in the development of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. From being a loyal follower of the USSR, Communist Yugoslavia became the first country to develop its own path to socialism, and Josip Broz was the first Communist leader to say a historic no to Josef Vissarionovich Stalin. The consequences of this decision for the country were manifold, on a political, economic, military and social level. One of them was that repression was launched against anyone who expressed sympathy for the USSR or criticized the new Yugoslav policy. The result was the arrest and interrogation of thousands of people "for their real or alleged support for the Cominform" and their punishment and incarceration in prisons and camps throughout Yugoslavia. One of the most famous and notorious was the camp complex on the Adriatic Island of Goli Otok, which was set up for the very purpose of punishing "cominformers" from all over the country. In this paper, we have attempted to statistically analyze the structure of the Goli Otok prisoners from the Autonomous Region of Kosovo-Metohija (AKMO) based on the relevant literature and historical sources.

On October 7, 2023, on the occasion of the « Rendez-vous de l’histoire in Blois », the Cahiers d’histoire co-organised the screening of the documentary Fahavalo. Madagascar 1947, released in 2018, in the presence of Marie-Clémence Andriamonta-Paes, its director. This film is the result of a long work of research and collecting the memory of the last Malagasy witnesses of the uprising of 1947-1948 against the French colonial power. The Cahiers d’histoire review the genesis of a remarkable and essential work, which aims to bring out of oblivion this unknown episode of anti-colonial struggles.

The article is devoted to the study of the concentration camps and forced labor camps that contained prisoners of the Lithuanian-Soviet and Polish-Soviet wars in the territory of the RSFSR in the period from 1918 to 1922. As the main source base of this study, clerical and statistical materials were used: reports, returns, interdepartmental correspondence, materials of camp inspections; documents of the Main Directorate of Forced Labor, the Polish Department established under the political directorate of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, and the Polish Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP(b). In addition, the article used the data obtained from personal petitions and collective statements of prisoners of war of various kinds. The article retraces the evolution of the camp system starting from the period of the First World War. With the establishment of Soviet power and the global change in the vector of domestic policy, a new camp structure was formed, which was transferred from the People’s Commissariat for Military Affairs to the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR. The updated camp system concentrated prisoners of the First World War, prisoners of the Civil War, prisoners of the new military campaigns in the Baltic states and Poland, and class enemies of the Soviet regime. Thus, the distinction between the concepts “prisoner of war” and “prisoner” inside concentration camps was unclear during the first years of the Soviet rule. The representatives of these categories were often held in the camps together and there were no differences in their custodial control and labor use. It was only by 1920–21 that the RSFSR had begun the process of concentrating the category of prisoners of war into separate camps and giving them an independent status. During the years of existence of the camp system of the NKVD of the RSFSR, about 40,000 prisoners of war from the Baltic states and Poland passed through it, of whom about 35,000 people were repatriated, and about 3,000 stayed in the RSFSR for various reasons.

This study is the first to present an analysis of previously unexplored works that serve as an artistic response to the tragic events in the history of the Chechen people in 1944. Using the works of the graphic cycle by artist R. Yakhihhanov as an example, the study reveals the peculiarities of interpreting ideas and plots to unfold the theme of deportation. Drawing on the life experiences of senior family members and relatives who suffered political repression, the artist conveys personal tragedies and losses to the viewer. The aim of the research is to identify as well as philosophically and culturally analyze the artistic representation of the theme of the deportation of the Chechen people in the graphic cycle Crossroads of Memory, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the deportation of the Chechen and Ingush peoples. Objectives: to uncover the ideological and moral aspects of the author’s graphic works, as well as to show the way the artist transforms his experiences into dynamic and memorable visual images; examine and analyze the ways in which the theme of deportation is embodied in the author’s works. Materials and methods. The work is primarily based on graphic works created between 2013-2018, as well as information from the catalogue of exhibitions by the Chechen artist. The fundamental research method is a comprehensive approach, incorporating methods of concrete-historical and semiotic analysis, figurative-stylistic analysis, as well as methods of extraction and explication. Results. In the images of the cycle Crossroads of Memory by R. Yakhikhanov, one can see a combination of artistic and documentary elements, modern graphic techniques, and traditional symbolic systems within the context of archetypes of traditional Chechen culture. The graphic canvases vividly and convincingly recreate the sense of pain felt by an entire nation due to the loss of their homeland. The main idea of the cycle is the belief in the courage, resilience, and sense of justice of the people who managed to endure these terrible years and return to their homeland with honour. Practical implications. The research findings can be applied in lectures and seminars on museum studies and cultural studies, in conducting tours in art galleries, and in compiling a catalogue of R. Yakhikhanov’s works.

Based on unpublished sources from the Central Archive of the FSS of Russia, the article examines in detail the case of the counter-revolutionary «Volga Spy Organization» in the Red Army, investigated by the Cheka in 1919. This plot found a fragmentary reflection in historiography. The purpose of this work is to eliminate this gap. The theoretical basis of the study is a combination of the anthropological approach, problematic and biographical methods. As part of this case, along with other persons, several students of the Academy of the General Staff of the Red Army were arrested, who were suspected of a counter-revolutionary conspiracy. The course of the operational development of the case, the conduct of the investigation, the composition of the defendants (among them were the brothers Mikhail and Nikolai Tukhachevsky, who escaped arrest), were analyzed, the features of the sentences passed were discussed.

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Numerous movements protest for more restrictive climate policies, sometimes with radical actions, such as road blockades or paint attacks. A German study with 1,132 participants investigated the impact of government responses on public support for such movements using the Last Generation as a case study. Contrary to expectations, highlighting strict government responses did not increase support, particularly among those who felt existing climate policies were inadequate. This may be explained by widespread resentment against the Last Generation; further analyses showed that donations were indeed high when participants perceived the government response as strict and inappropriate but that this perception was rare. The results suggest that radical protests are less suitable for driving policy change when public support for the movement is low, as they may trigger harsh government responses that damage the movement while not contributing to its mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE RETURN OF ETHNIC GERMANS FROM DEPORTATION TO FORCED LABOR IN THE SOVIET UNION IN JANUARY 1945 WAS THE END OF ONE TERRIBLE COLLECTIVE TRAUMA, BUT IT MARKED THE BEGINNING OF ANOTHER - A LONG PERIOD OF REPRESSION THAT WOULD LAST HALF A CENTURY. A POLITICALLY COMPLICATED PERIOD, WITH SMALL UPS AND LONG DOWNS, WHICH INCREASED THE GERMAN MINORITY'S DISILLUSIONMENT WITH THE NATION-STATE, LEADING TO CENTRIFUGAL SOCIAL EFFECTS. THEIR MISTRUST OF THE FUTURE IN A STATE THAT SYSTEMATICALLY PURSUED A HOSTILE POLICY AGAINST ITS OWN PEOPLE DEEPENED. THE NATIONALIST POLICY OF THE LAST CEAUSESCU DECADES, BUT ALSO THE SHARP DROP IN THE STANDARD OF LIVING, PAVED THE WAY FOR THE MASS EXODUS THAT WILL TAKE PLACE AFTER THE OPENING OF THE BORDERS IN 1990. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE P.C.R. TRIED, FOR DECADES, TO INSTRUMENTALIZE THE PROBLEM OF THE GERMAN MINORITY IN ITS OWN INTEREST. ONE OF THE INSTRUMENTS WAS THE COUNCIL OF WORKING PEOPLE OF GERMAN NATIONALITY (C.O.M.N.G.), ANOTHER DEMOCRATIC SHAM OF THE COMMUNIST REGIME. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this research is to analyse the relationship between female educators and Primo de Rivera's dictatorship, focusing the framework of study on the complexity of this period and the multiple professional and personal experiences they lived through. For this purpose, we have made use of sources that have enabled us to learn about the scope of the sanctions against them, their reactions, their pacts with the regime and the approach to their subjectivities. Taking feminist theory and historiography on the period as a starting point, we have analysed the sources and interpreted, on the basis of concepts such as dictatorship, gender, class and professional category, the circumstances of female educators. The historical sources used are: Official Bulletin of the Ministry of Public Instruction and Fine Arts (1923-1930); periodical press; educational legislation; monographs; appeals drawn up by female teachers; letters and missives written by female educators. The sample is made up of teachers, normalistas, headmistresses and inspectors sanctioned from 1923 to 1930 in a total of 1,167 records. In conclusion, we argue that the complexity of the study of the link between female teachers and the primorriverista dictatorship requires new analyses of their gender relations, the pacts and clashes they expressed during this period, since it was a nonhomogeneous regime that generated a multiplicity of professional and personal experiences. This historical approach has demanded sources that have allowed us to delve into the subjectivity of these educators, and the use of egodocuments has facilitated an approach not only to the public sphere of their actions, but also to the private sphere, highlighting their subjectivity and their views of the dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research we present an approach to the change of mentality regarding mental illness advocated in the works of early Francoist psychiatrists such as Antonio Vallejo-Nágera or Juan José López Ibor. Their ideas, publications and research offered the regime the possibility of modifying the lists of inmates of the psychiatric institutions of the time, whose beds began to be occupied by people from prisons, military hospitals or the streets, with the aim of subjecting them to treatments and medications to modify behaviors and attitudes identified by Franco's psychiatric knowledge as being far from "correct" and "normal". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An immense number of spontaneous, voluntary, and unpaid denunciations filled the courts of the dictatorships, often stemming from old daily disputes that gave rise to fanciful accusations, which in turn became the grounds for investigations, arrests, and torture in the organs of repression, thus transforming denunciation as a disintegrating element of fascism and dictatorships. This article examines the living conditions, trajectories, and mechanisms of resistance of the "asocial" individuals in fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, and the Estado Novo in Brazil. We employ a methodology that combines Crossed History and Microhistory, with the aim of highlighting "Resistenz" as a common and everyday form of action against pressure, in contrast to "Widerstand". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyzes the phenomenon of the "impossible" stability of the authoritarian regime of A. Lukashenko, as well as the key reasons for its deep crisis, which led to the protests of 2020. The events of 2020 became a stressful "bifurcation point" in the evolution of lukashism and led to its transformation into a harsh repressive regime. Based on the concept of cultural trauma by P. Sztompka, the authors analyze how traumatization of Belarusian society occurred during the period of lukashism. The cultural trauma of lukashism becomes the most important sociocultural task in the process of transition to the New Belarus. The ambivalence of the events of 2020 for Belarusian society is shown: they became a strong socio-cultural factor of both situational national unity, on the one hand, and a strong trigger for internal polarization, on the other. Based on the ideas of K. Mannheim, the authors believe that this polarization is an example of "normal" intergenerational cultural dynamics. However, as the experience of post-communist Poland shows, a rapid overcoming of such a long-term intergenerational cultural trauma is possible, but it is not granted. Based on memory studies ideas, the authors show that overcoming authoritarian cultural trauma requires the development of a systematic "cultural policy" (in fact, "memory policy"). The experience of overcoming the authoritarian past in the FRG, the GDR and France shows that overcoming the legacy of lukashism in Belarus risks being (1) a long, (2) conflictual and (3) fundamentally "unfinished" process. It should include two parallel vectors of movement (dismantling authoritarian institutions and building democratic structures) happening within the frame of a new Belarusian identity. Such an identity will allow reworking the problematic past and set foundations for future national self-identification. Some versions of such identity are briefly reviewed, their similarities and relevance for modern sociocultural trends are revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the stages of development of Azerbaijani poetry from the 19th century to the 20th-21st centuries, which were accompanied by fundamental changes, were reviewed. It has been noted that the wars that took place at the beginning of the 20th century and the strict rules and regulations applied by the Soviet regime had an undeniable influence on our literature. It was at that time, during the years of Repression, prominent representatives of Azerbaijani poetry were subjected to political oppression and persecution, exiled and shot. The names of the poets who played a special role in the development of Azerbaijani poetic thought during the Soviet period were mentioned, and at the same time, the genre and form innovations they brought to our poetry were shown. Starting from the 60s, poets and writers began to deepen their view of man and his spiritual world. This movement, which began in literature for the sake of freedom of speech and thought, political thought, pluralism, national independence, and social justice, was continued in the 70s and 90s, and finally achieved its prospective goals with the acquisition of political sovereignty and state independence of Azerbaijan. The trend of critical realism that prevailed in Azerbaijani poetry in the 19th century was replaced by socialism-realism in the 20th century. The names of the leading representatives of this current have been mentioned. The article compares the similarities and differences of both French and Azerbaijani poetry of the 20th century in terms of literary trends, form, content, and genre, citing the names of poets and showing examples. In particular, the poems of the French surrealist poet Jacques Préver are compared to the poems of Rasul Rza and Huseyn Javid and Adil Mirseyid. The article also examines the form and content of the newest poets distinguished by their innovation in 21st century Azerbaijani poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article deals with a special category of residents of the capital of Ukraine who were recognized as “socially dangerous” and punished by expulsion from the city, along with a ban on settling in a number of areas of the USSR; as well as with categories of citizens who were banned from living in Kyiv for other reasons. Those expelled by judicial, and more often extrajudicial, authorities received a sentence where the territories prohibited for them were designated as “minus 6”, “minus 12”, and “minus 15” (the numbers meant the number of designated areas, and the word “minus” entered Soviet slang as a root construction of the concept of “minusnyky”, which denoted the community repressed and discriminated against in this way). These and other persons mentioned above had a corresponding entry made in their passports, which made it impossible for them to stay in the capital of the Ukrainian SSR. The purpose of the article is to reveal the Kyivans-minusnyky population, a category of repressed people who for a long time were practically “invisible” to researchers. It also aims to transfer the concept of “minusnyky” with all its narrow and broad connotations from Soviet repressive slang to the academic historical dictionary. The research objectives are to analyze the logic behind the creation of regime prohibitions for “socially dangerous” persons, to highlight certain stages of “cleansing”/“sanitation” of the capital of the Ukrainian SSR and the 50-km zone around it, to consider the circumstances of punishment and discrimination, and to reconstruct the process of adaptation of minuscule population to the regime’s everyday life. The research methodology combines the tools of historical and legal analysis, social anthropology, and the concept of social creation of space. The scientific novelty is to expand the general understanding of political terror and its consequences for the Kyiv community. The atmosphere of regime rule in the capital of Ukraine is analysed as an organic component of the functioning of the totalitarian regime and the punitive and repressive mechanism, the first turns of which occurred simultaneously with the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. The author traces the progressive growth of the Kyiv minuscule group, the reasons for their acquisition of such a status and strategies for survival in exile. It is proved that in the arsenal of total terror, in addition to the most severe repressions, targeted geographical isolation was actively used against Kyiv residents, which became an effective means of “cleansing” the capital of the Ukrainian SSR from “socially dangerous” persons, a mechanism of social engineering of prolonged effect. The creation of a large detachment of Kyiv’s “minusnyky” was part of the process of atomization of society, construction of spatial hierarchy, and social alienation of people and territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In a world of eternal accelerations old issues such as miscommunication between the representatives of the law or of the state in general and the minor or the familial unit are bound to aggravate. In this article we will present the general situation of the right of the child to be listened as it is imposed by international law and adapted for our respective legislations. After this we will offer a possible explanation as to why these laws seem to fail despite sincere efforts towards a betterment of the situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Psicología (Santiago) is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social psychological research on environmental collective action often overlooks the facilitating or hindering impact of a country’s context. The institutional attitudes of governments toward environmental issues can play a crucial role in mobilizing environmental activism. To explore how individual and contextual factors interplay for engagement in environmental collective action, we conducted multilevel modelling using data from 12 countries (n = 18,746). While the engagement in environmental collective action was predicted by stronger environmental concern and environmental efficacy beliefs, the strength of these relationships was moderated by macro-level contextual variables related to political governance. In countries with more effective environmental policies, both environmental concern and environmental efficacy beliefs had a stronger impact on collective action compared to the countries with inadequate environmental governance. Moreover, our findings indicated that environmental concern is less likely to translate into environmental collective action in repressive countries. Findings are discussed within the frameworks of community resilience, identity, empowerment, and repression.

This work encompasses an analysis of the dictatorship experienced in Brazil between 1937 and 1945, during the Estado Novo (New State), the government of Getúlio Vargas, when there was an attempt to consolidate a fictitious homogeneity in the country, especially regarding culture. In a country where layers of different cultural influences converge, making it rich, unique, and celebrated for its diversity, cultural heritage is of extreme importance. During this period, in a contradictory manner, through repression and adaptation of culture to fit the interests of the State, the period witnessed censorship and sometimes even the forgetting of cultural heritages that somewhat conflicted with the interests of the regime at the time. The issues that emerge are related to the impact of nationalism in the face of the repression of the expression of different cultures, through documentary research in primary sources, including publications in local newspapers and testimonials from descendants of the local community about the collective memory of the repression of the cultural expression of immigrants in the southern region, finally reaching the feelings generated that resonate to this day. The analysis reached a possible rupture and distortion of the collective memory, indicating how nationalism shaped and still shapes imagined communities. Amidst a discussion that also presents an analysis of the role of nationalist discourses in architecture and its homogenization.

This study investigated the conditions of exile and interaction between Ukrainian and Baltic prisoners in Soviet camps in the post-war period. The scientific relevance of the subject lies in the investigation of the cooperation of political prisoners of diverse national groups, which led to the camp uprisings of 1953-1954. The purpose of this study was to determine the nature of the conditions of exile and the opportunities for contacts between Ukrainian and Baltic prisoners in the context of protest formation using evidence from the camp departments of Vorkuta, specifically Rechlag. To fulfil this purpose, the methods of comparative and retrospective analysis, historical and psychological reconstruction were used. The study identified common and distinctive features inherent in the Vorkuta camps. It was found that the basis for interaction between Ukrainian and Baltic prisoners was their common situation and attempts to improve living conditions in the camp. Therewith, it was stated that the same cultural and educational level and participation in the anti-Soviet resistance improved the establishment of interethnic contacts. The socio-psychological characteristics of Ukrainian and Baltic prisoners of the postwar era distinguished them from others. It was found that the unification into national groups was facilitated by the self-identification of prisoners as captives with a national worldview and experience that opposed Soviet ideology. The main goal was to improve the conditions and release prisoners from places of captivity, and active attempts to achieve this came after Stalin’s death. It was proved that political uncertainty and chaotic actions of the camp administration became a catalyst for uprisings that accelerated the transformation of places of captivity. A key role in organising the protests belonged to strike committees representing groups of prisoners on ethnic grounds. Specifically, Ukrainian, and Baltic prisoners took an active part in them. This shows the place and role of these nations in the camp uprisings. The practical significance of this study lies in highlighting the little-studied issue of the ways in which Ukrainian and Baltic political prisoners interacted and the impact of these contacts on the fight against the Soviet repressive apparatus in prison

The article addresses the fate of the deputies of the first Bassarabian legislative body – Sfatul Țării (the Council of Country) and of the members of the Government of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, who contributed to the creation of the unified Romanian State by voting on the Declaration of Unification of Bessarabia with Romania on 27 March 1918. Bessarabia and Bessarabians were among the first to declare their desire and will to reunite the territory of the Romanian nation. They were also among the first to suffer from the political changes and the territorial seizures in the late 1940s. Some of them had to leave forever their native land in order to ensure the safety of their families, and those, who for various reasons have remained, were accused by the organs of the communist totalitarian regime and condemned to various humiliating punishments, imprisoned in the worst jails, communist camps. The duty of the modern generation is to honor and commemorate the actions of our ancestors.

To decipher the mediator role of the grape Abscisic acid, Stress, Ripening (ASR) protein, VvMSA, in the pathways of glucose signaling through the regulation of its target, the promoter of hexose transporter VvHT1, we overexpressed and repressed VvMSA in embryogenic and non-embryogenic grapevine cells. The embryogenic cells with organized cell proliferation were chosen as an appropriate model for high sensitivity to the glucose signal, due to their very low intracellular glucose content and low glycolysis flux. In contrast, the non-embryogenic cells displaying anarchic cell proliferation, supported by high glycolysis flux and a partial switch to fermentation, appeared particularly sensitive to inhibitors of glucose metabolism. By using different glucose analogs to discriminate between distinct pathways of glucose signal transduction, we revealed VvMSA positioning as a transcriptional regulator of the glucose transporter gene VvHT1 in glycolysis-dependent glucose signaling. The effects of both the overexpression and repression of VvMSA on glucose transport and metabolism via glycolysis were analyzed, and the results demonstrated its role as a mediator in the interplay of glucose metabolism, transport and signaling. The overexpression of VvMSA in the Arabidopsis mutant abi8 provided evidence for its partial functional complementation by improving glucose absorption activity.

This work addresses collective action in the context of a social movement facing police repression in a democratic country. The movement studied was carried out in a region of southern Chile, had a very high citizen participation and deployed normative and non-normative actions. We aim to understand why people decided to participate and how they came to consider violent action as a legitimate option. We use a mixed methods approach. In a quantitative study we compare participation in normative and non-normative actions, and find they factor together as part of the same action repertoire, making it possible to speak of a continuum of participation instead of different types. We also replicate key findings of the SIMCA model, with protest participation motivated directly by anger and efficacy, but also by positive emotions. In a qualitative study we found similar results and draw out new data highlighting the relevance of the experience of repression in invoking a need for radical action and creating social cohesion among protestors.