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In this article, Austin Pickup centers Foucault's concept of "problematization" as an important methodological tool for displacing neoliberalism from its stable perch atop a perceived absence of other possibilities. According to Pickup, the genealogical analysis envisaged and practiced by Foucault opens up new avenues by indicating not only that, but also how the present reality is the product of historical contingency rather than logical necessity. After discussing this concept, Pickup highlights Koopman's recent analysis, who argues that the diagnostic work of "problematization" might be usefully paired with the normative reconstructive work central to pragmatism within a larger framework of critical inquiry. Pickup states that applied to the current educational climate, such a project of critical inquiry offers a powerful activist framework for grappling with and reconstructing the present dangers of neoliberal reform.

This article builds upon the literature examining the relationship of contemporary youth with politics and youth civic participation through a study exploring youth citizenship in post-socialist Ukraine. Specifically, drawing upon qualitative research undertaken during 2005-2006 with young people (aged 15-18) from two contrasting regions in East and West Ukraine, this paper uses three examples to highlight (and contrast across regions, where applicable) the potential of young Ukrainians to engage in various forms of democratic participation. In particular, this paper will use the following examples both to examine and illustrate youth participation: (1) youth and the political upheavals known as the Orange Revolution; (2) models of private/community-focused citizenship articulated by youth; and (3) school citizenship education practices. In relation to these examples, the article suggests that young people's positions and practices are reminiscent of those citizenship perspectives which embrace the informal and contextual nature of civic participation focused on unconventional acts of citizenship. Connected to this, it argues that locality and schools may provide youth with an important space for civic engagement and for exercising democratic citizenship. Implications for educational practice are also explored with respect to the possibilities for place-based active citizenship education. (Contains 2 tables and 2 notes.)

Howard Zinn and his popular book A People's History of the United States have been left out of conversations regarding the development of public history. Although Zinn did not identify as a public history scholar, his methods and goals offer lessons for public historians today. At the same time, his approach comes with warnings for what public historians should avoid. By considering public history through Zinn's perspective, we can clarify goals for our public history projects today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent scholarship, a widely agreed upon definition of post-truth has proved elusive, particularly because the term is used in tandem with so-named alternative facts, fake news, misinformation, and references to an anti-expert, anti-intellectual climate. This paper will consider recent educators' efforts in the Australasian region to address the political and cultural disruption that post-truth has evoked, by inquiring into how their pedagogy mirrors or differs from that used in public spaces by protest movements. In the first section, scholarship on post-truth will be examined for how it constitutes a form of revisionist history, in which the present has been corrupted over time by comparison to a more idealised and distant past. The second section will focus on how theories about the construction of knowledge, such as Latour's notion of hybridised modernity and notions of historical consciousness, can be used to frame forms of activism as means to educate the public and disrupt the dominant political ideologies. The focus in the last section will be on examining how educators might enable learners' critical literacy so they can accommodate and overcome the negativity, cynicism, and disempowerment which characterises a post-truth paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to develop queer futuring strategies that take into consideration adult learners' needs in support of transformational and sustainable change for social justice and equity. Design/methodology/approach: This paper develops the construct of queer futuring, which engages queer theory perspectives in a critical futures framework. Adult learning theory informs queer futuring strategies to support adults and inform education to sustain transformational changes for social justice and equity. Findings: With social justice in mind, queer futuring opens spaces and supports opportunities for adults to engage in learning activities that address historical and layered forms of oppression. Building on learning needs of adults to create meaning and make a difference in the world around them, queer futuring strategies provide tools for activism, advocacy and building new relationships and ways of being-with. Research limitations/implications: The sustainability of our current system of growth and financial well-being has already been called into question, and the current pandemic provides tangible evidence of values for contribution, connection and concern for others, even in the midst of political strife and conspiracy theories. These shifting values and values conflict of society point to the questions of equity and narrative inclusivity, challenging and disrupting dominant paradigms and structures that have perpetuated power and authority "over" rather than social participation "with" and harmony. Queer futuring is just the beginning of a bigger conversation about transforming society. Practical implications: Queering spaces from the perspective of queer futuring keeps the adult learner and queering processes in mind with an emphasis on affiliation and belonging, identity and resistance and politics and change. Social implications: The authors suggest queer futuring makes room for opening spaces of creativity and insight as traditional and reified rationality is problematized, further supporting development of emergentist relationships with the future as spaces of possibility and innovation. Originality/value: Queer futuring connects ethical and pragmatic approaches to futuring for creating the kinds of futures needed to decolonize, delegitimize and disrupt hegemonic and categorical thinking and social structures. It builds on queer theory's critical perspective, engaging critical futures strategies with adult learners at the forefront. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Facts remain robust only when ... supported by a common culture,' observes Bruno Latour. Current debates over the veracity of climate change are, in actuality, crises of facts. Questions of facticity have, moreover, precipitated a deeper issue – the prospects of unshared, 'alternative' worlds. Climate science believers have one world, climate change deniers another, creating what Latour calls 'epistemological delirium.' Following Latour, the paper turns to Pierre Hadot's description of Stoic physics and understanding of philosophy as spiritual exercise. Finally, taking up both Latour's claims of 'alternative worlds' and Hadot's notion of spiritual exercise, this paper explores the possibilities of shared practices in light of unshared realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African states have undergone dynamic political processes ever since their struggle for independence. Students have played an important role in political developments and triggered processes of democratisation. In the course of recent waves of protests and political activism, however, students took a more ambivalent stance against both the state and the political elite. This report is based in parts on field research. It discusses the relation between student activism and the political elite in Kenya. During the overall change in the meaning and function of higher education, universities and student activism have played an important role in political development. This report analyses the education system on the basis of (qualitative) research on education and student activism in Kenya. The paper focuses on the education system as an important factor in the recruitment of political elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we discuss core ideas arising from research undertaken in a Leverhulme Trust (IN2016-002) funded international network project. The project examined youth activism, engagement and the development of new civic learning spaces within and across six countries (Australia, Canada, England, Hungary, Lebanon and Singapore). Arising from interactions with activists and educators and by reviewing literature, we argue that four areas are important for assisting a critical analysis of the fundamental complexities that researchers, teachers, youth workers and youth themselves, are grappling with within and through their activism. These areas that address ways of characterising and developing the relationship between education and activism focus on: engagement with context; engagement with meaning; engagement with diversity; and engagement in reflexivity. We do not present these areas as a simplistic typology; each involves complexities that cannot be easily or readily resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the efforts of an activist group that came to teach about activist efforts, climate change/climate justice/climate crisis issues, and to create leaders in one border community. The leaders of this three-day workshop are a part of an activist organization named SOMOS Sunrise, the Latine constituency of the Sunrise movement. In this paper, I will analyze the climate change workshop training days and components of the workshops. Secondly, this paper will document a climate cohort education group conducted with undergraduate students and pre-service teachers the following summer. This climate cohort helped articulate art activism and public speaking opportunities to advocate for change with the city council. The implications for teacher preparation programs and strategies to situate situate climate activism as a tool to reimagine border culture within the climate change/climate crisis will be discussed.

Hate speech expresses prejudice and discrimination based on actual or perceived innate characteristics such as gender, race, religion, ethnicity, colour, national origin, disability or sexual orientation. Research has proven that the amount of hateful messages increases inevitably on online social media. Although hate propagators constitute a tiny minority—with less than 1% participants—they create an unproportionally high amount of hate motivated content. Thus, if not countered properly, hate speech can propagate through the whole society. In this paper we apply agent-based modelling to reproduce how the hate speech phenomenon spreads within social networks. We reuse insights from the research literature to construct and validate a baseline model for the propagation of hate speech. From this, three countermeasures are modelled and simulated to investigate their effectiveness in containing the spread of hatred: Education, deferring hateful content, and cyber activism. Our simulations suggest that: (1) Education consititutes a very successful countermeasure, but it is long term and still cannot eliminate hatred completely; (2) Deferring hateful content has a similar—although lower—positive effect than education, and it has the advantage of being a short-term countermeasure; (3) In our simulations, extreme cyber activism against hatred shows the poorest performance as a countermeasure, since it seems to increase the likelihood of resulting in highly polarised societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes an autoethnographic account of how Paulo Freire's work shapes understandings of education, social change and the possibilities and practices of social research. Drawing on connections between anthropology and education (Schultz, 2014) that underpin Pedagogy of the Oppressed (McKenna, 2013), I explore spaces and practices through which Freire's seminal text provided me with the critical consciousness to interrogate the human experience of education and learning, and to question my practice as I transitioned from teacher to researcher, paying particular attention to learning through discomfort (Boler, 1999). The paper therefore contributes an applied contemporary reading of Pedagogy of the Oppressed to demonstrate its continued significance for theory and practice in formal and nonformal education, and its relevance for reimagining research practice. As a form of critically engaged reflective scholarship, the autoethnographic enquiry asks educators and researchers to question their own conceptualisations and practices of knowledge and research to consider a significant and urgent proposition: how we do the work to understand education and our imaginations of what and how it might become. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Methodological Horizons / Metodički Obzori is the property of Juraj Dobrila University of Pula and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Chile, indigenous Mapuche teenagers are caught in a deadlock between, on the one hand, parental aspirations and neo-liberal educational processes, and on the other, affective and social ties to a racialized and often stigmatized indigenous population and landscapes. The paper draws on the concept of vital conjuncture [Johnson-Hanks, J. 2002. “On the Limits of Life Stages in Ethnography: Toward a Theory of Vital Conjunctures.”American Anthropologist104 (3): 865–880] to explore the contradictions facing youth in transitions to adulthood [Jeffrey, C. 2010. “Geographies of children and youth I: eroding maps of Life.”Progress in Human Geography34 (4): 496–505.] and to consider the spatial–territorial dynamics through which these contractions are expressed [Smith, S. H. 2012. “‘In the Heart, There's Nothing’: Unruly Youth, Generational Vertigo and Territory.”Transactions of the IBG38 (4): 572–585]. The paper explores young indigenous rural secondary students' understandings of their life trajectories and socio-political conjunctures. The paper shows that although indigenous young people express aspirations and even hope regarding their futures [cf. Kraftl, P. 2008. “Young People, Hope and Childhood-Hope.”Space and Culture11 (2): 81–92], these expressions are best analysed in the context of ongoing racial exclusions, and the emotionally freighted situation this places them in regarding ties to indigenous communities and family members. Drawing on one year's in-depth qualitative research, the paper outlines the beliefs, practices and identities of rural Mapuche youth subjects caught between parents' experiences, and the Chile they want to inhabit with jobs, status and opportunity. The paper argues that vital conjunctures are not singular moments of modern historical ‘events', as they have tended to be construed in the previous literature. Rather, vital conjunctures arise from and directly engage longer-term histories, not least in contexts of the global South where postcolonial exclusion occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze, based on a local experience, the tensions arising from the interaction between educational practices, access to rights, and the bureaucratic dynamics of penitentiary institutions, disciplinary administration, and punishment. The methodology employed was based on a qualitative and interdisciplinary approach, primarily involving active and participatory observation, emphasizing the concept of 'being there' in the field of study. Additionally, in-depth interviews were conducted with local agents, and documentary analysis was used to enhance the understanding of the dynamics under study. The results highlight the numerous challenges involved in the development of this practice in penitentiary environments for both students and teachers. This practice is hindered by institutional violence and the prioritization of security over rights, despite the rhetoric of regulations and even the penitentiary authorities acknowledging the rights of detainees. In this context, self-management and activism have become essential tools to facilitate access to education. In conclusion, educational practices in penitentiary contexts as a human right constitute a complex experience riddled with conflicts and contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the impact of the 2016 presidential election on the Opt Out Florida Network (OOFN). Findings indicate that the widespread protests against the Trump presidency after the election highlighted the need to reframe OOFN's message in order to motivate membership to act for democratic schools. We suggest the outcome of OOFN's protest largely depends on the resonance of OOFN's framing tactics with the larger public and their own membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Trinidadian-Candian Queer activists, identity must be navigated through queer identity, ethnic community, and cultural background. This paper seeks to explore what Trinidadian Canadian QTBIPOC and allied activism and care can look like in Canada and how this activism is informed by this complex intersectional identity. This research was conducted under the supervision of Professor Tara Goldstein and postdoctoral fellow Jenny Salisbury as part of a Research Opportunity Program (ROP) towards a larger project focused on 60 Years of Queer, Trans, BIPOC (QTBIPOC) Activism and Care. This paper focuses on research into three activists via the ArQuives: Richard Fung, Anthony Mohammed, and Deb Singh. Richard Fung informs complex art-based activism through his complex identities as Trini, Chinese, Canadian, and a gay man. Fung presents an example of complex identity informing complex activism, for Fung, this is film-based art that spans and explores the many topics surrounding his identity. Anthony Mohammad and Deb Singh present similar experiences of complex identity as Trinidadians within a South Asian diaspora and identity within Queer communities. For Mohammad navigating his sexuality as a gay man through Caribbean and South Asian communities presents contradicting yet synchronous experiences of inclusion and exclusion. Mohammed exhibits complex activism through his work in varied queer groups intended for Caribbean and South Asians separately. Singh similarly identifies the acceptability of a particular identity; navigating fluid sexuality, binary gender, and monogamy presents a similar thread of contradicting inclusion and exclusion. Her activism presents through her work in bathhouses for women and nonbinary folx and her work in the Toronto Rape Crisis Centre and Ontario Coalition of Rape Crisis Centres. For Trinidadian-Candian Queer activists, their complex navigation of intersectional identities informs their community work and artistic expression as activists.

This paper presents a novel conceptualisation of the school context by examining the 'personal' (emotional wellbeing), the 'political' (everyday political actions and power relations) and the 'Political' (the Political system, including electoral politics and governmental policy) and how these interrelate. Informed by literatures from a range of disciplines, the authors use this conceptual lens to consider data from two projects which explored the impact of austerity on schools. In their qualitative analysis of data from interviews with 82 participants they illustrate connections between the personal, the political and the Political. They conceptualise the work schools are doing in response to the impacts of the Political as quiet political activism, which appears to have knock-on effects for staff wellbeing. They consider the implications of this, concluding that the 'quiet politics' occurring in schools may bring a sense of control and create opportunities for community activism, but also has potentially worrying consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America faces a series of intersecting problems that relate to health inequities, failing schools, and an inadequate science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) workforce, particularly in cities and among low-income Black and Latino youth. Here, we propose a solution, namely reforming secondary school education to include mandatory exposure to population thinking instruction to address these overlapping issues. Public health education has expanded in recent decades in undergraduate education, though it has yet to become an integral component of high school curricula. In this paper, we make the case that all youth should gain exposure to the skills of population thinking through public health education initiated in high school. We further provide a rationale for this approach drawn from multiple youth development frameworks and the community schools movement for honing youth critical thinking skills and problem solving relating to individual and community health, policy, and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational spaces have long provided opportunities for politicisation and activism. However, research into the processes through which students become politicised can often focus on participation in recognised forms of political action, thereby ignoring the multiple factors active in developing a political consciousness. This paper draws on narrative interviews with feminist women to consider the importance of education to their experience of becoming feminist. It considers how, for a particular group of women who were all students or recent graduates of non-STEM disciplines, academic feminism formed an important part of their narrative of becoming feminist. Each of the women referred to having a long-standing feminist inclination, instinct or feeling and indicated that studying academic feminism offered them the tools for reflecting on and articulating this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pedagogía Social is the property of Pedagogia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we explore the concept of Nannagogy, an innovative pedagogy of informal adult learning enacted by the activist 'disorganisation', the Knitting Nannas Against Gas and Greed (KNAGs). The 'Nannas' are predominantly older women who undertake non-violent direct action using fibre craft, knit-ins, lock-ons, and occasional street theatre to draw public attention to the negative environmental impacts of unconventional coal seam gas extraction ('fracking') and of fossil fuel mining. We identify the characteristics of Nannagogy as a hybrid system of lifelong / later-in-life learning and a complex pedagogy of informal learning that can be understood through social movement learning theory (SML) drawing on Paolo Freire's (1970) original concept of 'conscientisation'. Nannagogy is an act of radical adult education that has its antecedents in feminist collective learning strategies such as consciousness raising as well as the formal education strategies of action learning and communities of practice. Nannagogy is highly effective adult learning practice at the intersection of adult learning theory and social movement theory. Data presented in this paper were collected with active KNAG members in Australia as part of a PhD study using surveys, interviews, document analysis of social media (Facebook posts, digital videos, e-news bulletins) and researcher autoethnography. Framing activist adult learning as social movement learning locates environmental and climate justice struggles within lifelong learning practices and enables researchers to better understand the complex processes of informal, situated and often spontaneous adult learning for creating and sustaining movements for social, environmental and political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on historical homophobia within educational practice and administration as an effort to consider how we might promote dialogue around the queer past of schooling. Along the way, it provides some discussion of the significance of archival knowledge in helping us to develop an understanding of the past while also providing resources for making sense of the contemporary moment. To develop my argument, I illustrate some examples of historical homophobia, through a brief discussion of some education administration practices in Australia, I then move on to briefly consider some of the implications of historical homophobia, and its effects in relation to educational research, practice and administration today. In the final section of the paper, I discuss some of the ways in which we might address the queer past of education through a cultural politics of queer reparation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on a particular group in capitalist society that is disabled, demeaned and denied by capitalism itself, through processes of economic exploitation, systematic and systemic class exclusion, and discrimination/prejudice- that is- the working class. In doing so I recognise that the working class (defined as all those who sell their/our labour power) is segmented horizontally into 'layers', or strata (for example, the dispossessed, unemployed, unskilled, though to the supervisory. managerial level/stratum) and also vertically, for example, by 'race' and by gender, with particular ethnic groups, and women in general, disabled and oppressed and exploited to a greater degree than their/our white, male sisters and brothers). Analysing from a Classical Marxist perspective I address the structures of the capitalist state through which this exclusion and 'subalternising' is imposed, through formal state structures such as education, media, the panoply of state force and class law, as well as through the material power of the capitalist class, expressed through, for example, wage suppression and enforced immiseration of the majority of the working class. In doing so I address two types of neo-Marxist analysis-'Structuralist neo-Marxism' and 'Culturalist neo-Marxism', and the dialectical relationship between them. They differ on such matters as: the degree of 'relative autonomy' for resistant agency; the relative impact and import of cultural-ideological as against structural-material analysis; and the salience or not of social class analysis, the Capital-Labour relation, vis-a vis other forms of oppression such as 'race; and gender', and their implications for political resistance and organisation at the cultural-ideological level and at the level of power, the material power to reform and revolutionise economic and social relations of Capital. I propose an activist programme of resistance at two levels. Firstly, societal level, looking at Marxists such as Marx and Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin, Trotsky and the dialectical relationship between Reform and Revolution. Secondly, at the level of Education, both formal and informal (through social movements, political parties, trade unions, through public pedagogy for example). Within the formal education structures, I advance specific proposals regarding schooling and teacher education. This is a panoptic paper-the issues above are linked in terms of Classical Marxist analysis of capitalism, class exploitation and oppression, and the implications of such analysis for the praxis and politics of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will seek to address a new and vibrant development within the field of Israeli-Palestinian socio-politics and social movement studies. By interrogating the received wisdom surrounding social movements as agents bearing collective claims as expressed by Charles Tilly (2004), this paper will suggest that the joint activism around the building of the Wall sees Israeli and Palestinian activists move beyond the traditional liberal/Marxist paradigm of counter-hegemonic action (Gramsci, 1971). Instead, understanding the activism of these activists belongs more within the field of post-structuralism where power is contested from all angles and its networks, extensions and connections identified (Foucault, 1980, p. 145). The activists' actions and motives revitalise the theories of protest-anarchism (Braidotti, 2002) with their insistence on creating change through direct action. They do not act to be granted emancipation by their oppressors (Day, 2005, p. 89), but their actions seek to bring about their own liberation. The Palestinians act on their own terms to ensure the survival of their communities while the Israelis, since they share nationality with the more powerful and repressive actor, the Israeli state, through their actions break down the theoretical barriers that see grass-roots activism as the preserve of the 'have-nots'. By combining post-structuralist notions of networks of power with anarchist ideas privileging pre-figurative forms of struggle over the politics of demand; the Israeli and Palestinian activists of the 'intifada of the fence' offer a break with traditional methods of theorising social movements and asks the question how relevant is much social movement theory today? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has reached a certain degree of canonical status, as it is widely used and applied as a research and analytic tool. However, hitherto it has been taken for granted that CDA can be applied and practised anywhere unproblematically. There is still a dearth of scholarly attention that focuses on the tensions and in/compatibility of CDA as a critical and analytical toolkit when applied in authoritarian regimes. This article attempts to fill the gap of research in this field by relocating the practice of CDA to the Singaporean context - a context widely known for its conservative political culture where dissent sits uncomfortably in its political arena. Although CDA can be valuable for research in such a context, the consequence of applying such a 'critical' toolkit may result in more than the generation of academic knowledge. I argue in the paper that doing CDA in an authoritarian context may be a risky enterprise. Thus, strategies and modes of expression must be adapted for the kind of critical work that CDA does. The paper concludes by suggesting 'academic activism' as a possible way for working around the risky terrain of doing CDA in Singapore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the keynote address the author gave at the ISCHE conference in Turkey in June 2015, this article examines how female identities, in a predominantly non-white colonial setting, were variously constructed over a 145-year time period. The paper also sees some resonance with the power structures that drive female oppression in former non-white colonial domains today and begins with that discussion. The author then turns to develop a largely historical perspective concerning this issue and is interested in the changes in the interaction between females living in India and the colonial state over this extended time period. In so doing, the article illustrates the activism of females who were caught within the imperial ambit as they responded, with varying degrees of intensity, to the broader racial and class agendas, which were internal to British colonial rule. The article uses the paradigm of “femininity” to trace the self-actualisation of these females, as well as the official impositions placed on them; and how, even from this position of powerlessness, coercive agendas could still emerge as a result of their activism that the state, itself, was then forced to accommodate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper, a case is made for a critical re-examination of current trends in art education which support the adoption of inherently politically motivated curricula. The author examines the historical influence of Postmodernism upon both the fields of art and education, and argues that the potential for art to serve as a vehicle for ideology has caused many art educators to mistakenly conflate their moral role as teachers with their drive to disseminate their personallyheld political beliefs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Environmental Education is the property of Canadian Journal of Environmental Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Canada, as elsewhere, past and present practices towards indigenous peoples have been characterised by the exploitation of their land, and the stigmatisation of their languages and cultures by subsequent European colonisers. Control of the decision- making processes which affect indigenous peoples has also invariably been in the hands of Europeans. This paper explores the example of the indigenous Innu in Labrador, Canada, in relation to these past and present patterns of exploitation and marginalisation. It then proceeds to examine how one Innu community has recently begun to seriously contest such practices. This community has invested much time and effort in activist strategies that seek to wrest control of their lives from non-Innu and place it firmly back in their own hands. Recently these efforts, which have included direct civil disobedience, have extended to educational matters. The paper describes how this process has unfolded, particularly with respect to recent activism, and its potential for reviving Innu language and education practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In what ways can a community music education project based on historical re-enactment be a vehicle for transformational learning, empowerment and reconnection with community? In 2018, Serenading Adela was performed to celebrate and remember the 100th anniversary of a moment in history when women sang under the prison cell window of Adela Pankhurst, an anti-conscriptionist. The operatic work, which recruited 100 adult participants, was conceived and developed over almost 2 years and rehearsed for 5 months. The researchers were interested in participants' motivations and their experiences of engagement with a story of historical injustice. Data were collected by holding interviews and focus groups and analysed using thematic analysis informed by Freirean concepts. Five themes emerged, indicating that the pedagogical approach and ideologies of the directors enabled and nurtured collaborative connections, personal growth, new perspectives, meaning-making and empowerment for a diverse group of adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Turkey is no stranger to protest events, there has been only limited research into why some people participate in protests, such as demonstrations and boycotts, while others do not. Using the 2008 European Values Study data, this paper investigates how socio-economic and demographic variables, political attitudes and orientations, social capital and religiosity explain variations in the likelihood of engaging in unconventional political activity in Turkey. Comparing results for Turkey with results for the European Union (EU), the present study finds that traditional explanations of participation in unconventional forms of political action in stable democracies do not seem to explain participation in Turkey. Education, institutional trust, democratic satisfaction and religious beliefs are the only factors that shape non-traditional participation in Turkey. Socio-economic and demographic characteristics, political attitudes and orientations, social capital and religious beliefs explain most of the variation in unconventional activism in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper seeks to enumerate the theoretical and practical dynamics of young activists’ learning and to elaborate on the efficacy of John Dewey for youth activism in Scotland. The paper reflects on experiences of young people involved in discrete community activities in the West of Scotland. Though contested, the democratic possibilities in youth work are cultivated through informal education. Social and political action for young people is suggested as a mechanism for civic engagement and empowerment. John Dewey’s significance for informal educators in community education potentially lies in a number of areas therefore. • his belief that education must engage with and enlarge experience • his exploration of thinking and reflection – and the associated role of practitioners • his concern with interaction and environments for learning providing a continuing framework for practice. • and his passion for democracy, for educating so that all may share in a common life. These facets of his philosophy have been developed as a critical lense in this article. They assist the process of decoding a record of young activist’s learning obtained in the context of participant appraisal interviews. It is this data that forms the basis of conclusions about the utility of Dewey’s work and consequently about whether it resonates in 21st century Scotland.

Copyright of Revista Croma is the property of Revista Croma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is the recent process of youth politicization of the self-convened children (LPA) in a rural territory within the framework of the socio-environmental struggle. Specifically, the department of San Carlos in the province of Mendoza (in the Uco Valley) where almost two decades of struggle and resistance against polluting mega-mining have been taking place there, using Provincial Law 7722 as a legal shield. The law, threatened since its enactment, brings together the great Assembly for Pure Water (AMPAP) supported by various social organizations "united for water". We will deal with LPA as an autonomous group and generator of claims that come to renew the field of socio-environmental activism, specifically feminism and a new debate on natural commons. This is an exploratory work, carried out in a pandemic, with a qualitative design, which is part of youth studies, also rural and with contributions from political ecology. We will analyze central aspects of the politicization process, mainly its deployment until its advance in the local government of San Carlos with the achievement of the creation of an Environmental Observatory in 2021, a pioneering experience in Mendoza.

The article presents abstracts on planning literature which include approaches to empirical work in regional economics, understanding the barriers to social adaptation, and management of large city regions.

The focus of this paper is on the activism of the faculty of the Centre for Women's Studies and Development (CWSD), Pan jab University, Chandigarh, India. Several feminists of India challenge the academy-centered interpretation of feminism. They believe that attention solely to theorizing feminism reinforces the privilege still existing in the wealthy, sanitized, and disassociated model present among many university professionals of the West. Academic feminists in India with whom I have been acquainted know themselves as "organic intellectuals." The changing face of feminism in India includes the activism of academics challenging the patriarchal structures at the grassroots level as well as among the personnel of the institutions perpetuating such structures. This paper demonstrates the efficacy of fusing activism with theory by the faculty of the Centre in their efforts to work with the local government in Pan jab villages, and to attempt to record the incidence of female feticide and advocate for its end by changing law. The paper will also illustrate the role of the Centre's attempts to build coalitions even as it influences changes among law enforcement officers via gender sensitivity training of law enforcement agencies of three provincial governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education occupied a central position in modern Islamic thought. It aimed at purifying faith, but also at nurturing activism in the service of Islam and the community. Education was required to be holistic, strengthening both soul and body. It embraced all aspects of life and was conveyed by diverse means, ranging from communal involvement to political revolution. The broad scope of this education was impelled by the comprehensiveness of the Islamic religion, but also by the multifaceted nature of Westernization itself. The corrupting presence of hedonistic culture backed by indigenous regimes heightened the functional aspect of the pedagogic realm in Islamic discourse more than ever before. Re-education was perceived as the main lever for achieving cultural authenticity and as a core component of identity politics. The paper offers a contextualized reading of education in Islamic thought, an issue largely overlooked in the scholarly literature, which has focused more on socio-political aspects of the modern Islamic revival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]