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Disaster education outcomes are highly dependent on the political context of that education. Based on a rich, in‐depth case study of the creation of community monitors in a landslide and flood‐prone city in southeast Brazil, this paper demonstrates how developmental and political environments add much additional nuance to existing theories of behaviourist and transformative education for disaster preparedness and mitigation. Beyond identifying the benefits of education, it argues that disaster risk reduction outcomes are reliant on governance frameworks that alter over time. The study reveals the political complexity associated with programme implementation and cites the perspectives of a number of participants. Disaster education is shown to be the necessary yet underappreciated twin of the militarised and technical approaches that dominate disaster response in Brazil. Understated, however, is education's situatedness: how it can become an arena of conflict between government and civil actors over matters of state and society in increasingly hazardous urbanisation settings in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to increase understanding of the dynamics of knowledge production in the context of large-scale environmental projects causing local conflict. In particular, the paper analyses the discourse coalitions that formed around an artificial groundwater recharge project for the Turku Region in Finland. The material for this study consists of over 400 articles and opinion pieces which were collected from local and regional newspapers between 1999 and 2010. The articles were analysed by using Hajer's [1995.The politics of environmental discourse. Ecological modernisation and the policy process. Oxford, UK: Clarendon] discursive framework, and the analysis was complemented with the concept of knowledge coalition by Van Buuren and Edelenbos [2004. Conflicting knowledge. Why is joint knowledge production such a problem?Science and Public Policy, 31 (4), 289–299]. Results of the study indicate that knowledge coalitions were formed among the researchers, lay residents, and policy-makers, and they all utilised similar expertise-based factual arguments to support their cause. Thus, the paper participates in the academic discussion on the use and interpretation of expert knowledge in environmental policy-making by reshaping the division between experts and lay residents. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this essay, I describe a few ways in which I've ventured outside of my comfort zone and become more engaged with multidisciplinary communities, policy groups and governmental agencies, the media, and civil society. Through such efforts, I've tried to help broaden and deepen the presence of environmental sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas: Revista de Estudos de Conflito e Controle Social is the property of Dilemas: Revista de Estudos de Conflito e Controle Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Editorial for the special collection Where Environmental Citizen Science Meets The Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a majority of scholarship on the study of transnational advocacy networks ( TANs) has focused on the role of value-and-belief-sharing as these networks link activists across nations together, less has been written concerning the role of knowledge exchange among environmental nongovernmental organizations ( ENGOs) in helping effect policy change. This article examines how transnational coalitions of ENGOs in North America have helped shape environmental policy across the Canada- U.S.- Mexico borders. In the paper, I explore two cases of nonstate actor mobilization: the North American Pollutant Release, and Transfer Registry Project and the Citizen Submission on Enforcement Matters. In this article, I bridge notions of 'soft power' with scholarship on knowledge sharing, thereby showing that nonstate actors use it as a model to build stronger transnational coalitions, effecting pressure on industry and intergovernmental actors, and provide policy input in environmental decision making across borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that while research on deliberative democracy is burgeoning, there is relatively little attention paid to the contributions of civil society. Based on an interpretive conceptualization of deliberative democracy, this paper draws attention to the ways in which civil society organizations employ 'storylines' about environmental issues and deliberative processes to shape deliberative policy making. It asks, how do civil society organizations promote storylines in the deliberative system to change policy? How do storylines constitute policy and policy-making processes in the deliberative system? I answer these questions through an empirical analysis of two environmental controversies in the USA: environmental justice in New Mexico and coalbed methane development in Wyoming. Findings indicate that civil society organizations used storylines in both cases to shift the dynamics of the deliberative system and to advance their own interpretations of environmental problems and policy-making processes. Specifically, they used storylines (1) to set the agenda on environmental hazards, (2) to construct the form of public deliberation, changing the rules of the game, (3) to construct the content of public deliberation, shaping meanings related to environmental policy, and (4) to couple/align forums, arenas and courts across the system. These findings suggest that promoting storylines through accommodation and selection processes can be an important mechanism for shaping policy meanings and for improving deliberative quality, although these effects are tempered by discursive and material forms of power, and the competition among alternative storylines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a systematic analysis of the concepts and contexts that frame the climate-smart agriculture (CSA) discourse in the academic and policy literature. Documents (n = 113) related to CSA and published in peer-reviewed journals, books, working papers, and scientific reports from 2004 to 2016 were reviewed. Three key trends emerged from the analysis: studies are biased towards global policy agendas; research focuses on scientific and technical issues; and the integration of mitigation, adaptation, and food security (the three pillars of CSA) is becoming a popular scholarly solution. Findings suggest that CSA is a fairly new concept used to describe a range of adaptation and mitigation practices without a specific set of criteria. Although CSA is often framed around the three pillars, the underlying issues constructing the discourse differ at global, developing, and developed country scales. Although there is increasing research on developing countries, particularly in relation to how CSA can transform smallholder agriculture, there is a paucity of research documenting the experiences from developed countries. The findings suggest that research on CSA needs to move beyond solely focussing on scientific approaches and only in certain geographical contexts. If CSA is to be applicable for farmers across the globe, then cross-disciplinary research that is underpinned by broad socio-economic and political contexts is essential to understand how differences in narratives might affect implementation on-the-ground in both developing and developed countries. POLICY RELEVANCE Although policy makers are increasingly supportive of the climate-smart agriculture (CSA) approach, the rhetoric has largely been developed on the basis of scientific and technical arguments. The political implications of varying perspectives have resulted in a growing divide between how developing and developed countries frame solutions to the impacts of climate change on agriculture under the 2015 Paris Agreement. Different framings are part of the explanation for why the scope of CSA is being rethought, with the scientific community redirecting attention to seeking a separate work programme under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The current policy framing of CSA will give no new policy direction unless it grounds itself in the smallholder farmer and civil society contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years of well-meaning efforts by environmental scientists, NGOs and foundations have failed to result in effective policy and nongovernmental action; we believe this is because the extent and nature of obstruction efforts are barely understood, and therefore not effectively countered. We built the Climate Social Science Network (CSSN) to address this damaging lack of understanding of climate obstruction. In the few years since our launch in September 2020, CSSN has grown rapidly to nearly 500 scholars in 35 countries, and shown that this research agenda is of wide interest and use for some of the world's most promising campaigns to address climate change. We wish CSSN to provide detailed, systematic and reliable information about the organizations obstructing climate action to civil society organizations, investigators, litigators, and policy-makers. However, we have learned that doing so only through scholarly outputs is not sufficient, and even with a focused effort on outreach and translation, that academic institutions are not by themselves adequate to match the complex organizational network assembled by conservative actors seeking to avoid regulation and roll back climate action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper outlines how the evolution of China's policy and study of the environment are reflected in the scholarly literature, paying special attention to the impact of the country's environmental developments on international relations. In particular, it examines accounts of how China has moved from an isolated national scientific and environmental control infrastructure into the centre of international environmental debates as its society has opened and the geographical scale of ecological problems has expanded. The paper also identifies the continuing inhibitors to China's ability to control environmental degradation - including lack of transparency, elite manipulation, and bureaucratic weaknesses - despite the opening of China's system to limited participation of civil society in its environmental debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes empirical observations gathered during a research project on the implementation of environmental protection (EP) policies in China. The project focused on local EP in both urban and rural areas. Policy field analysis was used as a conceptual framework for structuring the observations. The paper develops in three main steps discussing the following topics: 1) Collective problems within the policy field of EP show that EP issues in general are unlike those of other policy fields. Official EP policies in China today resemble those of other countries - but they are separating issues and responsibilities, making local implementation very demanding. 2) China lags behind in its willingness and ability to implement these policies - leading to implementation gaps. To explore the causes and consequences, specific sites in China are described in an extended look at local implementation structures. It was found that although policies in China are basically the same everywhere, the structures for implementing them and the quality of their implementation vary widely with regard to resources, organization, coordination, staff qualifications, personnel placement, and other aspects. 3) Not all of the challenges hampering local implementation of environmental policies were China-specific; however, some of those which are can be described as the macro-context: an ineffective rule of law, insufficient involvement of civil society, and complicated macro-structures of public administration prevent a generally high level of successful EP implementation in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – Drawing on original and published research this paper seeks to examine the current situation of eco-labelling in Japan, and the possible roles of two connected non-governmental organizations (NGOs) – the Marine Stewarship Council (MSC) and the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) – may have in future decision making. Design/methodology/approach – A mixed-method survey approach is used. Two quantitative surveys are followed by unstructured interviews of stakeholders in fisheries and eco-labelling policy. Findings – Environmental values of Japanese seafood consumers are complex and not explained by any one demographic factor. Environmental problems are becoming complex, and solutions are being sought from beyond the bureaucratic circles, including NGOs. However, neither WWF nor MSC are important stakeholders in policy decisions, but their influence is growing, particularly through relationships with private sector. Research limitations/implications – Interviews do not offer a representative sample; important inferences but not causative conclusions can be made. Originality/value – The paper contributes new findings on environmental values, MSC products, and the decision making situation surrounding seafood eco-labels in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese environmental groups have become increasingly active in the past few years and have begun to make an impact on environmental governance. The paper analyses the recent development of Chinese environmental civil society, the way it operates, and the challenges ahead, which include the need for environmental NGOs to improve their technical capacity, to strengthen further the collaboration between different organizations, and to strike a balance between maintaining domestic support and meeting international concerns. The biggest challenge ahead for environmental civil society is to develop the necessary skills to tackle the broader political, economic, and social issues that underlie environmental problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2005, the Ontario government passed the Places to Grow Act and the Greenbelt Act, both major changes in land use policy designed to preserve greenspaces and combat urban sprawl in the Greater Golden Horseshoe, Canada's largest conurbation. This article examines the actors, actor beliefs, and inter-actor alliances in the southern Ontario land use policy subsystem from the perspective of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). Specifically, this paper undertakes an empirical examination of the ACF's Belief Homophily Hypothesis, which holds that inter-actor alliances form on the basis of shared policy-relevant beliefs, creating advocacy coalitions. The analysis finds strong evidence of three advocacy coalitions in the policy subsystem-an agricultural coalition, an environmentalist coalition, and a developers' coalition-as predicted by the hypothesis. However, it also finds equally strong evidence of a cross-coalition coordination network of peak organizations, something not predicted by the Belief Homophily Hypothesis, and in need of explanation within the ACF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a lacuna in the literature on environmental policy integration by exploring civil society organizations' (CSOs) experiences of participative environmental mainstreaming - a policy imperative to embed environmental concerns in all aspects of policy-making. A raft of international treaties and laws require this to be operationalized through knowledge exchange and critical engagement between governing elites and exogenous groups. Findings reveal how CSOs' participation is shaped by electoral politics, party dynamics, veto players and strategic bridging. Respondents also questioned whether mainstreaming is more concerned with legitimation, performativity and the appearance of participative policy-making than with outcomes. The wider contribution of the study is three-fold: it reveals the issues and challenges facing CSOs, it underlines the need for adaptive engagement strategies and it shows the contingent nature of state attempts to foster civil society participation in environmental policy-making. © 2016 The Authors Environmental Policy and Governance published by ERP Environment and John Wiley & Sons Ltd [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel articulations between the state, markets and civil society arising from the shift to networked environmental governance highlight the importance of creating equal participation opportunities. Relevant questions from an environmental justice perspective are not only who participates, but also with whom, in what, why and how. In this paper, we explore public participation in biodiversity governance that has emerged after the initial designation of a Natura 2000 network in Finland, Greece, Poland and the UK by focusing on distributive and procedural justice. Our analysis, based on focus groups and document analysis, shows that new participatory arrangements have taken the modes of project-based, market, interest group and e-governance. These arrangements have been marked by problems in power and knowledge sharing, and in the distribution of conservation costs and benefits, reflecting serious deficits regarding environmental justice. Calls for public participation and wider stakeholder engagement in conservation across Europe should be followed by an acknowledgment of the diversity of perspectives, conflicting interests and social positions and their integration into biodiversity governance. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral governance of transboundary water resources between the United States and Mexico is in flux today. Historically, the International Boundary and Water Commission ( IBWC), the joint commission by which the two countries jointly manage shared rivers, has dominated decision making and policy in the border region by defining problems and framing knowledge. However, over the past two decades, a transnational network has been emerging to restore the Colorado River Delta. In this paper, we explore how a transnational network has been operating collaboratively to shift transboundary water governance in the Colorado River Delta region toward greater participatory, science-based governance. We explore the IBWC in this context of governance change to reveal the adoption of institutional and policy reforms, along with some resistance to this change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conventional understanding of environmental governance implicitly assumes a priori presence of citizen rationality that underpins constitution of civil society vis-à-vis state. This assumption tends to overlook the economic and ecological consequences of social interactions through which people with diverse forms of rationality gradually produce distinction between state and society and shape environmental governance as an embedded process. This paper presents a case study of spontaneous settlers called posseiros in the south-east of the state of Pará in the Brazilian Amazon and examines ways that their social interactions lead to the so-called emancipation movements for municipal making on the agrarian frontier and open civic places in which environmental governance is negotiated. It pays particular attention to the role of religion, especially the Pentecostal Church of Assembly of God in relation to the traditional Catholic Church, in influencing the posseiros' ecological rationality and the articulation of emancipation movements and argues that the focus on religion sheds new light on the linkage between the environment, livelihoods and local governance. The paper concludes by discussing pragmatic implications of the case study for promoting sustainable rural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the key arguments of ecological modernization theory (EMT) with the reality of recent environmental reform in China. Based on data gathered from a survey and in-depth interviews with executives from Hong Kong-based enterprises operating in Guangdong province, we examine the changing roles of government, market, and civil society actors in the reform process, focusing on various types of pressures these actors have exerted on business enterprises. Compatible with Mol's (2006) conjectures, ecological concerns have gradually gained a foothold in existing political, economic, and to a lesser extent, social institutions. Yet, the relevant actors and their patterns of interactions differ from what EMT generalizes from Western European experiences. Specifically, local governments are assuming a more formalized relationship with firms in regulatory enforcement. Among market actors, organizational buyers along the supply chain have exerted more noticeable pressures on manufacturing firms than industrial associations and individual consumers. Civil society, while remaining less of an institutionalized actor in the environmental policy process, appears to pose a perceptible threat to at least some firms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies / Österreichische Zeitschrift für Südostasienwissenschaften is the property of South-East Asian Studies / Gesellschaft fur Sudestasienwissenschaften and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concerns of political ecology since its beginnings as a field have been predominantly set in rural areas with limited focus on urban industrial risks. Further, debates on the global South (often from Anglo-American perspectives) have not fully appreciated the divergent and differentiated perceptions of urban risks and, therefore, everyday forms of resistance within civil society. Instead, work has mainly focused on civil society power relations against the state and industry that are driven by coherent populist political agendas. Against this setting, this paper's contribution aims to better contextualize 'other' third world localities in political ecology through a case study of urban industrial risks in the upper/middle income (as opposed to rural, low/lower middle income) country, South Africa. In doing so, the paper sheds light on the derelict aspect of civil society contestation, especially along class and ethnic lines, over urban landfill infrastructure as a livelihood resource or a health hazard. The paper draws upon frameworks of self-reflexivity and reflexive localism as complementary to the mainstream political ecology to illuminate differentiated civil society reflexiveness and therefore, aims to advance the discussion of other political ecologies. The case study of the largest formal landfill site in Africa, the Bisasar landfill situated in Durban, highlights differences underlying power relations and constraints within civil society (in leadership, social networking, resources and mistrust) that have implications for mainstream political ecology notions of civil society coherence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The oil sands in northern Alberta are receiving global attention, yet literature discussing the work of environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) in the province is sparse. This paper analyzes an ENGO, the Pembina Institute, and its roles and responsibilities concerning oil sands development in northern Alberta. Although interest groups involved with oil sands development represent a variety of stakeholders, civil society has had minimal involvement in the policymaking process. This is examined in relation to the Pembina Institute's function to engage civil society. Most importantly, the relevance of the Pembina Institute in influencing the environmental policymaking process in Alberta is discussed in its various approaches to engaging the Government of Alberta, industry and civil society. This paper investigates the work of the Pembina Institute and how the organization is vital to informing Albertan civil society, which seems to be disconnected from a megaproject with long-term implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the governance of hydroelectric dam planning in Brazil with a particular focus on two factors: first, governmental institutions that aim to provide participatory mechanisms for civil society, and second, new participatory institutions created by civil society to remedy the lack of meaningful participatory measures. One example of the latter are new collaborative research projects, which have changed dam building policies and governmental thinking about participation. It is argued here that these kinds of collaboration are fundamental to making dam-building policy more accountable to local citizens. The analysis demonstrates that lay/expert collaborations provide pathways through which affected people can contest inaccurate official scientific reports, in turn influencing the policy process. I examine six such participatory projects across the country: four are nationally based and two are international in scope. A four- pronged typology is used to analyse the processes and outcomes of these collaborations. This typology reveals multiple types of knowledge-sharing that constitute concrete means to implement participation in environmental policy, hence advancing the democratisation of environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Non-government organisations (NGOs) have come to assume an important role in environmental policy in Australia. This paper considers the institutional impacts of an enlarged and formal role for NGOs in environmental governance. To foreground the analysis that follows, the paper theorises: (i) the structural democratisation of western societies which provides the preconditions for civic approaches to environmental governance; (ii) civil society organisations as political actors; and (iii) the link between non-state associations and democracy. Against this background, the paper surveys some of the ways in which NGOs are being formally involved in environmental policy and management in Australia. The paper proceeds to identify a series of risks associated with these approaches. The paper concludes by calling for a more nuanced and critical appraisal of the role of NGOs in environmental policy so political space might be reserved for the public interest and to ensure that the democratic effects of civil society are not diminished. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This study aims to analyze the application of e-governance in supporting the implementation of environmentally sustainable development policies in Riau Province and the factors that influence it. The research used descriptive qualitative methods using primary data collected through focus group discussions and secondary data collected through documentation techniques. The results of the study found that the Local Government of Riau Province has consistently and continuously implemented environmentally sustainable development through the Riau Hijau program. Egovernance has been well implemented in implementing Riau Hijau by collaboration between the government, the private sectors, and the civil society to succeed Riau Hijau supported using information and communication technology (ICT). The supporting factors for the application of e-governance in supporting the implementation of environmental sustainable development policies in Riau Province were: the local government's high commitment and consistency; the existence of supporting policies both macro and micro that are clear, sustainable, and systematic; policy implementers really understand the details of Riau Hijau; Riau Hijau has clear and measurable target groups and benefits; Riau Hijau is operationalized in various concrete and systematic projects and activities; Riau Hijau is supported by adequate financial resources and infrastructures; and Riau Hijau is supported by various local agencies. The inhibiting factors were that not all the relevant stakeholders make optimal use of the existing ICT facilities; there are inadequate ICT facilities and infrastructures in some areas in Riau Province; and problems in environmental issues. Based on these findings, this study recommends optimizing the use of ICT for all Riau Hijau stakeholders, and there needs to be an increase and equity of ICT facilities and infrastructures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this commentary, we reflect on COP26, its outcomes, and the UNFCCC processes. While the value and results of COP meetings are often contested by researchers and activists, we highlight three areas that deserve more attention in post-COP assessments. First, the COP process creates an arena where state leaders, researchers, climate activists, and private actors regularly meet, which facilitates cooperation over time. Second, COP meetings are sites of parallel multi-level games that often result in bilateral or multilateral side agreements or initiatives. Third, COP meetings are regularly scheduled critical events, where social movements and civil society actors shape the public discourse around climate change. Our brief analysis illustrates there is still an urgent need for COP meetings as spaces that provide transparency for global climate governance, as well as media and public visibility for civil society voices, which would otherwise be lost. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An overview of environmental policy in Brazil since President Jair Bolsonaro took office in January 2019 suggests that the rise to power of a new political elite has led to a radical change in Brazil's trajectory of climate change initiatives and environmental protection. The new elite is associated with the disruption of two factors historically relevant for the design of environmental policy: the participation of civil society in the governance of public policy and multilateralism in matters of environment policy. Uma análise das políticas ambientais brasileiras desde a tomada de posse de Jair Bolsonaro da presidência da República em Janeiro 2019 constata que o aparecimento de uma nova elite política acarretou em uma alteração radical na trajetória do Brasil com respeito às suas iniciativas sobre a mudança climática e a preservação ambiental. Houve uma perturbação de dois fatores por causa desta elite política que eram historicamente importantes pela elaboração de políticas ambientais: a participação de organizações de sociedade civil na governança de políticas públicas e o multilateralismo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biodiversity monitoring requires sound data collection over large temporal and spatial scales in order to inform policy and conservation management. Citizen science programmes, if designed appropriately, can make valuable contributions to data collection and analyses. Moreover, citizen science has potential for both environmental education and civic participation. Recommendations on effective citizen science are available in the literature, but most existing work has come from relatively rich, industrialized countries. By contrast, there is very little knowledge on citizen science projects in transitioning economic, social and cultural settings. This paper seeks to adjust this deficit by contributing insights from our attempt to initiate a new monitoring scheme in Romania. We draw on our experience of conducting workshops, training events and camps to strengthen citizen engagement in a butterfly monitoring scheme, and discussions with many stakeholders engaged in other monitoring programmes inside and outside of Europe. We highlight four general themes that are worth considering when initiating new citizen science projects in socio-economically challenging settings: (i) engaging citizens requires a combination of formal and informal support; (ii) a culture of volunteering requires education as well as building capacity and confidence; (iii) citizen science needs active integration of both national experts and local stakeholders; and (iv) successful monitoring schemes require effective leadership. We conclude that particular attention should be paid to the cultural legacies of the target area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, held in June 2012 in Rio de Janeiro, was probably the largest event in a long series of megasummits on environmental protection and sustainable development. Roughly 44000 participants descended on Rio de Janeiro to take part in ten days of preparatory committee meetings, informal consultations, side events, and the actual conference. Yet despite this unprecedented high attendance by participants from governments and civil society, the outcome of the conference is less than many had hoped for. In this paper I review the outcomes of the 2012 Rio conference in detail, with a special focus on its contributions towards the reform of the institutional framework for sustainable development. Following this review, I discuss the way ahead and options for structural reform to restrengthen earth system governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

GeoHealth as a research paradigm offers the opportunity to re‐evaluate common research engagement models and science training practices. GeoHealth challenges are often wicked problems that require both transdisciplinary approaches and the establishment of intimate and long‐term partnerships with a range of community members. We examine four common modes of community engagement and explore how research projects are launched, who has the power in these relationships, and how projects evolve to become truly transformative for everyone involved. Plain Language Summary: GeoHealth research is often partnership focused. We describe four common models for community‐engaged GeoHealth research and highlight the central characteristics of each, while daylighting the lived experiences of LEAD Agency activists. We note a range of outcomes emerge which can foster science‐based environmental health policy making and lead to justice focused actions. Key Points: The GeoHealth research community often engages actively with civil society in the research enterprise, but often uses various modelsThe models of engagement, from researcher‐heavy to community‐heavy, have very different outcomesA new model of training and support is required for the GeoHealth community to more productively engage with civil society [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologija/Sociology: Journal of Sociology, Social Psychology & Social Anthropology is the property of MOD International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to analyze the environmental integration requirements of policies in urban development policies. In the analysis of human - urban - environment relations, it assumes that human society, although belonging to nature, created a civilization that alter its natural environment and prevent an artificial creation - the built environment. This environment, although artificial, however, is superimposed on the natural environment and its operation, to ensure living conditions and development of human society and be in balance with the natural environment, helping to ensure its normal development depends on the actions of the modeling people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been an ongoing debate about how (or through what mechanisms) global environmental norms have influenced domestic political debates that give rise to green policy choices. In particular, effective international environmental cooperation between transnational and domestic NGOs has been recognized as a key to successful environmental movements. In this regard, the central question guiding research on the politics of environmental norms is, under what condition(s) transnational cooperation among NGOs would be more likely to be sustained so as to achieve its goals. This article proposes that one of the mechanisms missing from the debate is a bottom-up approach through which transnational cooperation can be forged by the initiation of domestic NGOs. Drawing on social movement literature, it is hypothesized that domestic environmental NGOs with more resources, challenging ideologies, and more contentious modes of protest to dominant paradigms is more likely to nurture, develop, and sustain effective transnational cooperation for environmental norms. The validity of this hypothesis is demonstrated through the examination of wetland reclamation projects in Japan and Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Satellite services benefit civil society by helping tackle challenges such as climate change, the digital divide, etc. They have the potential to deliver concrete benefits to European society through innovative services supporting economic, societal and environmental policies. Such benefits can trigger increased public support for space in Europe. However, this potential has yet to be achieved. This paper argues that technological bias, the diversity of interests and initiatives among stakeholders and their individual actions do not always serve their collective objective to ensure wide diffusion of satellite services. It draws on theories of diffusion of innovation and on its authors'' participatory work with the space and the user communities and at their interface in an effort to help diffuse satellite services within civil society. One of the major causes of insufficient service diffusion is the weakness of the interface between the space and user communities; some of factors that currently contribute to this state of affairs are the space community''s over-reliance on publicly financed, technical demonstration projects as solutions to service diffusion; insufficient coordination by public authorities of innovation policies and programmes with other public policies and objectives; and an insufficient integration of satellite services within users'' culture, traditional tools and services. The discussion allows for conclusions to be drawn on how the system of stakeholders could function better in order for satellite services to be successfully diffused in Europe. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper analyses the adoption of the EU Strategic Environmental Assessment Directive (2001/42/EC) in Turkey as part of a programme of environmental policy harmonisation for EU accession, to explore the extent to which this is driving wider shifts in modes of environmental governance. To do this, rather than simply assess compliance with Directive in narrow, formal, statutory terms, we use Jänicke and Weidner''s concept of capacity building, which focuses on the constraints facing societal action to promote sustainable development. Despite the resources invested in pre-accession training and pilot SEA projects, Turkey''s adoption of the Directive is still likely to be affected by the centralised nature of the bureaucracy (affecting the scope for sectoral integration), its politicised nature (interrupting the accumulation of policy learning), the limited capacity of civil society and environmental organisations to engage with the process, and the political dominance of economic development objectives. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Governments are increasingly involving local communities and non-governmental organizations in the management of natural resources. The ways in which different stakeholders are involved varies from being consulted to taking a central role in planning and monitoring, and--infrequently--being given the legal right to manage resources. There can be many benefits from involving a wider group of stakeholders in natural resource management, including reducing the burden on government agencies, reducing conflicts, and greater resource efficiency. This is part of a series of eight linked papers in this special issue of the International Review for Environmental Strategies describing a study to draw from the RISPO Good Practices Inventory useful lessons for environmental policymakers in developing countries. The study was based on analysis of case studies collected by the project Research on Innovative and Strategic Policy Options (RISPO), which was led by the Institute for Global Environmental Studies, Hayama, Japan. This study highlights how participation by different stakeholder, governments, local/indigenous people, NGOs and the private sector, in natural resource management in Asia leads to resource efficiency for the government, contributes to broader devolution of power, and reflects the changing attitude of governments towards people's participation. The findings should encourage governments to extend community management of natural resources to other ecosystems, such as coastal fisheries or production forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]