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People with innate variations of sex characteristics (also known as intersex traits or disorders or differences of sex development) have any of a wide range of innate physical traits that differ from medical and social norms for female and male bodies. Responses to these physical differences create experiences and risks of stigmatisation, discrimination, violence, and harmful medical practices intended to promote social and familial integration and conformity with gender stereotypes. As is evident globally, the Australian policy response to the existence and needs of people with innate variations of sex characteristics has been largely incoherent, variously framing the population as having disordered sex development in need of "fixing", and a third sex/gender identity group in need of recognition, with only recent engagement by intersex community-controlled civil society organisations. This paper presents an overview of the context and goals of the intersex human rights movement in Australia. Australian intersex community organisations have sought to apply human rights norms and develop new infrastructure to address key health and human rights issues, and necessitating new ways of resolving policy incoherence. Together with human rights, mental health, and public health institutions, they have called for significant changes to medical models of care and reform to research and classification systems. Intersex community organising and resourcing have made a tangible difference. The Australian Capital Territory is the first jurisdiction in the country to move ahead with reforms to clinical practice, including a legislative prohibition of certain practices without personal informed consent, oversight of clinical decision-making, and investment in psychosocial support. A national community-controlled psychosocial support service has also commenced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The present article tracks the development of the Australian National Food Plan as a 'whole of government' food policy that aimed to integrate elements of nutrition and sustainability alongside economic objectives.Design: The article uses policy analysis to explore the processes of consultation and stakeholder involvement in the development of the National Food Plan, focusing on actors from the sectors of industry, civil society and government. Existing documentation and submissions to the Plan were used as data sources. Models of health policy analysis and policy streams were employed to analyse policy development processes.Setting: Australia.Subjects: Australian food policy stakeholders.Results: The development of the Plan was influenced by powerful industry groups and stakeholder engagement by the lead ministry favoured the involvement of actors representing the food and agriculture industries. Public health nutrition and civil society relied on traditional methods of policy influence, and the public health nutrition movement failed to develop a unified cross-sector alliance, while the private sector engaged in different ways and presented a united front. The National Food Plan failed to deliver an integrated food policy for Australia. Nutrition and sustainability were effectively sidelined due to the focus on global food production and positioning Australia as a food 'superpower' that could take advantage of the anticipated 'dining boom' as incomes rose in the Asia-Pacific region.Conclusions: New forms of industry influence are emerging in the food policy arena and public health nutrition will need to adopt new approaches to influencing public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A strong civil society is fundamental to the wellbeing and resilience of communities. Young people play powerful in civil society activism, but their contribution is yet to be fully grasped and appreciated. As the 10-year anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 2250 on Youth, Peace, and Security approaches in 2025, more action is needed to genuinely include, prioritise and champion the role and perspectives of young people. Succession planning is an important aspect of youth civil society activism. Whilst much has been written about the topic in the public and private sectors, very little exists in the context of civil society organisations, and in particular, in youth civil society organisations. Drawing on lived experience of voluntarily coordinating a youth feminist organisation in Australia, I argue there are six added complexities that youth civil society organisations face. As part of feminist ethic of practice, the purpose of this paper is to introduce the concept of 'representational irony' and in doing so, share learnings, reflections, and practical recommendations to assist others. Whilst the paper focuses on youth civil society activism, learnings apply more broadly to stewardship and succession planning in organisations that seek to include and champion young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics of climate change in Australia remains highly fraught, this is despite the country experiencing acute impacts of a changing climate including mega-fires, floods, and severe and prolonged drought. Government inaction has led to limited market signals encouraging producers or consumers to move away from carbon intensive energy production to clean energy. In the absence of regulation, Australian shareholder activists are engaging directly with company boards and executives to reform corporate behaviour. This engagement, environmental, social, and governance (ESG) shareholder activism, has proliferated since 2017, much later than in comparable jurisdictions. Activists have targeted the mining, oil and gas, and finance sectors, due to their contribution to the Australian economy and their direct impact on global emissions. This paper explores the reasons for, and the implications of, the growth in ESG shareholder activism in Australia. It argues that the emergence of this activism in Australia was delayed due to complexities in the country's corporations' law. Regulatory attempts at stymying ESG shareholder activism resulted in the emergence of a duopoly of actors, at the cost of broader investor and civil society engagement. It is concluded that the rise of ESG shareholder activism in Australia is linked to growing tension between societal expectations, regulation, and the behaviour of firms. And, that ESG activists have been successful in leveraging this tension. There is evidence that large corporates have responded to activist claims, rendering this form of activism a potentially effective method for addressing some of the most pressing issues facing society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational corporations (TNCs) shape population health both positively and negatively through their national and international social, political and economic power and influence; and are a vital commercial determinant of health. Individual and group advocacy and activism in response to corporate products, practices or policy influences can mediate negative health impacts. This paper discusses the unequal power relations existing between TNCs that promote their own financial interests, and activists and advocates who support population and environmental health by challenging corporate power. It draws on interview data from 19 respondents who informed 2 health impact assessments conducted on TNCs; 1 from the fast food industry, and 1 from the extractive industries sector. It reveals the types of strategies that civil society organizations (CSOs) have used to encourage TNCs to act in more health promoting ways. It discusses the extent to which these strategies have been effective, and how TNCs have used their power to respond to civil society action. The paper highlights the rewards, and the very real challenges faced by CSOs trying to change TNC practices related to health, within a neoliberal policy environment. It aims to provide evidence for socially oriented actors to inform their advocacy for changes in public policy or corporate practices that can contribute to improving population health and equity and tackling commercial determinants of health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interactions between horizontal accountability agencies (e.g., anti‐corruption agencies [ACAs]) and social accountability actors (e.g., journalists, civil society activists, and complainants/whistleblowers) are recognized as important to horizontal agencies' performance, but the reason(s) is not clear. This study therefore explores why horizontal accountability agencies need social accountability actors in performing their functions. The study analyses data from 30 key stakeholders in Australia, including ACAs staff members, social accountability actors, and other observers to report on the specific support roles social actors play to ACAs' activities and operations. Through the conceptual lens of social accountability, evidence show that social actors play four key types of support roles to ACAs' activities and operations: activate ACAs' investigations; "amplify" ACAs' operations; guard ACAs' activities and operations; and defend ACAs' independence and powers. These findings support the need for interactions and, also, affirm the potential for research into how these support roles can better be provided for effective anti‐corruption outcomes. The research is of value to public accountability agencies in Australia, and internationally. This paper examines why anti‐corruption agencies (ACAs) need social accountability actors to effectively perform their accountability functions. It shows that social actors play four key support roles to ACAs' activities and operations: activate ACAs' investigations; "amplify" ACAs' operations; guard ACAs' operations; and defend ACAs' independence and powers. The findings are of value to public accountability agencies in Australia and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we undertake a stakeholder analysis of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission's Digital Platforms Inquiry to understand the nature and influence of different forms of public input. Our findings show that nation-state regulation of digital platforms is now very much on the policy agenda worldwide, with a focus upon the competition policy dimensions of platform regulation. The second key finding is that the regulatory activism of the ACCC have ensured that the Inquiry and its findings have had maximum public impact. Finally, we argue that the key dynamic shaping the Inquiry was the competing demands of the traditional news media publishers and digital platforms, and that civil society input was relatively limited and secondary to the final recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Friendship forms the basis of 35 community partnerships between Australia and Timor-Leste. Friendship facilitates the ownership of project activities by Timorese partners bringing into the development relationship a mutual respect and a shared journey of a kind that is not typical in time-bound aid projects. This paper reviews different models of donor-recipient relationships. A case study is used to show how Friendship offers a development strategy aligned with solidarity through a long term commitment built on trust and mutual responsibility. The model should be considered alongside the many existing theories and approaches to effective community development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government school has held an integral part in the Australian idea of progressive society, a locus of community definition and pride that is the backbone of social infrastructure. Yet, it took decades from the establishment of the Australian British colonies from 1788 to establish a system of general education. The Australian school had modest beginnings, founded on the Irish National School system in the 1840s. This paper examines the architecture of Australian government schools between 1835–1885, charting the evolution of their design including the use and development of common plans, the influence of rules and regulations, and their position in a civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Australian Journal of Political Science is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The claims that all coconuts (Coco Nucifera L.) were introduced into Australia by Europeans were researched by studying the journals of the maritime expeditions, the records of the Queensland Acclimatisation Society, historical data and published papers. The 1869 minutes of the Queensland Acclimatisation Society stated that no introduced coconuts were fruiting, and the Queensland Governor stated that there were self-sown coconut palms on the coast. A large spherical niu vai phenotype was introduced from the 1870s to 1900. Field research was conducted in the vicinity of an historical coconut plantation at Wonga Beach. Nuts and palms were examined to understand if all coconuts in that region were descended from the introduced phenotype. Most self-sown coconuts are intermediate types with native Australian origins, not the introduced phenotype. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia is a culturally diverse country, with one in five older Australians born overseas in non-English speaking countries, as well as others who are part of the Indigenous population of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders. Little is known about how these individuals age productively and contribute to society. Survey data show that they are less likely to volunteer for an organisation than other older people, yet it may be that they contribute to civil society in alternate ways that are generally unrecognised and unacknowledged. In the absence of a general lack of understanding of how older Australians from diverse cultural backgrounds contribute to community, the aim of the present paper is to explore this topic using qualitative data from a larger study of the lived experiences of older Australians. Findings suggest that respondents are very active within their families and communities in ways that differ from mainstream older Australians. Generally, they have an important role in maintaining or promoting their culture; and providing support across their communities based on common experience. In particular, respondents describe a special relationship with the young within their communities. This includes being a grandparent or elderly advisor, as well as the role that many Indigenous elders play in encouraging and supporting troubled young people. Although further and more representative studies of older Australians are now needed, this paper, nevertheless, begins to explore what has been a neglected area of ageing policy and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postcolonial context of Australia there has been a belated legal recognition of sui generis Indigenous rights and interests over much of the continent. However, the pervasive environmental discourse guiding resource management practices remains firmly based on ‘commonsense’ settler understandings of ‘nature’ as an external domain to be managed and/or preserved. In order to understand how this could be otherwise, this paper examines ideas about political landscape formation and the implications of the changing role of the nation-state and civil society in relation to the recognition of Indigenous political subjectivities. Taking the situation faced by Indigenous peoples in two settler societies as our vantage point, I argue here that we need to move away from assimilative environmental governance arrangements and politicise the concept of ‘nature’. This will open up spaces for the recognition and active participation of Indigenous polities in the realm of natural resource management. The paper concludes by contrasting the situation faced by Indigenous landowners in Australia's Kakadu National Park with the overtly political negotiations occurring in two northern regions of Canada. In the latter, in a process similar to what Tully calls ‘daily subconstitutional politics’, it is through the recognition of Indigenous polities in environmental governance issues that Indigenous peoples are starting to refashion their stake in the governing ideas and institutions of the broader regional, provincial and national polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the role of Citizen Science in planning processes that seek to secure environmental conservation, drawing on new empirical data from Sydney, Australia, for the case of Citizen Science around the Chullora Wetlands. Through in-depth qualitative interviewing and deskwork, a detailed account is presented of the input and contestation of diverse actors within the approval processes around a major development, over the period from 1991 to 2012. The analysis demonstrates the development of Citizen Science in response to varied treatment of citizen contributors and contributions to a series of episodes of statutory processes embedded in a shifting political context. Findings highlight the importance of the creativity and relational tenacity of the particular groups of volunteers involved in achieving the wetlands in the Sydney case and leveraging additional societal benefits. More widely, the case demonstrated the importance of: independent agency of civil society organizations, which can interact with but are not dependent on statutory actors; status and legitimacy derived from scientific credentials; and collaborative work before, throughout and beyond decision-making processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract While vaccine-critical activism has been widely documented and discussed, comparatively little has been said about the concerted response of pro-vaccine activists defending the majority view. This paper explores two case studies of pro-vaccine activism in Australia and the United States (US). It shows how pro-vaccine views and behaviours can take varying forms due to different aims and methods of engagement – oppositional counteractivities in favour of vaccination in Australia, and issue-based advocacy as part of a political alliance in the US. The focus in Australia comes from a pro-science stance and includes 'skeptics' against pseudoscience directly opposing vaccine-critical groups. In the US, the focus takes the form of an issue-specific campaign that has arisen from existing pro-vaccine parent blogs and discussion groups pushing for policy change rather than public confrontation. These case studies exemplify how pro-vaccine activism can take varying forms of either reinforcing the mainstream view or countering digression from it. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper aims to examine the types of practices and strategies employed by activists to voice their support of vaccination, and discusses the means, messages, and motivations of pro-vaccine activism. It ends with an argument for why a study – of public support for in addition to studying public opposition to vaccination – can help to better understand vaccination views and behaviours. These findings have wider implications for the study of counter-activism and the polarisation of civil society groups. Highlights • Pro-vaccine views and behaviours are understudied. • Case studies on pro-vaccine activist groups in Australia and the United States. • Pro-vaccine activism reinforces the mainstream or counters digression from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary & Nonprofit Organizations is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Development in Practice is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the emergence of social movement action on the rights of asylum seekers in the Australian case. It focuses on new and growing collective action in the context of the neoliberal and neoconservative government of John Howard (1996-2007) and situates this rise within a generalizable and universal human rights movement. The detention and deportation of asylum seekers, which resulted in revitalized collective action, is detailed as the trigger for collective action. The paper argues that a combination of neoliberal values and new nationalism created a hostile environment for newcomers and proved a difficult environment for the solidarity evident in this new social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bayley stated just four short years ago that "... policing has become dramatically more complex in six ways: its tasks, public demands, strategies, technology, accountability and resources" (p. 164). The COVID-19 pandemic has clearly escalated these policing complexities creating a range of new responsibilities, tasks and strategies for police as well as raising new accountability questions. In this paper, we examine a number of new health regulations that are now commonplace for police to enforce including: restrictions on the number of people visiting private homes, maintaining physical distancing between people in public space, and mandated wearing of masks. We explore what these new tasks, public demands, and strategies mean for the future of policing in democratic societies. We conclude that the pandemic has created unprecedented access for police into the private lives of citizens creating what David H. Bayley would have seen as both as an opportunity and threat to civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present an analysis of the differences and similarities in the spatial distribution of graffiti in two Sydney suburbs: Newtown and Miranda. The research examines the extent to which factors of surveillance, location and legislation affect the range, production and spatial distribution of graffiti. Through the application of conventional archaeological field methods to the contemporary landscape this study has shown how an archaeological approach can test, and thereby validate or refute, general assumptions and proposals generated through other disciplinary frameworks. Results show that the amount of graffiti across the landscape does not follow the simple distinction whereby high visibility locations have low amounts of graffiti, while secluded locations have high amounts. Rather, within each landscape, the intricate interactions of human intention, graffiti policy and the characteristics of the built environment differentially shape graffiti distribution. Furthermore, this study shows that the influence of local community approaches to graffiti management on the typology and distribution of graffiti cannot be underestimated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is exploratory and does three things. I begin by surveying recent enthusiasm for the ideas of social innovation, social capital and civil society, with special reference to the current work of Michigan sociologist Margaret Somers and Canadian scholar Frances Westley. Secondly, I explore these ideas in relation to a case study of social innovation in Western Australia: Lotteries Houses, an initiative begun in 1989 by Lotterywest that provides low-cost accommodation for a wide range of community and not-for-profit organisations. The first Lotteries House was opened in August 1989 in Stirling Street, Perth. It was jointly managed by Lotterywest and the Western Australian Council of Social Services and accommodated approximately twenty different community organisations. At the time, the Lotteries House project was innovative and visionary within Australia and possibly the world. Now, with 22 houses established over the past twenty years, the project represents a major candidate for consideration as an exemplary social innovation. Thirdly, I use the insights generated by the interpretation of the Lotteries House experience to test the categories of social innovation, social capital and civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social and political changes occurring in Western democracies have required the development of approaches referred to by scholars such as Nikolas Rose as 'new technologies of governance'. These experiments in governance are paradigmatically different from previous approaches and, as a consequence, there is much to learn about how to ensure their equity and effectiveness. In this paper, we examine the contribution of the Natural Heritage Trust (NHT) to the management of Indigenous lands in Australia. We present data which show, conclusively, that the land management needs of Indigenous communities have been poorly accommodated by the NHT. We suggest that the architects of NHT III and similar programs need to remember that: (i) rescaling governance does not ensure equitable outcomes across diverse regional populations; (ii) strategies for Indigenous community engagement need rethinking; and (iii) Indigenous community and civil society capacity building remains an ongoing challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional arrangements emerging for environmental governance in Australia mark a substantial change in the relationship between the state and civil society. Central to these arrangements is a transfer of responsibilities for natural resource management to regional communities. Although partnerships and other collaborative approaches have been embraced as a more democratic and effective means of addressing Australia's environmental problems, the legitimacy of these arrangements has been given insufficient attention. In particular, as central governments have retained significant influence in the setting of regional priorities and the accreditation of regional plans, there is a need to examine the relationships between 'old' and 'new' forms of governing. This paper critically examines the sources of legitimacy that underpin these relationships by drawing on interviews with regional actors in Central Queensland. This analysis demonstrates the hybrid nature of legitimacy, justified via traditional sources of legitimate authority alongside participatory and deliberative norms. This hybridity underlines the importance of attending to all dimensions of legitimacy in the design of governance arrangements. Residual issues of exclusion, and the discounting of community members' substantive concerns, mean that harnessing the mutuality gains derived from local knowledge and experience remains a core challenge for the legitimacy of environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Non-government organisations (NGOs) have come to assume an important role in environmental policy in Australia. This paper considers the institutional impacts of an enlarged and formal role for NGOs in environmental governance. To foreground the analysis that follows, the paper theorises: (i) the structural democratisation of western societies which provides the preconditions for civic approaches to environmental governance; (ii) civil society organisations as political actors; and (iii) the link between non-state associations and democracy. Against this background, the paper surveys some of the ways in which NGOs are being formally involved in environmental policy and management in Australia. The paper proceeds to identify a series of risks associated with these approaches. The paper concludes by calling for a more nuanced and critical appraisal of the role of NGOs in environmental policy so political space might be reserved for the public interest and to ensure that the democratic effects of civil society are not diminished. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In both Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia, COVID-19 lockdowns were enforced through public scrutiny of the movements of supposedly 'irresponsible' individuals. Denouncing their impact on public health created an affective cartography of collective blame uniting State and society in shared moral indignation. Produced through assemblages of mainstream and social media and government statements, such mediated spectacles engendered a sense of collective unity and shared purpose at a time when both collective cohesion and narratives of individual responsibility were of particular interest to the State. Spatio-temporal maps and diagrams of culpable contagion helped materialise the invisible movement of the virus but also enabled identification of the sick. Some bodies more than others were made to carry the morality of the collective enterprise of stopping the virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores accountability to beneficiaries within Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Conceptualised as "downward", this direction of accountability is of increasing research interest, given that beneficiaries are impacted by the mission of a CSO. However, the concept of downward accountability is used almost unanimously across CSO forms which cover a diverse array of organisational qualities, structures, missions, and people. This suggests downward accountability to be an encompassing concept, amenable to diversity among CSO forms; but is this the case? Is downward accountability the same across CSO forms and if not, how does the CSO form impact downward accountability? To respond to these questions, this research examines downward accountability across and within three CSO forms in Australia: public philanthropic foundation, service provider, and cooperative. Findings from 48 interviews suggest while there are clear differences in downward accountability relationships, mechanisms, and motivations across the three CSO forms examined, the impact of these different CSO forms upon the conception of downward accountability is minimal, where downward accountability displays similar characteristics across these forms. The insights gained contribute to problematising the concept of downward accountability, thereby providing a more sophisticated and nuanced understanding of a complex phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that the Howard Government (1996-2007) used silencing dissent within Australian civil society as a key tool of political control is not new and has been explored elsewhere. This paper argues that while the Howard Government demonstrated a weakening support for civil society organisations and attempted to delegitimise the role of Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) in the public sphere, the Abbott Government displayed some significant differences. Their approach moved beyond this to undermine key elements of Australian democracy. The government attempted to shrink, delegitimise and criminalise the advocacy and democratic purposes of NGOs and civil society. Crucial access to the judicial system for NGOs was limited by defunding of organisations that supported civil society to access legal mechanisms. In this way, the independence of the public service and of universities was challenged and compromised. These actions suggest a waning commitment to a public battle of ideas and a rethinking of the relationship between government, citizens and civil society. In this case, it represents a significant attempt to re-mark Australian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Australia reneged on a AUD$90 billion submarine contract with France in 2021 as it joined AUKUS, a new trilateral military partnership between Australia, the UK and the US, it was accused of lying and breaching France's trust. This perceived act of betrayal not only led to a deterioration in the diplomatic relationship between Australia and France, but it also drew attention to the consequences of violating the norm of pacta sunt servanda —agreements must be kept. Although it is recognized that breaches of trust undermine relationships, what has been underexplored is how a violation of norms can also undermine the presumption of trust in international society more broadly. Focusing on how Australia broke its contract with France after it joined AUKUS, this article argues that Australia's conduct not only harmed its relationship with France, but it also led the European Union (EU) to raise questions about how much to trust AUKUS partners as it engages in the Indo-Pacific region. It posits that adherence to international norms is important for developing trust between states in international society and has the potential to facilitate cooperation and enhance security in the complex Indo-Pacific region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Equality of opportunity is an ideal not always realized in community sport settings. This research explores if the symbolic notion of a ‘fair go’ can be enabled, and if so how participation opportunities can be enabled in community sport programme design to accommodate the variety of needs found in diverse population groups. We answer the research question, how is social inclusion interpreted in the mechanisms that support and sustain locally based community sport programmes? Using a mixed methodology, multiple case study approach, in the setting of an iconic Australian Civil Society Organization, programmes designed to engage recent migrants or refugees unfamiliar with Australian surf conditions and people with disabilities are analysed. Programmes were analysed using Bailey's social inclusion framework, encompassing spatial, relational, functional and power dimensions. Through comparative analysis, fundamental practices that allowed sustained implementation of socially inclusive programmes are identified. Additionally, the framework draws out the elements of the programmes that could be improved. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Australian cities currently face high levels of oil vulnerability, which is often unevenly distributed, particularly within the middle and outer suburbs of the greater metropolitan areas (Dodson and Sipe, 2006). New urban policies and planning practices are needed to avoid, remedy or mitigate the impacts of oil price rises and create urban resilience (Newman et al. 2009). Whilst the lack of scholarship around oil vulnerability is slowly beginning to be addressed within the Australian urban planning context, an emphasis on the links between urban governance and urban resilience is still largely marginalised despite its acknowledged central role in the quest of urban resilience. Our main point of departure is the re-conceptualisation of oil vulnerability as a planning and governance deficit within Australian cities. We identify a number of gaps that combine to inhibit the capacity for the development of urban resilience in the face of oil vulnerability and depletion scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ascendency of neoliberal ideas in education and social policy in the 1980s and 1990s was succeeded in the new millennium by a 'new' social democratic commitment with emphases on community empowerment, building social capital and a 'whole of government' approach to partnering with civil society to meet community needs. In Australia, this approach has resulted in the development of partnerships between schools and community organisations formed as part of a targeted, holistic approach to service delivery to meet the settlement and educational needs of refugee youth. Drawing on interviews conducted with community workers and government officers involved in the school-community partnerships, we document how these partnerships are working 'on the ground' in Queensland schools. We analyse our findings against the international literature on changing notions of neoliberal governance, and discuss the implications of the shift to the 'partnering state' for schools and community organisations working with refugee young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the difference and similarities between migrants to Australia and the native born population. The analysis indicates that an average of migrants will have less difficulty settling into the economy and on the marketplace, which imposes a low economic transaction costs. On the other hand, an average of migrants may have some difficulty settling into Australian political and civil society.

Copyright of Ukrainian Historical Journal / Ukraïnsʹkij Ìstoričnij Žurnal is the property of Institute of History of Ukraine, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite being a peripheral actor in the Cold War, Ireland in the immediate post-war period was attentive to cold war developments internationally, and the influence of the Catholic Church over state and society predominantly shaped the state’s response to the conflict. Irish diplomats internationally sent home reports on communist activity in the countries in which they served. This article will discuss Thomas J. Kiernan, Ireland’s Minister Plenipotentiary in Australia between 1946 and 1955, and his responses, views and perceptions of Australian anti-communism from his 1946 appointment to the 1951 plebiscite on banning the Communist Party of Australia, which ultimately failed. Through analysis of his reports in the National Archives of Ireland – including accounts of his interactions with politicians and clergy, the Australian press, parliamentary debates and other sources – it argues that his views were moulded by the dominant Irish conception of the Cold War, which was fundamentally shaped by Catholicism, and his overreliance on Catholic and print sources led him to sometimes exaggerate the communist threat. Nonetheless, his reports home to Dublin served to reinforce the Irish state’s perception that communism was a worldwide malaise which the Catholic Church and Catholics internationally were at the forefront of combatting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Personal and collective experiences of Islamophobia have complex implications for Muslim communities and affect individuals' social positioning, identity, and their (active) citizenship. While some Muslims respond by refraining from civic or political engagement, there is growing empirical evidence that Islamophobia encourages others to become more active. This article synthesises existing research on this under-explored topic and, drawing on a recently concluded study on Muslim intra-community engagement in Australia, presents fresh insights into the complex and multifaceted interplay between Islamophobia and the way in which Muslims enact their citizenship, in particular within a Muslim community context. The findings highlight that Australian Muslims' intra-community volunteering is often driven by their motivation to tackle anti-Muslim stereotypes or to empower fellow Muslims and communities to respond to Islamophobia. Moreover, the study findings suggest the persistence of barriers, from cultural inappropriateness to racism, within non-Muslim civil society groups and pinpoint that Muslims' intra-community engagement may have negative effects on their employment prospects due to discriminatory recruitment decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the long history of urbanisation, including developments in four jurisdictions – three in Greater China (the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong and Taiwan) and Australia. While each has its own history, all now face challenges associated with continuing urbanisation and the growth of very large cities. There are broadly similar economic forces at work, but differences in scale and differences in the "growth machines" involved and the institutional arrangements within which urban governance operates. The article explains the growing importance internationally of urban governance and the growing interest in the "performance" of cities. The authors then set out two case studies describing developments in urban governance around Shanghai and around Sydney. In both cases, the scale of big city growth is demanding both horizontal and vertical coordination, and processes that facilitate citizens and civil society participation. While the very different institutional arrangements in these jurisdictions have led to different urban governance arrangements, there are common challenges that have led to some common governance developments such as having a lead government with citywide and comprehensive public service responsibilities, and also having the national government play an increasingly active role in support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the book "Contesting the Australian Way: States, Markets and Civil Society," edited by Paul Smyth and Bettina Cass. This book contains fifteen papers following an agenda developed at a workshop convened by the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia in 1995. Papers discuss states, markets, and the global dimension, the social policy context in which debates about the Australian way have arisen, how the Australian way was reshaped in the 1940s within a Keynesian political economy, the unmaking of the Australian Keynesian way in the 1980s and 1990s, public sector reform and the Australian way, government, civil society, and the restructuring of community services, social movements, democracy and conflicts over institutional reform, economic restructuring in Australia, economic rationalism as a social philosophy masquerading as economic science, the prices and incomes accord, industrial relations.

Aims To outline the way the culture of austerity arising from the Global Financial Crisis has been used by Australian and New Zealand governments to maintain and extend healthcare budget cuts, through new public management strategies leading to missed nursing care. Background Ten years on the cost of the Global Financial Crisis continues to be borne by tax payers and those employed by the welfare state, yet analysis shows clearly that it was caused by a failure to adequately regulate markets, particularly the banks and multinational corporations. In health care, one of the impacts is increased workload for nurses leading to missed care. Design/Methods Registered Nurses and midwives ( n = 7,302) completed the MISSCARE surveys between 2012 - 2015, in four Australian states and New Zealand providing quantitative and qualitative responses. The qualitative comments were analysed using a template analysis approach based on key features of New Public Management. Findings Sixty-two qualitative responses identified measures in place directly linked to austerity and new public management strategies that impacted on the quality of patient care and nursing work, as well as contributing to missed care. Conclusion Opportunities for resistance may lie outside public and private health organizations in civil society, in the nurse union movements and other health and nursing professional associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an overview of recent attempts to reconfigure the relationship between state and civil society in Australia. The article offers five models of how state/civil society relations might play out under the Malcolm Turnbull’s Liberal government. These models include corporate, nostalgic, technological, neo-liberal, and the UK government’s Big Society variants. The article concludes that the Turnbull government’s approach to civic renewal is not innovative, and has reverted to a thin corporate model of state/civil society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Conflict over how forests should be managed has been a perennial feature of Australian environmental policy. In the early 2000s, these conflicts spilled over into a ‘certification war’ between two international forest certification standards – the Australian Forestry Standard, championed by industry and government, and the Forest Stewardship Council, championed by environmental civil society organisations. A key issue at stake in Australia's certification war is how similar or different the two schemes are. Building on the extensive literature on ‘new governance’, this article undertakes a systematic comparative analysis of the two schemes utilising a three-dimensional governance framework. The comparison reveals significant differences in the political, institutional and regulatory arrangements employed by each scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barriers to adaptation have emerged as key concerns in climate change theory and practice, however there remains little consensus about which barriers are the most significant to different groups and how competing concerns may be addressed. We investigate the significance of different barriers to adaptation for governments, the private sector, and civil society in Australia through a systematic analysis of submissions to the Australian Productivity Commission's inquiry into barriers to adaptation. Our results show that respondents prioritise barriers differently according to their respective sectors, and that there are competing concerns about which barriers should be addressed first. Nevertheless, some barriers are more persistent in the submissions than others, with governance and policy seen by most groups as being the major impediments to adaptation. We explain the implications of our analysis for adaptation politics and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay discusses the future possibilities for Australian policy on climate change as of September of 2013, highlighting obstacles facing efforts to enact climate change mitigation policies and on potential changes in Australian climate politics following the country's 2013 Federal Election. Topics addressed include opposition to a carbon tax in Australia, and the roles of civil society, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the international community in addressing climate change.