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Research focusing on community development processes is increasingly making use of the notion of actor. The actor is engaged in a system of actions. A range of sociological theories has given rise to the various types of social actors, including the theatrical actor, the strategic actor, the actor-network or the reflexive actor. We review these theories in an attempt to define an analytical framework, by employing what we call a tinkering methodology. The aim is to gain insight on the interactions that bind together the various stakeholders by function (acting and the actors' roles) on the fields of action (the scenes of interaction and real interventions) and on effects (the results of these actions). We then propose to apply our analytical framework to a case study on the process of developing an action plan in the Villeray district of Montréal (Québec, Canada). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the United Nations have established mechanisms to exercise political authority and influence states' policies and even though the global civil society puts pressure on their actions, indigenous peoples continue to face discrimination and violations of their rights. Canada constitutes a great example of a democratic country that is supposed to respect and protect human rights but violates the aboriginal rights extensively. The massive energy projects, Coastal GasLink pipeline, Trans Mountain pipeline and Site C dam, being developed in North and West Canada, do not respect the traditional lands and resources of the indigenous populations that live in the region and have been strongly condemned by the First Nations, the actors of the global civil society and the UN. Nonetheless, the Canadian government continues to fully support their construction. This paper aims to analyse the violations conducted against indigenous populations' lands by the Canadian government and the reaction of the UN and global civil society, using a series of qualitative and quantitative data based on papers, analyses and reports of Institutes, Study Centers and Organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resettlement of refugees in third countries has seen a growing intervention by various civil society actors in the last few years, starting from the Canadian experience. Also in Europe, these sponsorship schemes are developing, despite a general restriction of asylum policies. This paper will analyse a case of civil society's sponsorship, which has been developed in recent years by religious (Christian) institutions, first in Italy, then in other European countries (France, Belgium, Andorra, San Marino and recently Germany), in agreement with governments: what have been called 'humanitarian corridors'. The paper will provide an evaluation of the project referred to arrivals from Ethiopia (more than 300 people), based on documents and interviews with key informants, volunteers and refugees. In particular, it will discuss the present outcomes of the project, together with its relationship with restrictive policies: how the cultural message of the project challenges borders closure for asylum-seekers. Studying such experience, this article also wants to discuss some general questions: What does this reception by CSOs have to do with a neoliberal vision of asylum and human rights? What are the potential benefits and the possible shortcomings of citizens' and communities' engagement in refugee reception? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faith communities are increasingly recognised as an important piece of civil society that can contribute to addressing difficult sustainability and environmental problems. This research investigates the environmental activities and engagement of faith leadership organisations in Canada, a region in which faith-based environmentalism has not been studied extensively. The paper traces the evolution of environmental engagement among a diverse, multi-faith group of communities, beginning with the entry into environmental work by some groups in the 1960s and 1970s. Over the years, some programmes have matured, others have faltered, programmes have adapted to address new environmental challenges, and new communities have entered into environmental discourse. The paper also analyses contemporary activities, which can be divided into formation activities, advocacy and activism, and practical actions. Formation activities, such as education and worship programmes, are the most common, and advocacy and activism are often the most contested form of engagement. These activities demonstrate a commitment to a holistic approach, to addressing underlying causes of environmental harm by transforming worldviews, and contributing to societal change through both practical actions and advocacy and activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society organizations (CSOs) commonly experience food systems governance as imposed by governments from the top down and as unduly influenced by a small group of private sector actors that hold disproportionate power. This uneven influence significantly impacts the activities and relationships that determine the nature and orientation of food systems. In contrast, some CSOs have sought to establish participatory governance structures that are more democratic, accessible, collaborative, and rooted in social and environmental justice. Our research seeks to better understand the experiences of CSOs across the food systems governance landscape and critically analyze the successes, challenges, and future opportunities for establishing collaborative governance processes with the goal of building healthier, sustainable, and more equitable food systems. This paper presents findings from a survey of CSOs in Canada to identify who is involved in this work, key policy priorities, and opportunities and limitations experienced. Following the survey, we conducted interviews with a broad cross-section of CSO representatives to deepen our understanding of experiences engaging with food systems governance. Our findings suggest that what food systems governance is, how it is experienced, and what more participatory structures might look like are part of an emergent and contested debate. We argue for increased scholarly attention to the ways that proponents of place-based initiatives engage in participatory approaches to food systems governance, examining both current and future possibilities. We conclude by identifying five key gaps in food systems governance that require additional focus and study: (1) Describing the myriad meanings of participatory food systems governance; (2) Learning from food movement histories; (3) Deepening meaningful Indigenous--settler relationships; (4) Addressing food systems labor issues; and (5) Considering participatory food systems governance in the context of COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Muslim presence in Canada grows and matures, so too does local Muslim philanthropy and the number of Muslim-serving, Muslim-led, and Muslim-focused charitable organizations. Limited scholarship currently considers how resources are allocated within this ecosystem. This paper analyzes trends in the Canadian Muslim charitable ecosystem. Building on Qasqas and Chowdhury's (2017) methodology, which looks at annual CRA data on Islamic religious groups, we conduct an analysis of publicly available data on the 50 largest Muslim-serving, Muslim-led, and Muslim-focused charities. We use an analytical framework adapted from Nimer's (2014) typology of Muslim organizations to help categorize organizations and philanthropic investments within this ecosystem. Through this categorization, we show there is disproportionate focus among Canadian Muslims on directing philanthropic investments internationally and toward international organizations and limited publicly available information on the value of Canadian Muslim philanthropic investment in Muslim public affairs and research organizations. These philanthropic patterns may result in Muslim organizations in key areas of interest experiencing underinvestment relative to local Muslim communities' needs. We argue that Canadian Muslim philanthropists should consider donating locally and based on areas of strategic need, and this requires a more systematic assessment of local communities and their needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changing trends in environmental governance over recent decades have brought more civil society involvement into decision-making processes. The participation of faith communities in these processes is under-researched and poorly understood. This paper applies a governance lens to features of faith organizations to explore their roles, strengths, and shortcomings in contributing to environmental governance. Data were collected through literature review, interviews, focus groups, and participant observation. The data reveal that governance strengths of faith organizations coalesce around providing space for dialogue, helping shape the values and direction of governance, and the existence of strong organizational infrastructure and networks to implement action. Capacity challenges are posed by declining membership in some communities and a large proportion of new immigrants in others. Our research findings also provide a foundation for future studies (as some of the first studies of this kind in Canada) by offering preliminary conclusions and questions for further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the most comprehensive mapping to date of the current state of nonprofit management and philanthropic studies (NMPS) education programs in Canada. One of the more significant findings of this study is both the number and types of Canadian NMPS programs offered in the historically French-speaking province of Quebec, versus the predominantly English-speaking parts of the rest of Canada. We hypothesize that differences in the structure of civil society between English- and French-speaking parts of the country may have led to a differentiation in both the number and types of NMPS programs offered in the two regions. Canada is an apparent hybrid of the “welfare partnership” model found in many “continental European” countries, such as France, and the Anglo-Saxon model predominantly found in the United States, the United Kingdom, and some other members of the British Commonwealth. Given this hybridity, we compare the course offerings of French and English-speaking Canadian NMPS programs with those of other member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OCED) employing Esping-Anderson’s regime types as a comparative framework. This comparison reveals no strong correlations between these regime types and the nature of their NMPS curricular offerings. We follow this analysis with a more comprehensive comparison of American and Canadian NMPS education and offer a brief historical overview of the latter. We found significant differences in the NMPS education between these two countries, both qualitative and quantitative. Most significantly, a much larger proportion of Canadian post-secondary education institutions have programs that include at least some NMPS curricula, whereas there is a much larger proportion of programs in American institutions with NMPS as their primary focus. We then conclude by suggesting two potential paths of development lie ahead for Canadian NMPS programs: one follows the current status quo, dispersing programs among many programs and actors, the other sees the establishment of more centres specializing in NMPS education in a few select institutions, and also possible consolidation in programs for which it is a more peripheral concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the postcolonial context of Australia there has been a belated legal recognition of sui generis Indigenous rights and interests over much of the continent. However, the pervasive environmental discourse guiding resource management practices remains firmly based on ‘commonsense’ settler understandings of ‘nature’ as an external domain to be managed and/or preserved. In order to understand how this could be otherwise, this paper examines ideas about political landscape formation and the implications of the changing role of the nation-state and civil society in relation to the recognition of Indigenous political subjectivities. Taking the situation faced by Indigenous peoples in two settler societies as our vantage point, I argue here that we need to move away from assimilative environmental governance arrangements and politicise the concept of ‘nature’. This will open up spaces for the recognition and active participation of Indigenous polities in the realm of natural resource management. The paper concludes by contrasting the situation faced by Indigenous landowners in Australia's Kakadu National Park with the overtly political negotiations occurring in two northern regions of Canada. In the latter, in a process similar to what Tully calls ‘daily subconstitutional politics’, it is through the recognition of Indigenous polities in environmental governance issues that Indigenous peoples are starting to refashion their stake in the governing ideas and institutions of the broader regional, provincial and national polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If the classroom is a microcosm of the societies in which we live, then it becomes apparent that Canadian society is changing. Canada is, without a doubt, a multicultural society, a colourful and rich tapestry woven by the uniqueness of people from different ethno-religious and cultural backgrounds. This demographic change, which research shows is increasing in pace, has tremendously benefited the overall fabric of Canadian society. However, while this change has added to the vividness and richness of our Canadian identity and heritage, it has also caused and created certain problems. Along with this demographic change, conflict has also emerged in the form of rising tensions between different community groups within our country. Quebec's reasonable accommodations debate is a good example that validates this point. The question fundamentally becomes: What are the root causes of this conflict? How can we hope to prevent such conflict from emerging in the future? This paper, guided by empirical research, suggests that conflict has emerged from a pervasive ignorance about others who inhabit a shared socio-geographic space, an ignorance that breeds misunderstanding and mistrust. More importantly, this paper asserts that educators and educational systems can play a seminal role in responding appropriately to these issues within our society. If conflict is born out of ignorance, then how can education replace ignorance with knowledge in an effort to curtail future conflict? The vitality of any given society is only guaranteed insofar as the systems that educate its members keep up with the pace of change within this society. As classrooms throughout our country change to reflect the ever altering landscape of Canada, so too should the curricula that are used within these spaces. This paper will highlight the necessity to revitalize our systems of education so that they reflect our Canadian society in a meaningful way while adding to the promise of an active citizenry and promoting a prosperous civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2005, the Ontario government passed the Places to Grow Act and the Greenbelt Act, both major changes in land use policy designed to preserve greenspaces and combat urban sprawl in the Greater Golden Horseshoe, Canada's largest conurbation. This article examines the actors, actor beliefs, and inter-actor alliances in the southern Ontario land use policy subsystem from the perspective of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). Specifically, this paper undertakes an empirical examination of the ACF's Belief Homophily Hypothesis, which holds that inter-actor alliances form on the basis of shared policy-relevant beliefs, creating advocacy coalitions. The analysis finds strong evidence of three advocacy coalitions in the policy subsystem-an agricultural coalition, an environmentalist coalition, and a developers' coalition-as predicted by the hypothesis. However, it also finds equally strong evidence of a cross-coalition coordination network of peak organizations, something not predicted by the Belief Homophily Hypothesis, and in need of explanation within the ACF. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to school violence amongst children has grown over the last decade with increased research, civil society programmes, government policies and legislation to prevent and counter bullying and other types of violence. Yet, there is a major gap in current research and efforts due to the absence of a child rights-based approach (CRBA). What does a CRBA to anti-violence efforts involve? This paper provides a rationale in favour of a rights-based approach and then defines a CRBA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community-based organizations operate with limited resources and insecure funding in poor districts of Canada. With unpaid volunteers, they reach out to marginalized and underserved populations. Their activities take place in unpredictable settings. This paper looks at volunteerism as a research strategy. A systematization of experiences describes the volunteer work during a two-year participatory research project. A doctoral study became rooted in a coalition fighting against AIDS. The author witnessed what happened in terms of lived acts rather than only listened to discourse from interviews. By being there, one can visualize the level of volunteer engagement from civil society. The reflexive practice concentrated on socio-political contexts in which the research took place. Through this journey, traits such as conviviality, caring, festive links and militancy/fundraising emerged as reflective practice. The posture responded to ‘militant’ epistemological and ethical options: (a) the potential autonomy of community groups and their contribution to the social collective practice, and (b) an increased recognition of practical intelligence as an additional instrument for the production of understanding outside the institutional logic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to highlight the need for respectful open dialogue and trusting relationships among stakeholders in educational assessment. It is argued that this is a tenet of a democratic civil society. Design/methodology/approach – A theoretical framework is presented for navigating assessment tensions frequently experienced by educational stakeholders operating in the interest of civil societies. The framework emerged from a two-year mixed-method study of assessment in Canada. Findings – Five key assumptions, plus their ontological and epistemological orientations, that should guide assessment in the service of a civil society are described. The unidimensional and multidimensional perspectives related to student assessment are articulated along with associated tensions and opportunities. Implications are discussed for stakeholder groups including teachers, educational leaders, parents, unions, professional associations, department of education personnel, academics, informal community leaders, and politicians. Research limitations/implications – Educational stakeholders are invited to delve deeper into the meaning and purpose of assessment and to explore opportunities to reject alienating partisan perspectives. Practical implications – Multidimensional perspectives at the micro-through-macro levels of society and educational organizations will promote enhanced student assessment policy and practice. Social implications – Adoption of multidimensional perspectives of student assessment can lead to constructive communication and relationships that strengthen the fabric of civil society through enhanced student success. Originality/value – This article underscores the notion that democracy and the realization of a civil society are fragile and so too is the maintenance of a quality education system. Therefore, stakeholders must avoid the vilification of others and strive to preserve the precarious balance among competing interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many jurisdictions around the globe, governments are developing ID schemes based on radio frequency identification (RFID) and biometric technologies. In Canada, four provinces recently implemented RFID based 'enhanced' drivers licences (EDL) in response to the United States' Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative (WHTI), which requires all persons entering the United States to present a valid passport or alternative 'secure' document to prove their identity and citizenship. As researchers, we were closely involved in following the EDL policy development process. It became evident, as we attended legislative hearings, that parliamentarians needed clarifications to understand how the RFID identification scheme would function in practice. This project began with the goal of designing prototypes to demonstrate security and civil liberty concerns with a new RFID-based identification (ID) scheme in Canada. Influenced by participatory design and probe approaches to technology design, we built and tested mock infrastructures of RFID-based identification systems including low fidelity paper prototypes, and high fidelity prototypes using RFID-chipped cards, a database, antenna and reader. We also worked closely with civil society organizations to run public engagement activities. This paper reports on our attempts to create spaces for 'playful' engagement with RFID-based ID scheme technology at a time of 'serious' policy deliberations. Designed in the spirit of serious play, our mock ID infrastructures make the security and civil liberties challenges inherent in the proposed combination of ID cards and databases more visible, while demonstrating how such ID schemes work. At this point, we see future promise in the design and use of mock ID infrastructure for public engagement during relevant policy deliberations about ID schemes and databases which contain personal information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global waves of activism are powerful social forces shaping - and shaped by- policy and politics worldwide. Such waves are constituted not by a single movement or campaign but rather comprise national, local and transnational organizations and networks of activists. We lack the conceptual underpinnings necessary to fully capture the impact of such a diffuse and complex phenomenon. This prevents scholars from fully grasping the ways that waves shape and are shaped by national and transnational campaigns and their interactions, the ways that core ideas become embedded in national and international institutions, and the ways that core ideas develop and change. In this paper, we propose understanding global feminism as a global wave as a way to develop some insight into these processes. We elaborate this concept and give a brief overview of the development of the global feminist wave, showing the ways that transnational networks serve as mechanisms for linking activists to global governance and also to activists in other countries, strengthening global civil society. These organizational forms contribute to the development of global feminism, a set of ideas that motivate action and become embedded in an evolving set of international norms. Though global feminism is sometimes associated with a particular set of ideas from second wave feminism of the 1960s and 70s, we argue that it has its roots in the abolitionist and suffrage movements of the late 1800s.The roots of global feminism in the struggles of racialized and colonized women illuminates its potential as a source for gender justice today. We sketch the way that the global feminist wave interacts with different kinds of regimes, showing how domestic regimes and global norms evolve together focussing on the issue of gender-based violence against women. We suggest that different regime types channel waves differently, with neoliberal regimes paradoxically producing more openness to global waves while social democratic regimes- particularly those with weak civil society- channel waves through established institutional channels. A stronger connection to global civil could advance gender justice for intersectionally-marginalized women. We illustrate this argument with a brief application to Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a mixed‐method research design involving interviews and a survey, we examined how union officials in Quebec perceive social movement unionism (SMU). We show that union officials view SMU as a multifaceted phenomenon with ideal and pragmatic dimensions. They are torn between strong support for the ideals of SMU and a practical reluctance to use members' dues to provide services to non‐members. Experience with civil society organisations mitigates this tension, encouraging union officials to defend the interests of everyone not only as an ideal, but also as a strategy that allows unions to protect members and unrepresented workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how competing discursive and political formations about climate change structure and circulate in social media by mapping a year of climate-related Facebook posts and links by Canadian civil society actors. Drawing upon the concept of connective action, it traces the efficacy and impact of the social media strategies of actors favoring stronger climate action against those aiming to delay or block such action. Distinguishing between self-referential vs network-building connective action and active vs passive types of user engagement, it finds the most significant use of Facebook by Canadian civil society actors was the sharing of mainstream and alternative news sources. Such activity plays a key role in building networked publics around shared perspectives on climate change as well as generating audience subsidies through which users are mobilized to amplify particular news stories, columnists and media outlets. In Canada, conservative actors tend to be more focused upon network building and more effective in producing these subsidies, especially for right-leaning commercial news organizations and alt-right digital outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research brief presents results from a scan of peer-reviewed and grey literature published from March 2020 to the end of August 2021 looking at the impacts of COVID-19 on food security in Canada. The purpose of this literature scan is to look at how the national food-security landscape has shifted due to the pandemic and to analyze what these changes mean for civil society--led food movements working on the ground to enhance food systems sustainability and equity. This brief presents key findings from the literature scan focusing on food-security policy, programming, and funding; food security for individuals, households, and vulnerable populations; and food systems. We then draw on our collective experiences as food scholars and activists to discuss the implications of these findings for food movement organizing. Here, we focus on networks, policy advocacy, and local food systems as key considerations for food movements in a changing foodsecurity landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper explores the political concept of civil society and its emergence in multi-level rural and urban planning contexts. The first section conceptualizes civil society in the broader context within which it develops and we discuss global civil society to establish the need for a more local and regional focus. We then present considerations for assessing civil society and outline the research approach. The second section presents two case examples: (1) rural civil society in British Columbia, Canada focusing on the socio-political environment that enabled a shift away from conventional top-down, state-led forest management to devolved local control, and; (2) urban civil society in Waterloo Region, Ontario, which illustrates the response of local organizations to the wider socio-economic problems of housing provision in the Region. In both rural and urban contexts, there was longstanding tacit local support for each cause but significant triggers were needed to open policy windows and enable civil society organizations to help shift management ideologies in the forestry and housing sectors. Empowering civil actors through, for example, the devolution of decision making and responsibilities, and the redistribution of resources, helped to foster forms of legitimacy needed for emerging local and regional civil society organizations and networks. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Copyright of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition is the property of Global Media Journal: Canadian Edition and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current function of the Canadian Dairy Commission (CDC) raises important public policy issues that have implications for wealth redistribution, administrative law, and civil liberty. The CDC's purported economic relevance in Canadian society serves as a facade for a short-sighted management approach that is devoid of the rudiments of a market mechanism. In order to suggest future public policy developments, an exploratory field survey was conducted and results are presented in this paper. Although the results do not infer that Canadian consumers are discontented with dairy prices in Canada, our evidence shows that consumers know very little about the processes behind marketing milk in Canada, especially with the price setting powers of the CDC. This study indicates that future policies should address this lack of consumer awareness. As global dairy markets evolve, policies designed to protect against domestic and foreign competition will most likely become less effective. Protectionist policies can be detrimental to a country's long-term prosperity as opportunities for new products, adoption of new technologies and faster responses to consumer demands are squandered. The study's limitations and implications for practice and future research are described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a practitioner's view of the extent to which the 1955 UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (SMRs) have been utilized in Canada. The author reviews how the SMRs are being used by national authorities, civil society organizations and criminal law practitioners in Canada and presents reflections as to how the SMRs could be better utilized to ensure that prisoners' rights are protected in Canada. The SMRs, which, as revised in 2015, are often referred to as the Nelson Mandela Rules, are not in themselves binding upon states. However, they do carry weight: this is evidenced by the UN human rights bodies which have invoked the SMRs as a minimum universal standard in interpretations of binding international legal standards in their decisions and comments. Furthermore, the SMRs (traditionally classified as 'soft law') provide key stakeholders with useful and practical guidelines on all aspects of prisoners' rights. This article argues that the SMRs are being utilized to a degree in Canada, but that there is room for improvement. Canada is, in general, rather insular in its application of soft law standards. The Canadian courts have ruled, for example, that the SMRs are not binding in the domestic context. Thus, within the context of litigation, compliance with the SMRs is a challenge. Furthermore, a lack of legal literacy and training in prisoners' rights in general and in the SMRs more specifically is evident in Canada. The author's view is that legal training on the SMRs for criminal law practitioners and the judiciary would be one significant step towards more effective utilization of the SMRs in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to enrich the concept of national identity by employing the concept of habitus proposed by Pierre Bourdieu to establish a dialog between aspects of identity construction from above and its acceptance or rejection from below by national subjects. Taking the case of Quebec and the study of individual trajectories as a starting point, a debate is conducted amongst the proposals of the different levels of government, the political parties and civil society organizations, and compared with the identitarian transformations of the interviewees. The article concludes with the evidence of the differences between the proposed identity and the national habitus and suggests some of the reasons for these transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of the most recent refugee crisis the private sponsorship programme re-emerged in Canada as a just and novel solution to precarious migration. The private sponsorship programme expands the role of civil society in humanitarian resettlement, while simultaneously depicting the programme as a grassroots movement of engaged and active citizens. My purpose in this article is to materially and historically situate the ideological conditions that coordinate refugee migrations, with a particular focus on private sponsorship and neoliberal ideology. I argue that while private sponsorship may appear as a humanitarian solution to precarious migration, it simultaneously furthers the deeply political project of privatising immigrant welfare, localising consciousness, and depoliticising the experiences of refugee youth. Privately sponsored refugees encounter the same forms of deskilling and downward mobility as racialised newcomers. At the very same time, however, the private sponsorship programme deploys a narrative of grassroots community action to conceal the ways in which Canada is a racially divided economy and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses an exceptional archival source, the register of deserters for the 165th (Acadian) Battalion, to study the little understood phenomenon of desertion during the recruitment and training of new units in Canada during the First World War. By 1916, national enrollment numbers were in stark decline, and yet this Acadian unit was able to attract nearly 900 recruits. However, approximately 200 of them deserted before the unit left for Europe. Employing techniques of longitudinal analysis with military records and national censuses, the article identifies trends with regard to who was more likely to desert and why, and also examines the reintegration of deserters and soldiers into civil society after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista d'Estudis Autonòmics i Federals is the property of Revista d'Estudis Autonomics i Federals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Transboundary water resources are very challenging to manage, generating numerous unresolved management issues. North America possesses two different spatial contexts in which transboundary water resource management issues exist, the arid U. S.- Mexico border region and the humid U. S.- Canada border region. Past work on the U. S.- Mexico border has explored a range of institutional arrangements by which resources are managed, with a special focus on both existing and new institutions and how the locus of policy formulation may vary across scale. In this article, I explore water resource issues in the U. S.- Canadian transboundary context through a comparative examination of management frameworks in the westernmost section on the U. S.- Canada border. Specifically, I examine the Cascadia Corridor region within which the Salish Sea and smaller nested watersheds lie, exploring how concepts of devolution, regionalization, subnational participation, and spatial scale have unfolded in transboundary management efforts in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the concept of 'metagovernance' into the Canadian public administration literature. The term captures the relationship and tension between the willingness of the state to engage with civil society representatives in substantive policy planning and decision-making via purpose-focused governance networks, while maintaining some degree of control over their activity consistent with traditional notions of democratic accountability. Examples of fifteen cases of network governance at the local level from all regions in Canada and various policy domains are compared. The article identifies patterns in the management of governance networks by the state and reflects on the implications for network governance and accountability. Sommaire Cet article introduit le concept de la « métagouvernance » dans les documents de l'administration publique canadienne. Le terme reflète la relation et la tension entre la volonté de l' État de s'engager avec les représentants de la société civile dans une importante planification et prise de décisions en matière de politiques par le biais de réseaux de gouvernance axés sur des objectifs, tout en maintenant un certain degré de contrôle sur leur activité, conforme aux notions traditionnelles d'imputabilité en démocratie. On y compare les exemples de quinze cas de gouvernance de réseaux à l'échelle locale de toutes les régions du Canada et dans divers domaines de politique. L'article identifie les tendances dans la gestion des réseaux de gouvernance par l' État et examine les implications pour la gouvernance des réseaux et l'imputabilité. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Law & Society/Revue Canadienne Droit et Societe (University of Toronto Press) is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented which discusses articles within the issue on the theme of Canadian civic citizenship, including topics on public welfare reform, civil society and social policy in Canada.

Beginning in 1985 the Government of Canada significantly restructured and retrenched the welfare state, relatively undeterred by public or organised opposition. The ability of Canadian civil society organisations (CSOs) to influence the outcomes of reform was minimal at the best of times, and has diminished over time. In part, this stems from the underlying fragility of Canadian CSOs, even in their most activist period. Over the past three decades, political representation within the Canadian social policy community has itself been dramatically restructured, reshaped by both government and from within, exposing this underlying fragility. With less resistance from civil society and fewer sources of fresh ideas, the federal government was able to steer a course of retrenchment of the welfare state. This article analyses these changing patterns of representation and welfare state restructuring in Canada through major periods of realignments from 1985 to 2005, speculating on the future of the 'new politics' of the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 'cold climate' of New Public Management starting in the 1980s, civil society organisations (CSOs) in different provinces in Canada have fared differently. This article compares the shift and evolution of government-CSO dynamics in Ontario and Quebec. While Ontario has seen the marketisation and instrumentalisation of CSOs, many CSOs in Quebec have been protected by a government policy to promote and fund autonomous activities, including advocacy. Based on studies carried out between 1996 and 2008, the article examines how the majority of Quebec CSOs came to obtain some measure of control over their operating environment, and to keep at bay government efforts to co-opt or incorporate them into public programmes. The analytic framework calls upon concepts of state and civil society agency, political opportunity structure and politics, and identity-building strategies such as framing and naming, to explain the differences between the trajectories of Quebec's and Ontario's CSOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1999, the Canadian province of Ontario joined a number of other jurisdictions in requiring its high school students to complete volunteer service before graduating. The primary objective of this program, and others like it around the world, was to address declining civic engagement within society. Using a quasi-experimental design, we explore the impact of mandatory volunteering on its stated aims. Our findings suggest that volunteering in high school has positive impacts on the political dimensions of a student's subsequent civic engagement, measured here as political involvement, political activism, political interest, and political efficacy. However, those impacts are largely conditional on two features of the volunteering experience: sustained commitment to one placement and a positive experience as evaluated by the student. High school community service seems to be unrelated to social dimensions of civic engagement, measured here as involvement in a variety of social, cultural, and religious organizations. En 1999, la provincia canadiense de Ontario se sumó a otros distritos en requerir a sus alumnos de educación media completar un servicio voluntario antes de graduarse. El objetivo principal de este programa y otros similares alrededor del mundo fue para hacer frente a una caída en la participación cívica en la sociedad. Usamos un diseño cuasi-experimental para explorar el impacto del servicio social obligatorio de acuerdo a sus objetivos declarados. Nuestros hallazgos sugieren que el trabajo comunitario durante la educación media tiene un impacto positivo en el compromiso cívico posterior del estudiante, medido como la participación política, activismo político, interés político y eficacia política, pero que esos impactos están condicionados por dos características en la experiencia del servicio social: mantener un compromiso sostenido a una labor y el tener una experiencia positiva de acuerdo con el estudiante. El servicio social durante la educación media parece no estar relacionado a dimensiones sociales de compromiso cívico, medido en este estudio como la participación en una variedad de organizaciones sociales, culturales y religiosas. Related Articles:'Public Service Motivation and Political Action,' (2011): 'Community Service Learning,' (2011): 'Promoting Civic Activism,' (2002): [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]