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This paper examines the construction and maintenance of Chinese Han Buddhist temples in modern China against the backdrop of societal transformation. Initially, it analyzes the profound impact of social changes since the mid-19th century on Buddhist monasteries, including political turmoil, economic development, and urbanization. Furthermore, the paper explores how temples were reconstructed and revitalized within this historical context, highlighting the monastic community's unwavering commitment to protecting the Dharma and ensuring its enduring presence. Additionally, this paper also explores the role of charismatic monks in enhancing the sanctity of temples and the influence of Buddhist institutional frameworks on the dynamics of state and society. The study employs a multifaceted analysis to understand the complex interplay between temple construction, economic development, and the cultural heritage of Buddhism in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's aging population is becoming more and more serious, which has a farreaching influence on the state and society. As the more elderly population grows, it is necessary to strengthen a sound policy system to alleviate the burden on families and society. The importance of accurately predicting the elderly population is therefore highlighted. With the aim of exploring the future development trend of China's older population, in this paper, we establish a new fractional gray prediction model based on time power term to study China's elderly population. We used data from 2010 to 2019 to assess modeling accuracy, demonstrating that the model outperforms the other models. The final step is to use the model to forecast China's elderly population from 2020 to 2029. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Roughly one-quarter of the world's people and Internet users live under governments that engage in heavy censorship. A large portion live behind "The Great Firewall" of China, which places strategic importance on Internet control. The Internet can serve counterhegemonic purposes, as numerous groups in civil society use it to connect isolated populations, unite women's movements, and enable human rights and political minority activists. However, China sees Internet censorship as crucial for national security and social stability. Through legal research, translating Chinese sources, and drawing on personal experiences in China, this paper argues that Chinese domestic censorship poses an international threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, views regarding cyberspace and the usage of digital means by governments shifted from hopes of cyber-utopias to fears of cyberdystopias, fuelled by increasingly heavy limitations imposed on Internet freedoms and online privacy rights worldwide, a tightening grip of authoritarian regimes on cyberspace, disinformation campaigns, censorship, internet shutdowns, digitally-enabled mass surveillance both online and offline and so on. Thus, the discussion will be centred on Russia's and China's usage and export of digital authoritarianism, while also considering steps taken by liberal democracies to counter such actions, focusing on the role of the US and of the E U a nd i ts m ember-states. This paper will start with a literature review regarding digital authoritarianism and an exploration of how Russia and China are using and exporting it. States such as Russia and China are using digital means to bolster and expand their authoritarian regimes, while also exporting digital authoritarianism to other like-minded governments around the world, creating an unignorable challenge for liberal democracies and civil society groups everywhere. Finally, the paper will also address potential courses of action and policies that liberal democracies and international organisations can take for countering digital authoritarianism. For instance, they should promote an alternative model for digital governance and governance through digital means, starting by promoting digital liberties and privacy rights instead of trying to limit them for national security purposes (e.g., the case of encryption). Thus, liberal democracies should respond to digital authoritarianism by further bolstering democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) (Taiwan) have taken divergent paths in the area of human rights. Since the two leaders Xi Jinping and Tsai Ing-wen came to power, the differences in the area of human rights have further increased. The paper analyses and compares their external human rights strategies based on realist assumptions and the soft and hard power resources of the PRC and the ROC. The PRC's objectives are to deflect international criticism of its human rights situation and to weaken the global human rights system and its underlying human rights norms. Taiwan's objective is to use its record as a human rights leader in Asia to expand its limited international space and to strengthen its ties with other consolidated democracies and the global civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to explain why similar International Nongovernmental Organizations (INGOs) have different scopes under the new regulatory law in China. While previous studies have often associated fragmented authoritarianism with more room for civil sectors, the unintended consequence has been largely ignored. The paper argues that while civil sectors benefit from decentralized bureaucratic politics, the conflict between bureaucracies may also become an obstacle. This argument is based on a comparative case study of two similar INGOs whose missions are to solve poverty issues. While World Vision International had difficulties becoming a national organization after establishing several provincial offices with the help of local authorities, Oxfam succeeded and received permission from CPAFFC because it terminated collaboration with other local authorities, which put CPAFFC at ease. The interviews illustrate that competition among different departments and concerns about political risk lead to different outcomes for civil society. Government agencies will doubt an INGO's willingness to commit to a new relationship if it has too many partners. This implication reveals the complex effects of fragmented bureaucracy on INGOs. The decentralized political structure may lead to different outcomes for INGOs. It is necessary for INGOs to understand the political logic of the new INGO law so that they can choose the proper strategy to maximize their benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's identity in Zambia has been constructed in polarizing terms depending on the political and social standing of Zambians from political parties, civil society to ordinary citizens. The current paper looks at how the Patriotic Front (PF), from its time as an opposition to its time as a governing party, has constructed China's identity. The ill-will towards China that the PF constructed in its opposition days is described here as Sinophobia, a fear of China, the likely consequences of its investment and the presence of Chinese nationals. The paper traces how the PF (as an opposition party) moved from being a critic of China to being a staunch defender of China and Zambia-China relations (as ruling party). The conclusions drawn are that while Sinophobia was constructed, the fears expressed by the PF during its opposition days were justifiable and have become even more significant with the deepening of Zambia-China economic relations. Furthermore, the paper argues that current hostile positions towards China by opposition parties in Zambia reinforce the argument that China is an opportune pretext for those who hope to win the support of ordinary Zambians, who endure the perceived threat that comes with Chinese investment and Chinese employers and entrepreneurs. The paper relied mainly on Zambian media, government reports and legislation documents, the author's empirical study on China's identity and interest in Zambia and scholarly secondary literature as sources of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of policy capacity is often used to explain the success or failure of governments or countries in conceiving of, developing, and implementing policies, but is often poorly systematised. Wu et al provide a framework for understanding types of policy capacity, arguing that three kinds of capacity, distributed across policy systems, are needed for effective implementation. This paper applies that framework to a discussion of China, a country that has been managing a fundamental transformation since at least the late 1970s, which has underpinned the country's growth and development. The paper focuses on a subset of China's reforms - reforms to the healthcare system since the 1990s. Discussion of policy capacity shows (1) that policy capacity is dynamic and adaptive, in response to changing challenges due to rapid transformation in the country; (2) that the development and distribution of capacities has, overall, been government-directed, with strong research and analytical support from public think tanks and universities; (3) that understanding of policy capacity is evolving, with government paying increasing attention to the need to develop a learning state and society in response to increasingly complex problems of development. Examination of the Chinese case has relevance for how other countries develop and adapt policy capacities over time to manage rapid transformation, uncertainty and shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advocacy by civil society organizations such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is especially challenging in a constraining political context. The Government of China has invited such organizations to assist in addressing emergent environmental problems while also limiting political challenges from them. NGOs need to respond to these political externalities strategically. This paper navigates a quarter-century advocacy voyage by an iconic Chinese environmental NGO—Friends of Nature—discussing how the organization adapted to meet internal organization challenges within a dynamic, restrictive political environment. We found two major strategic pathways: first, diminishing dependency on influential individual leaders by building institutional competence and reputation; second, strategic specialization in litigation that anticipates opportunities that might emerge as state policies shift, and actively shaping niches to exert impact. This study adds historical insights on an NGO's evolution in China that can benefit other civil society organizations that face significant political, social, or legal challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to consider the role of accounting in the construction and maintenance of political hegemony during Mao's People's Commune movement in China between 1958 and 1966. Drawing on concepts of ideological power and intellectual diffusion in political and civil society from Gramsci's theory of hegemony, it analyses the process by which accounting intellectuals established a set of socialist accounting practices to meet the political challenges of the People's Commune. Design/methodology/approach: Gramsci's theory is adopted to examine how the accounting systems of People's Commune acted as a mechanism that reflected Mao's political ideas. Findings: This paper demonstrates that the accounting system that emerged during these socio-political movements served the ideological purpose of reinforcing Mao's political ideology and his hegemonic leadership. Accounting functioned within the spheres of both political and civil society to facilitate a national collective will, and to construct behaviours that satisfied the political requirements of the People's Commune. Originality/value: This paper will contribute to the accounting history in China from 1958 to 1966. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Transformations in Business & Economics is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent cultural studies scholarship, native terms have been used to understand the affective state of a society. Accordingly, this paper focuses on the term "spicy Taiwanese sister," regarding its derogatory gender implications in the context of Taiwan's popular culture. Then, it discloses the strategic appropriation of the gendered term in the presidential campaign from 2019 to 2020. This analysis reveals why the affective campaigning led to a triumph of Taiwan's democracy. The affect and effect of this presidential campaign could not have been fulfilled without the China factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wave of volunteerism and popular participation in disaster relief activities after the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in authoritarian China has attracted much academic attention. Existing literature leverages the erosion of state capacity, the moral symbolism and emotions of disaster relief, and civil society's ability to provide crucial public goods and services to explain this popular mobilization ([12]; [15]; [22]). However, these arguments do not satisfactorily explain why sustained, self-organized non-state activities were concentrated in few sites across the region most affected by the earthquake. This paper investigates the lingering puzzle of uneven grassroots activities through the lens of spatial theory. I argue that conditions favorable to popular mobilization were mediated by the creation of large and accessible public spaces in the form of emergency shelters, breaking the ordinary cellular spatial order which enhances state control through partitioning, surveillance, and securitization. Public spaces open to all increased contact among citizens, enabled coordination and collective activities, and created new common symbols and histories, thus facilitating sustained and self-organized popular activities. To test this theory, I conduct a most similar cases comparison between two prefectural-level cities, Deyang and Mianyang, in Sichuan province. I demonstrate that despite the similar lack of civil society organizations before the earthquake and similar needs after the earthquake, Mianyang saw more sustained grassroots activities due to the presence of large, dense, highly visible and accessible emergency shelters, while Deyang's distributed emergency resettlement strategies better maintained the cellular spatial order that left few sites for sustained popular activities. This paper seeks to understand the spatial nature of popular mobilization and aims to address a so far understudied element of civil society formation in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of China Quarterly is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NGOs are faced with the dilemma of action logic in participating in poverty alleviation at the grass-roots level: if they do not embed into local areas, they cannot carry out activities; if they embed too deeply, they will be molded in reverse and cannot realize successful exits. So what action logic will NGOs take in the process of poverty alleviation? Through field observation of H organization which participated in the poverty alleviation project of a pig farm in J village, this paper puts forward the action logic of "soft embeddedness" (SE) on the basis of the theory of "embeddedness" and "soft governance." SE mainly includes three aspects: the soft relationship embeddedness of culture and custom, the soft resources embeddedness of negotiation by many parties and the soft structure embeddedness of rural regulations and folk conventions. Compared with that of "hard embeddedness" (HE) which emphasizes institutionalism and inculcation, the action logic of SE has its own characteristics. It includes the flexibility of interaction, the strategy of participation and the limited responsibility boundary. The SE action logic helps maintain the autonomy of NGOs, promote the accumulation of village social capital and realize the sustainable development of poverty alleviation projects. At the same time, this paper theoretically complements and extends the interaction between the states and the society as well as the action logic of NGOs in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on the linkage and leverage theory, the paper aims at reviewing critical issues related to China's economic, cultural and political expansion in EU's Central and Eastern member states. Through the "17+1" format and "One Belt, One Road" initiative, China became an assertive competitor in Europe, acting on a "divide et impera" strategy through bilateral or multilateral negotiations, undermining the EU's cohesion. Also, the European Union is facing a movement of illiberal, nationalist or populist policies that occurred in the former Warsaw Pact countries which are trying to avoid Brussels' norms and therefore they are opened to other alternatives. In order to find out a pattern or relevant arguments for advancing a set of competing hypotheses or scenarios, a structured analytical technique will be applied, respectively "indicators or signposts of change", for the following countries: Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. In this regard, the key indicators will refer to: economic factors, the strength of the civil society, the force of the opposition or of pro-European parties and the degree of Europeanization in the analysed states. Thereby, the article will advance three important questions: 1) Is EU in competition with China and how the confrontation takes place? 2) Which are the EU's countries more likely to strengthen the partnership with China? 3) Which are the EU's own linkages and leverages in its Eastern part and how they can be used for stopping China's advancement? The results will strengthen the idea that China became a real competitive actor, trying to expand in Europe, where the peripheral ex-communist states have been placed in the core of the confrontation. Also, the article will demonstrate that EU facing a real economic rival has the capabilities to stand up and therefore act as an international power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil society and environmental NGOs in Russia and China have been facing gradual crackdowns from their governments for the past decade and have been accused of being connected to foreign governments. Due to the changes in political and legal environments and the rise of a new generation of activists, the civil society landscape has been transformed in both countries. Drawing on 14 months of fieldwork, this paper aims to provide an updated account of environmental activism in Russia and China--the post-foreign-funding civil society. It focuses on grass-roots NGOs and their relationships with their foreign donors and the consequences of foreign grant withdrawal. The paper aims to understand how foreign support has shaped the image of environmental activism for the generation born shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the crackdown on the students' protests in Tiananmen Square. It argues that young activists in Russia and China see environmentalism as something 'foreign', which also makes it attractive to take part in. The paper suggests that, while in some cases foreign funding and international linkages may have endangered existing NGOs in Russia and China, the opportunity to meet foreigners attracts the younger generation to environmental movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the continuous progress of the comprehensive implementation of the rural revitalization strategy, the protection of famous historical and cultural cities, towns and villages has received great attention from the state and society. With the continuous improvement of the level of economic development and the further advancement of industrialization and urbanization, the current historical and cultural environment and ecological environment are increasingly eroded and destroyed. From the perspective of cultural ecology, based on exploring the cultural ecological characteristics of Sanggan River Basin, this paper classified and analyzed the historical and cultural cities, towns and villages in the basin according to three levels: natural ecological elements, historical functions of towns and historical function forms of villages, and further explored their overall protection methods, hoping to provide some reference for the protection of other famous historical and cultural cities, towns and villages in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the perception and politics of air pollution in Shanghai. We present a qualitative case study based on a literature review of relevant policies and research on civil society and air pollution, in dialogue with air quality indexes and field research data. We engage with the concept of China's authoritarian environmentalism and the political context of ecological civilization. We find that discussions about air pollution are often placed in a frame that is both locally temporal (environment) and internationally developmentalist (economy). We raise questions from an example of three applications with different presentations of air quality index measures for the same time and place. This example and frame highlight the central role and connection between technology, data and evidence, and pollution visibility in the case of the perception of air pollution. Our findings then point to two gaps in authoritarian environmentalism research, revealing a need to better understand (1) the role of technology within this governance context, and (2) the tensions created from this non-participatory approach with ecological civilization, which calls for civil society participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blue Economy (BE), as a novel approach fostering the sustainability of oceans and coastal areas for economic growth, is considered an enabler for sustainable and inclusive development. The paper contributes to the emerging literature on the development of a participative BE by presenting an innovative Quadruple Helix model, which not only connects domestic government, academia, firms and users but acts as a driver boosting the foreign exposure of the country in this specific domain. The model is tested in Qingdao, an exemplary city included in the Blue Economic Zone of the Shandong Province in China, through an exploratory approach based on desk research integrated with semi-structured interviews with eight experts. The findings suggest that Qingdao is built on a Triple Helix where the government holds a leading role in defining the domestic and international activities of academia and businesses, as in the case of the Blue Silicon Valley and the Qingdao West Coast New Area. Contrary, structures and practices fostering the involvement of civil society were not retrieved, even if projects to develop a sustainable Quadruple Helix model are expected by exploiting international collaboration. Furthermore, the findings show that to promote international partnerships in BE it is imperative to define a common and shared language at the global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Autocratic control of civil society, including academia, can be extended to democratic societies and institutions in ways that pose threats to liberal-democratic values, such as academic freedom, for example through mechanisms and practices that lead to academic self-censorship. Engaging critically with the literature on 'sharp power' and 'authoritarian influencing' addressing this phenomenon, this paper argues that democratic actors who, without sharing the repressive goals of autocracies, contribute to their success in settings of international collaboration and exchange can become structurally complicit with such wrongs. Recognizing the risk of complicity is a necessary first step towards addressing the political responsibilities resulting from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the characteristics of China's Non-governmental Organizations (CNGOs) is rooted in three approaches: the civil society approach, the corporatism approach, and the contingent approach. The debate between Civil Society and Corporatism has lasted for three decades and has dominated the thoughts and vocabularies of the description of CNGOs. More recently, however, some researchers have sought to focus attention on the context in which CNGOs survive and play a role, pointing out that the characteristics of a CNGO go beyond the question of 'autonomy', and arguing that they are the reflection of this socio-economic environment. This type of research may be called a 'contingent approach.' This paper investigates and critically reviews these three categories of literature by describing and comparing their key ideas and implications for the NGOs in China, and finally concludes with the author's view on the macro discourses, theoretical tools, and research methods of studying the characteristics of CNGOs in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A taxonomy of stakes and stakeholders in urban governance is presented in this paper. In addition to property interests, business interests, political interests and the state, special attention is paid to ordinary people's general interests in the city. It depends on a person's indigeneity, the degree of his being an indigenous person or insider to the city. General interest is usually not revealed because urban governance is more distant from the person than his daily work and life, but its revelation could be ignited in an explosive way by particular events on some occasions. This is called the flash preference problem, which has important implications to urban governance. Both social control and civil society can be regarded as possible solutions to the problem. Built on the taxonomy of stakes and stakeholders, a theoretical framework for urban governance in China includes growing property interests and business interests that have formed growth coalition with local government. Social control remains important but difficult because street office and residents' committee are expected to strengthen social control while they are gradually being marginalized in neighborhood governance. The case of grid management not only demonstrates the dilemma of social control in China but also hints at the ultimate importance of democracy and civil society to urban governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the emergence of a highly networked and capable non-governmental organization (NGO) community in disaster relief in China. It provides a review of the growth of non-governmental actors in the relief field since the 2000s and examines the most important platforms and networks in the field, focusing on their strategies of maintaining a broad-based partnership, developing their own capacity, and enhancing overall inter-organizational connectivity. With an in-depth look at a successful joint non-governmental relief operation in Lushan in 2013, the paper also explicates how NGOs can break the state monopoly over disaster information management, public donations and relief operations. This research finds that during crisis times, non-governmental actors carry out relief missions effectively in parallel with state agencies. The rise of non-governmental disaster relief sheds light on one of many trajectories of civil society development in China where social autonomy is earned by innovation, public support and improved capacity. 摘要: 民间自发救灾在中国最近几年蓬勃发展起来, 已经开始形成具有专业化能力的社会组织网络。本研究首先回顾了二十一世纪以来民间力量和非政府组织参与救灾的发展历程, 详细分析最具代表性的平台和网络组织, 并且重点解释民间组织是如何维持广泛的伙伴关系, 如何促进跨组织的协调和联系来推动一个全国范围的具有集体认同的民间救灾共同体的形成。本研究还以 2013 年芦山地震救灾作为案例来解释不同的民间力量是如何通过有意识的组织建设和策略创新逐渐打破政府在灾情信息、社会捐助以及救灾管理方面的垄断地位, 开辟出一个同国家救灾体系平行、保持相对独立的民间救灾体系。不需要同政府发生直接对抗和冲突, 这个联动、高效和专业的民间救灾体系已经能够在某些方面替代国家的救灾功能, 甚至已经发展出一些不同于国家的救灾机制。通过这个案例, 本研究希望能够揭示中国公民社会发展的一种可能路径; 沿着这条路径, 公民社会有可能在既不全面被政权所压制, 也不必然会同国家正面冲突的情况下依靠公众的支持、创新和自我管治能力来发展社会自主性。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the Chinese state has an outsized influence on shaping civil society in China, extant literature has generally overlooked the increasing role of the market in its non-governmental organization (NGO) development. This paper examines the marketization of Chinese civil society through an ethnographic investigation of funding relationships between domestic Chinese philanthropic foundations and grassroots NGOs. Two case studies of foundation venture philanthropy projects show that businesspeople, through their intensive involvement in foundation-led funding programmes, are introducing strong market influences to the non-profit sector. Notwithstanding the attraction of foundation funding, many NGOs decry the negative side effects of non-profit marketization. We argue that NGOs in this context risk being transformed into social product providers and resource-chasing machines, detracting from the self-directed social missions that many NGO leaders see as their original calling. These observations on emergent NGO–foundation relationships also reflect participants' increasing uncertainty about the direction of Chinese civil society development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I conduct a comparative analysis of three Chinese experiments with participatory budgeting (PB), a democratic innovation that has circulated worldwide. Relying on a renewed typology of political representation and ethnographic fieldwork combined with official data collection in Chengdu, Sichuan and Wenling, Zhejiang over seven years, it investigates the expansion and practice of PB and analyzes the relationship between participation and representation. It asserts that in the Chinese context PB cannot be simply reduced to empowering civil society against established representatives or becoming an instrument of legitimization for established elites. In the three investigated cases—which are not representative of Chinese local politics—PB does contribute to opening the decision-making process to formerly excluded participants, who are nonetheless not exactly ordinary citizens but rather local elites and "super residents" bridging the gap between established elites and residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational corporations (TNCs) have increasingly addressed labour conditions associated with their commercial suppliers in developing countries. For TNCs, however, weak rule of law, poor governance capacity, corruption and gaps in appropriate legislation in developing countries have made the management, enforcement and monitoring of local labour practices problematic, in the process exposing TNCs to reputational risks and potential commercial harm. TNCs have attempted to overcome these constraints by developing corporate responsibility (CR) strategies designed to set in place codes of ethical conduct in the treatment of worker rights while protecting shareholder interests and those of other stakeholders. As this paper explores, TNCs are pursuing the development of regulatory codes that are required to be adopted by their supply chain partners, in the process, setting standards that are diffused to local businesses and organizations and impacting the regulatory structures that govern local business behaviour. As this paper notes, however, this is not a one-way process of norm diffusion but rather a site of norm reciprocity, where local institutions and practices shape the regulatory outcomes that evolve. To this end, the paper examines the interactions between TNCs and other actors (international organizations, the state, civil society and private actors) in norm diffusion, attempting to map and ascertain how reciprocity in norm diffusion shapes norm and institutional outcomes in CR activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental activism and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are not limited to major cities, but have gradually taken root in provincial and local politics in China. This paper compares the development and characteristics of environmental activism in Guangdong province and Guangxi autonomous region, with the aim of shedding light on the causes of regional disparities in this field. With extensive and strong ties to peer organizations across issue areas within the province, grassroots environmental groups in Guangdong have grown as an integral part of local civil society. They have survived, through mutual-support, on a larger scale than those in Guangxi. Also, with a higher level of networking and capacity, environmental NGOs in Guangdong are more able to utilize the new opportunities offered by recent institutional reforms in social management and environmental protection in the province. The paper, thus, challenges the argument that over-emphasizes the domination of the state and points out that inter-organizational partnerships and the overall maturity of the civil society sector contribute most to the uneven development of grassroots environmental activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Along with the emergence of the 'three rural issues' and rural crisis, a new co-operative movement has been witnessed in rural China, which is different from the former revolutionary communalist co-operative movement. This social movement can help to understand and rebuild civil society in China, which has, more often than not, been criticized as not genuine, civil nor society-based. Following the debate's background of the juxtaposition of a fast economic reform together with slow social and political reforms in China, the paper addresses a crucial question on the impact of economic development on civil society dynamics in China. By identifying the causal mechanisms of the new co-operative development and the conditions needed for them to develop, the paper presents some implications of the co-operative model in today's society. These causal mechanisms are set within the context of one historical process evolving with a path dependency. Using this theoretical framework, it further presents the empirical observations. Through the findings it is concluded that the new co-operative movement in rural China can be considered as a mild liberalization within civil society's sphere. While questioning a popularly used perspective examining the voluntary/non-profit nature of civil society organizations and excluding the economic aspect within civil society studies in China, the paper suggests an alternative approach representing an inclusive third sector with diverse organizations that combine both economic and social aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Co-operation in 2006, China's renewed interest in Africa has garnered a lot of attention and generated a lot of debate. Western media and analysts have, perhaps not surprisingly, been generally very critical of China's rising influence in Africa. The African reaction, however, has been more mixed. African leaders have welcomed what they see as a new approach to development and increased potential for meaningful South-South co-operation. African civil society groups have been more cautious and are worried about the possible negative repercussions on governance, the environment, human rights and overall economic development. This paper focuses on Chinese foreign aid to Africa and discusses the opportunities and challenges that it presents for China, the African continent, and the international community. This allows the uncovering of many misconceptions regarding the potential impact (whether positive or negative) of this renewed interest by different parties. The paper argues that if one adopts an approach that puts ordinary Africans first, at the centre of development, then the only option available to us is to engage China in a constructive partnership in order to make its aid effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the different styles of anti-corruption strategy, particularly at the local level in China and India. In China there has been a central push with a role of anti-corruption agencies that have law-enforcement power. In India there has been a focus on institutional building together with a visible role of the civil society. China has had a top-down approach while India has more of a bottom-up approach combined with top-down initiatives such as demonetization. Interviews with 44 mid-career and senior officials investigate the two approaches and the impacts of anti-corruption measures in China and India. Interviewees support the approaches adopted by China and India but doubt their effectiveness and sustainability. The way forward, they suggest, is to reduce the influence of political parties especially in India and to enhance e-governance in both countries. Experiences of the two countries have significant implications especially on capacity building, institutional development, and law enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uncertain political boundaries and formal cooptation institutions often make NGOs in China self-censor on sensitive issues. A growing body of literature has focused on various strategies NGOs proactively adopt to circumvent formal restrictions and manage the risk of participation. However, a comparative case study from a four-month fieldwork in this paper reveals a previously neglected aspect of state-NGO interaction, i.e., how do NGOs perceive and process the information they get? We find that endorsement outside of the formal institution—a retired official in our case—is not perceived as credible because the retired official does not have to bear the consequence of miscalculation. On the contrary, endorsement from local supervision institution is perceived as credible. Paradoxically, the credibility comes from the institutional design that originally intends to make restriction and monitoring effective. Our study suggests that while NGOs have various ways to seek endorsement, not all of them are perceived as credible. State, as the creator of uncertainty in the first place, is also the ultimate solution for it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of POSTData: Revista de Reflexión y Análisis Político is the property of Grupo Interuniversitario Postdata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using the data from the World Value Survey, this paper uses a comparative lens to assess environmental philanthropy by focusing on four predominantly Chinese societies – mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore, which contributes to the debate on whether culture can sufficiently explain cross-regional variation in civic engagement, particularly in the domain of environmental philanthropy. We find that residents in mainland China shared similar environmental concerns and beliefs with people from the other regions, but they are least likely to volunteer, donate, and demonstrate for these causes. After accounting for personal characteristics, the sizeable interregional gaps on pro-environmental behaviors remain. These findings are consistent with the argument that structural differences, particularly the developing nature of civil society in mainland China, hinders environmental civic engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses public space in China and explores how theories of public space can be applied to two waterfront projects. As case studies the paper compares two public waterfront projects: The 18 km Jinji Lake project in Suzhou and the 45km Huangpu River waterfront project in Shanghai, both completed in 2018. The Jinji lake development in the heart of Suzhou designed by EDAW later AECOM also boasts inclusive 24/7 access and people centered design. Democratic theory is commonly used in the West to discuss public space however Limin Hee argues that the discourse as understood in the western democratic tradition is not adequate for Asian cities (Hee, 2017). Constructing Singapore Public Space, Springer) This paper finds that although the idea of public space in China is argued to be an evolving concpt (Gaubatz, 2008, pp 72-83), notions of democratic participation, Human Centered Design (HCD) and place-making methods are central development policy in Chinese cities. Whereas terms like vibrancy and vitality are commonly used by scholars to evaluate and discuss public space in China, rather than democratic theory, theories from western scholars such as Habermas’s theory of the public sphere are also relevant and collaborative practices between civil society and the state are key to the participatory nature of Chinese public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is situated in the normative discourse on the society building in China, seeks to go beyond the various ideological discourses, such as the liberal, the socialist, and neo-Confucian approaches, and develops a functionalist view of social governance. The functionalist approach maintains that the political vision is to build a Chinese-style "active society" that rises above the "under-organized society" of traditional China and the "over-organized society" of contemporary China simultaneously. An active society has three principal sociopolitical functions: inhibiting "state fetishism," and defending the public sphere to promote the legitimation of state power; resisting "market society," creating a market (re-)embedded in society and ensuring nonmarket supply of public goods; and rising above "the differential mode of association" (chaxu geju), accumulating social capital and nurturing civil virtues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Studies Review is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the relationship between grassroots non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the authoritarian state of China in terms of mobilizingpolicy changes in response to the climate crisis. It focuses on the advocacystrategy of NGOs and seeks to explain how NGOs in China use their expertise asthe entry point to establish policy networks with the country's most influential policymakers and experts. Greenovation Hub (G:hub) is the case study for this investigation. I used the policy networks framework to look into the interaction between G:hub and other experts. I discovered that mutually aligned policy objectives are the key for the effectiveness of NGOs' expert advocacy strategy of constructing policy networks within the expert community in China. Cooperating with other experts can help NGOs create an "insider" role for themselves. In addition, this research also discussed the conditions for NGO inclusion. I found opportunities and limitations linked to the alignment of NGOs' policy objectives with the state's vision for climate policy. The research conducted by NGOs also faced rejection if it failed to identify the state's priorities, highlighting the limitations of this approach. The significance of this finding is that the expertise strategy works for policy advocacy regardless of regime type, but that accessing policy networks are even more vital in a closed policymaking process. This case study further enhances the comprehension of the policy influence that NGOs have on the climatic effects of China's overseas development policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2012, Beijing began releasing air quality report of PM 2.5. The move has been credited as a major breakthrough in China’s environmental governance as it is argued that online environmental activists in China were the major driving force behind it. Since then, the issue of air pollution has reemerged as one of the hottest issues and a series of new policies addressing air pollution have been adopted. Facing a relatively new phenomenon (wumai) and heightened public concerns, to what extent is the state still capable of guiding the pubic perception and opinions about the issue? By analyzing the discourse of air pollution in People’s Daily and comparing it with public opinion survey data, the paper finds that the state’s ability to guide public opinion is rather limited, indicating that opportunities do exist for civil society to play a bigger role in China’s environmental governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]