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This paper presents an analysis of the temporary variation of the area-orientated annual maximum daily rainfall (AMDR) with respect to the three spatial properties: location, size and shape of the region-of-interest (ROI) in Great Britain and Australia using two century-long datasets. The Maximum Likelihood and Bayesian Markov-Chain-Monte-Carlo methods are employed to quantify the time-varying frequency of AMDR, where a large proportion of the ROIs shows a non-decreasing level of most frequent AMDR. While the most frequent AMDR values generally decrease with larger-sized ROIs, their temporal variation that can be attributed to the climate change impact does not show the same dependency on the size. Climate change impact on ROI-orientated extreme rainfall is seen higher for rounded shapes although the ROI shape is not as significant as the other two spatial properties. Comparison of the AMDR at different return levels shows an underestimation by conventionally used stationary models in regions where a nonstationary (i.e., time-varying) model is preferred. The findings suggest an overhaul of the current storm design procedure in view of the impact of not only climate change but also spatial variation in natural processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the spatial variation of area‐orientated annual maximum daily rainfall (AMDR), represented by well‐fitted generalized extreme value (GEV) distributions, over the last century in Great Britain (GB) and Australia (AU) with respect to three spatial properties: geographic locations, sizes, and shapes of the region‐of‐interest (ROI). The results show that the spatial variation of GEV location‐scale parameters is dominated by geographic locations and area sizes. In GB, there is an eastward‐decreasing banded pattern compared with a concentrically increasing pattern from the middle to coasts in AU. The parameters tend to decrease with increased area sizes in both studied regions. Although the impact of the ROI shapes is insignificant, the round‐shaped regions usually have higher‐valued parameters than the elongated ones. These findings provide a new perspective to understand the heterogeneity of extreme rainfall distribution over space driven by the complex interactions between climate, geographical features, and the practical sampling approaches. Key Points: Rainfall series are extracted and processed from more than 11,000 regions of interest over the last 100 years in Great Britain and Australia.Spatial distribution of extreme rainfall modeled qualitatively and quantitatively shows impact from location, size, and shape of regions.Methods and findings provide new perspectives for understanding the heterogeneous nature of climate variability and climatic change impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a growing focus on uncertainty as a distinct concept in the risk literature. This paper is concerned with how those involved in the design and implementation of climate change policy conceptualize risk and uncertainty. Based on interviews with policy and industry elites in Australia, China and the UK, it finds that participants did not distinguish between "risk" and "uncertainty" in their conceptualization of climate threats. For the majority of them, politics was the most significant source of risk and uncertainty in climate policy, but delegation of otherwise political decisions to the market was seen as the best solution. The conclusion suggests that the conceptual distinction between risk and uncertainty is less important, for policy and industry elites, than the need to develop mechanisms that account for both persistent scientific uncertainties as well as interpretive and moral ambiguities in climate policy design and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cities must transform in order to address the challenge of climate change and to achieve societal ambitions such as the sustainable development goals. However, a key impediment to achieving transformation is underdeveloped understandings of how key actors and sectors within the built environment work together to achieve goals. This paper addresses these gaps by developing and visually presenting a process map to describe: the key processes involved in producing the built environment across its life stages; key sectors of the built environment, their key actors, and the activities coordinated between them. The process map was peer reviewed by an expert reference group of built environment professionals active in Australia and the UK. The motivation for developing this process map is to facilitate future research to identify and expedite opportunities for coordinated action to address significant societal challenges such as climate change action, and the sustainable development goals – which require transformative action in cities. • Cities must transform to address climate change • We develop a process map to describe the production of the built environment • Process map describes fundamental activities for producing the built environment • Process map spans built environment life stages; identifying activities and interactions of key sectors and actors • Can be applied to inform transformative action targeted at challenges such as climate change [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for research into the effectiveness of government strategies for a 'carbon neutral public sector'. We review initiatives in three OECD countries: New Zealand, Australia and the UK. In all jurisdictions, government agencies have consistently stressed 'leading by example' as a rationale for adoption. 'Direct mandate' by the Prime Minister (NZ); 'organic development' from wider central government sustainability initiatives (UK); and a more 'laissez faire' approach by Australian Federal and State Governments, were identified as the general pathways leading to implementation. Our assessment indicates: a lack of understanding of the implementation process for carbon neutrality; a need to identify and critically examine the 'offset threshold' at which mitigation efforts cease and offsetting is adopted; an absence of any evaluation of the 'leading by example' rationale; a lack of inter-country comparisons; a gap in understanding the relationship with economic and social aspects of sustainability; and a need to evaluate the utility of core government departments as the focus of carbon accounting. We urge colleagues to consider research in this area with a view to contributing to the interdisciplinary solutions which we believe are required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares climate change campaigns conducted by environmental nongovernment organizations (NGOs) in the United Kingdom (UK) and Australia. The NGOs represent a diversity of political access, financial resources, and international connections. Three campaign activities common to both countries undertaken between 2004 and 2006 are analyzed for their effectiveness via interviews and document review. This examination is embedded within an analysis of the political, economic, policy, and social contexts of each country. It is shown that in the UK climate change has been used as a pivotal leadership issue, that the fossil fuel industry’s influence is not predominant, and that NGOs enjoy political legitimacy. Whereas, in Australia climate change has only recently emerged as a political priority, the fossil fuel industry has had significant political and financial influence, and NGO advocacy has been marginalized. It is argued that NGOs are embedded in the political and policy contexts of their country, and the greatest campaign traction and NGO influence can only be achieved when these contexts provide favorable conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kyoto protocol was the first step taken by governments towards implementing the Framework Convention on Climate Change (1992). This seeks to prevent dangerous 'global' warming and its impacts; the assumption being that all or most of this warming is caused by human action and is therefore susceptible to mitigation. Only governments in developed countries have so far committed themselves to emission reduction targets and thus to potentially major interventions in their economies and societies. At Kyoto, in December 1997, developed countries negotiated national commitments. Their net reductions of six greenhouse gases measured from a 1990 baseline, are to be achieved between 2008 and 2012. However, Australia may increase its net greenhouse gas emissions by 8%, while the UK agreed to a cut by 12.5%, considerably above the EU average cut of 8%. Examples of 'common but differentiated'responsibility have major economic implications, especially for trade. The mandatory British reduction target - if the Kyoto Protocol comes into force - is considerably below a promised 20% reduction, a target to which the UK government remains committed. This paper asks whythe EU/UK and Australia adopted such different positions. It does soby analysing internal factors and forces that have shaped domestic policies. It is argued that while similar motivations produced different outcomes, the Australian government also received less biased and broader advice from its experts. The Australian case, as well as thatof the EU/UK, thus presents a most interesting contrast to Swedish climate policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]