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Up until the end of Cold War mainstream theories in the disciplines of International Relations and Peace Studies have overlooked the transformation in relations between actors but instead concentrated on either the constant state of conflict between units or radical changes from war to peace. Acknowledging major changes in their subject matters due to the changing conditions with the end of Cold War, both disciplines had to rethink their theoretical assumptions and renew their toolboxes. Accordingly, the constructivist turn in International Relations and the introduction of Transformational Approach to conflict in Peace Studies have brought the two disciplines closer. Similar to the Constructivist theory of International Relations that emphasizes changes rather than law-like regularities in international politics, the Conflict Transformation Approach in Peace Studies focuses on perennial transformation processes in conflicts. This paper through bringing together insights from the disciplines of International Relations and Peace Studies, analyses the cross-strait conflict between the People's Republic of China and Republic of China (Taiwan) within a constructivist framework, and from a transformational perspective by applying Hugh Miall's five-point model of conflict transformation (context transformation, structural transformation, actor transformation, issue transformation, and personal/elite transformation). Miall's five-point model is utilized in this paper to show that, despite serious crisis occurred in more than 70 years history of People's Republic of China-Republic of China conflict, the relationship of the parties has undergone a set of transformations on the way to reconciliation. Although the conflict, with serious disagreements on crucial issues, is far from being settled, the ongoing transformation creates room for negotiations and further reconciliation on issues that were previously regarded as non-negotiable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's burgeoning economic and security activities abroad have given rise to suspicions and criticisms of its intentions. As Buddhism is a shared faith and heritage among many Chinese; an integral part of national identities of Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia; a proud legacy in India; and a major religion in Vietnam, Malaysia, Singapore, Mongolia, Korea, and Japan, winning over the trust and friendship of neighboring Buddhist countries has emerged as an important Chinese diplomatic initiative, especially under the current Xi Jinping leadership's enterprise to revive the Silk Road. Having over 245 million Buddhists, 28,000 Buddhist monasteries, 16,000 temples, and 240,000 Buddhist monks and nuns makes the promotion of Buddhism a rich source of soft-power, or "soul power," for China, generated from its heavy investments in building Buddhist institutions and engaging Buddhist groups in these countries. However, there are external and domestic challenges in using Buddhism as a Chinese foreign policy vehicle. The paper analyzes what the objectives of China's Buddhist diplomacy are; which personnel, organizations, or state bureaus in China make China's Buddhist diplomacy; how is it carried out; what the targeted institutions and personnel in the affected countries are; the reactions from these countries; and the extent to which a Communist regime is able to carry out its promotion of Buddhism in Asia despite its professed atheism. The analysis is conducted through the spectrum of two major perspectives in international relations literature: neo-realism and constructivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-strait relations, which are always fraught with tension, with the potential for escalation into open conflict, were eased after President Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated. Significantly, President Ma recognized the 1992 Consensus, which served to integrate Taiwan and Mainland China in relation to economic interests and trade. The signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) allowed cross-strait relations to proceed to the next stage. Consequently, Mainland China proposed political consultations and the signing of a peace agreement. This paper argues that the greatest obstacle to military cooperation and mutual political trust between Taiwan and Mainland China involves the issue of sovereignty. This paper suggests that easing relations and cooperating on a political level is more difficult when Mainland China and Taiwan employ realist thinking. However, cooperating and reconciling politically in cross-strait relations would be possible if both sides would employ constructivist thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a constructivist take on soft power, by analyzing the contextual factors which influence Chinese investments (COFDI) to the EU as a relevant soft power resource. The contextual analysis shows which constraining and stimulating (internal and external) factors condition COFDI in leveraging soft power for China. Additionally, the article provides solutions for soft power optimization, since soft power resources aim to entice and foster cooperative relations toward a 'win-win' behavior. The issues presented here have profound implications for future studies on soft power and the political economy of Chinese investments in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the continuous development and advancement of modern computer technology, educational information technology has also touched on English composition evaluation. In China, automatic composition evaluation system has also been applied to foreign language writing teaching. Writing is an important comprehensive skill for language learners. The traditional writing feedback is not timely and other problems easily lead to students' lack of writing motivation. At present, there are many advanced automatic composition scoring systems, such as Bingguo intelligent composition scoring. This paper studies the method of applying the automatic composition grading system to college English writing teaching. First, some advantages and disadvantages of the automatic scoring system are illustrated by practical examples in application. Secondly, how to effectively use the automatic scoring system in College English writing teaching is proposed, and then a better teaching model is constructed. From the writing teaching experiment, we can know that the new writing teaching mode urges students to write, maintains the frequency of writing, stimulates students' interest in writing, cultivates students' autonomous writing ability, and improves students' English writing level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ideational definition of culture has hindered a meaningful debate of the role that culture plays in the discipline of International Relations. Focusing on the behavior side of culture instead, this paper proposes the Cultural Constructivist approach that takes account of both the cultural and the social in interstate relations. Academic puzzles in contemporary China's relations with Japan, the former Soviet Union, and the United States are better explained by taking into account China's cultural behavior pattern and its role in the country's identity construction of these other states. Cultural Constructivism is a falsifiable theory that enables us to see under which circumstances culture intervenes in a country's foreign policy making. A cultural behavior pattern has complicated the PRC's relations with Japan and the former Soviet Union, but material constraints and cultural differences prevented its ascendance to the main stage of Sino- US relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teacher development has been a focus of innovation in China's English as a foreign language (EFL) instruction with much attention given to teachers' professional promotion, which is aimed at rendering students' enhancement in learning. With the emphasis on facilitating learner autonomy and lifelong education in recent reform efforts, it has become significant that students should try to self-control their learning and become more active thinkers and problem-solvers. To ensure learner-centered EFL instruction, teachers have to highlight the development of students' independence and autonomy by re-orienting their roles from knowledge disseminators to organizers, partners, consultants, and facilitators. As such, the current paper raises concerns about the review of secondary school EFL teacher roles in China from the perspective of social constructivism which encourages language teachers to interact with their students and help them to apply the language themselves instead of only providing them with the language knowledge. At this point, language teachers are really mediators rather than knowledge-givers. Hopefully, this review paper would contribute to the shift of today's EFL teacher roles in China from disseminators or knowledge-givers to mediators of students' language learning for the further sake of providing reference evidence for policy makers, curriculum developers, and educators in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the significant strategies and approaches found effective in teaching English writing to Chinese doctoral students at Peking University (PKU) during the academic year 2011-12. In this study, a veteran American teacher educator aligned her instruction with student-centered methods rather than with the traditional teacher-centered instruction of China. Despite the many differences in cultural and educational approaches between the United States and China, PKU students responded well to the constructivist practices introduced to them. Inquiry, peer response, and self-reflection enabled students to take ownership in their learning and discover their voices in writing that was meaningful for them. This study illustrates how best practices can be tailored to the context and needs of both students and teachers. Such practices are adaptable across cultures, providing bridges between educational systems that may be politically and philosophical contradictory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys constructivist scholarship in the study of international political economy (IPE) in China. Chinese scholars in the field of IPE have until recently rarely used constructivism as an approach to study IPE for two reasons. The first, like Western IPE, is the short history of constructivism as a theoretical perspective. The second, unlike Western IPE, stems from the long-standing dominance of Marxism, China's official state ideology, in the academic field. In China, Marxism's materialist core shapes the basic research questions of IPE. Unsurprisingly then, constructivist analysis is quite alien to the dominant intellectual discourse in China. Nonetheless, of late, more Chinese scholars have begun to apply constructivist analysis. This paper surveys these developments and is divided into three sections. The first section provides an overview of how Chinese Marxist scholars approach the major issues of IPE as they relate to China. The second section provides an overview of the work of liberal-minded Chinese scholars who work on major IPE issues, another counterpoint to the Marxist school. The third section, which is the major focus of this paper, examines how Chinese scholars have applied the constructivist concepts to study major IPE issues in the Chinese context. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

China is a global power and economic giant in search of diversified resources to run its industry and potential markets which it can tap to remain a leading seller. The next door neighbor, Central Asia, provides with this opportunity. Central Asian energy resources are a stimulus for all global powers. United States interest in the region alarms China and makes it more cautious of its interests. China is investing hugely in Central Asian energy infrastructure to being energy hungry. It eyes on Central Asian oil and gas resources. After disintegration of Soviet Union, Central Asia could not step out of isolation and economic backwardness. Here interests of China and Central Asia converge. However, the cultural and religious divergence may become a hindrance in smooth transition to bilateral engagement. This paper endeavors to analyze the enormity of economic and security benefits of this relation which may overcome the social gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses South Africa-China relations emphasising how changing identities of the two countries since the 1940s define their outlook on critical issues such as human rights and democracy. Sino-South African relations are divided into three epochs. The first covers the Mao era; the second traverses the post-Mao era and the subsequent economic and modernization reforms up to the end of the Cold War; the third and current epoch roughly starts in 1994, after the establishment of democracy in South Africa. Constructivism is used as the theoretical framework to interpret the evolving South Africa-China relationship. This study adopted a qualitative approach. The outcome of the study is that changes in identity of these two nations have shaped their national interests. Thus, when countries share identities and interests - be they good or controversial - stable cooperation is possible among them. In this vein, constructivism concedes that shared or differing identities and interests among states can produce either cooperative or conflictual relations. This distinguishes constructivism from idealism, a theory under which it has often been subsumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how and why China has been perceived as an economic threat in Taiwan through an examination of Taipei's post-Cold War economic policy with respect to the mainland. While Taipei's restriction on trade and investment across the Taiwan Strait until mid-2008 was widely considered a failure by both opponents and supporters of closer cross-Strait economic ties, this analysis points to an overlooked function of Taiwan's economic policy that was not just about tackling the problems of the security externalities or promoting the island's economic development. What appeared to be an ineffective policy can be understood as a successful boundary-drawing practice that discursively constituted a vulnerable Taiwan under Chinese economic threat, hence conducive to the (re)production of Taiwanese national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper characterizes early mathematics instruction in Hong Kong. The teaching of addition in three pre-primary and three lower primary schools was observed and nine teachers were interviewed about their beliefs about early mathematics teaching. A child-centered, play-based approach was evident but teachers emphasized discipline, diligence and academic success. Observations also revealed practices reflective of both constructivist and instructivist pedagogies. Results from interviews suggest that teachers' traditional cultural beliefs about instruction were challenged by western ideologies introduced in continuing professional development courses and by notions promulgated by the educational reforms. Both consistencies and inconsistencies between teachers' beliefs and practices were identified. Implications of the findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How should one understand the construction of a state's identity in the international system—its international identity? In this article, I attempt to provide richer answers. Drawing insights from social psychology, specifically Social Identity Theory and Identity Theory, I provide a micro-account of identity construction to better specify the mechanisms and logics through which international identity is constructed. This framework proposes the following general arguments about international identity formation. First, the construction of international identity is interpreted as a process of role negotiation between the state Self and relevant Other, animated by the mechanisms of self-categorization, alter's casting, and role appraisal. Second, the collective motivations of self-esteem, self-efficacy, and self-consistency drive state identity change or continuity. As a plausibility probe, I apply the framework to a current analysis of China's construction of an international identity as a "responsible" power in recent years, with a corresponding focus on the United States as the primary Other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work argues that writer Emmanuel John Hevi's works, written half a century ago about China's likely influence in Africa are still relevant today. Using relevant qualitative data and a constructivist analysis this paper argues that although Hevi was wary of China's influence because of the specific context in which he was writing, Africa would do well to keep his argument in mind and adopt from China only that which can aid the continent's development and spurn that which cannot. Constructivism has been used here to help explain the intersection of Chinese and African identities and interests as the main unifying factor in a growing China-Africa relationship. Hence, it is suggested that the West does not share such depth of identities and interests with China which has hugely influenced Western suspicions of China's growth and incursions in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the insights of the constructivist school approach, this article joins the debate on the effects of rising China in Asia. The existing scholarship devoted to no-material aspects of China's rise focused either on China's 'soft power' initiatives or their reception by certain audiences. In this article, rising China and its governance model, are construed as a form of productive power, one that is expected to bring about not only shifts in material relations and perceptions but also transformations in the national identities of countries in the region. This article focuses on South Korea and Thailand, two countries with fundamentally different political systems but a similar pattern of recent interactions with China. It analyzes the policymaking elites' discourse and public attitudes and explores the productive effects of China's rise on national identities in the two countries. This article argues that the impact of China's rise on elites' discourse has been largely negligible with narratives on kinship and historical ties being used by the elites mostly for instrumental reasons. At the same time, this article suggests that the recent shifts in public attitudes towards greater acceptance of authoritarian values observed in South Korea and Thailand, may be indicative of the productive effect of rising China on national identities in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

China has been a major power for far longer than is typically acknowledged in the West. This paper seeks to redress established discourse of China as a ‘rising’ power which now enjoys common usage within Western policy-making, academic and popular circles, particularly within the United States; China can more accurately be conceived of as a ‘recovering power’. A tendency by successive Washington administrations to view the world in realist terms has forced the label of ‘rising’ power onto China along with the negative connotations that inevitably follow. We should acknowledge the folly in utilising a theoretical approach largely devoid of any appreciation for the social and human dimensions of international relations as well as the importance of social discourse in the field. Finally, policy-makers in Washington must reconsider their realist stance and, with a fuller appreciation of world history, recognise that American hegemony was always destined to be short-lived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent occasional attacks on Chinese entrepreneurs in Zambia, supposedly on grounds that they are expropriating socio-economic opportunities for Zambians, deserve a fresh interrogation of Zambia--China relations. Labourrelated tensions between Chinese employers and their Zambian employees have also ignited violence between the two parties. Opportunistic Zambian politicians have used these tensions to sponsor the narrative that China in general has malevolent designs over Zambia. Due to increasing external debt and general economic difficulties during the tenure of Zambia's Patriotic Front (PF) government, from 2011 to 2021, desperate Zambians took their frustration out on the increasing numbers of Chinese entrepreneurs who are considered harbingers of Zambia's external debt crisis and usurpers of Zambia's sovereignty. Using constructivism as the theoretical framework, the research found that Zambia--China relations are no longer driven by ethical moorings that were typical of the colonial and Cold War eras. Secondly, that China's identity in Zambia has assumed an ominous dimension with the increasing number of Chinese migrants whose conduct is at variance with the image that the Chinese government strives to present. Third, that the ineffective governance of the PF leadership threatened to force the country to default on the debt it owes to China and this could have led to China limiting the room for manoeuvre on the part of the Zambian government, thereby justifying the arguments of those who opine that China aims to take over Africa even though ineffective African governments are culpable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic narratives are increasingly considered important for domestic and international support for foreign policy. However, debate continues about why some strategic narratives successfully shape policy outcomes, while others are rejected. How states construct strategic narratives is well established. We know less about how states appropriate the strategic narratives of others, and the role this plays in policy adoption. Addressing this, we introduce a theoretical framework to trace the relationship between strategic narratives and policy adoption. Its central premise is that a state is more likely to adopt a new policy if it can strategically narrate about it in a way that promises material gain but without undermining its ontological security. We test our framework using states' responses to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Examining the Second Belt and Road Forum in 2019, we trace how far China's strategic narratives are appropriated by multiple states – Kazakhstan, Italy, United Kingdom, Netherlands, United States, India, and Mexico. Countries appropriate China's narrative emphasis on connectivity, trade, and prosperity. However, they contest that China's intentions are benign, based on its human rights record, assertive foreign policy, and fears of indebtedness. Finally, we discuss our framework's utility in explaining what makes strategic narratives persuasive in International Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A territorial dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands has gained a high profile in Sino–Japanese relations. Since the 2012 escalation of the territorial dispute, there is no sign of any de-escalation despite economic interdependence, which previously helped ease the tension. Drawing on the constructivist understanding of threat perception and power transition theory, this article analyzes the way in which the deepening of threat perceptions associated with a perceived regional power transition prevents Japan and China from working beyond their subjective conceptions of justice associated with boarders and history. Since 2012, the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute has increasingly fitted into a larger picture of power-political conflict taking place in a power transition in which both Japan and China aim to return to ‘normality’ by propagating their territorial claims, strengthening their military capabilities, and strategic realignment. To that end, this article first introduces a theoretical framework on the centrality of threat perceptions in power transition. Second, it traces the ways in which Japan and China have developed a threat perception of each other since 1972. The third section deals with the escalation of the Sino–Japanese territorial dispute since 2010 and highlights the deepening of mutual suspicion and threat perception exemplified at the bilateral and multilateral levels. I conclude that the Sino–Japanese territorial debate entered a new stage of normative and power-political competition in earning international support for territorial claims in the East China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, the author attempts to play depictions of China-Cambodia relations, from the theoretical perspective of Constructivism and by contriving the methodological interlineation of the New Field Theory in Social Sciences, as it was border-lined by the works of Robert Freed Bales. The embarking sections will be focused on factual accounts regarding the bilateral relation between China and Cambodia. The last assessments will be focalized on a theoretical engrossment from Constructivism and from the power of acute observation from New Field Theory in Social Sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the factors influencing pre-service Physical Education (PE) teachers’ perception of a specific constructivist approach — Teaching Games for Understanding (TGfU) in Hong Kong. By adopting a qualitative approach, 20 pre-service PE teachers were recruited for individual semi-structured interviews. Deductive data analysis was utilised to identify unique themes with broad aspects of influencing factors. Using Piaget's cognitive constructivism and Vygotsky's social constructivism as the theoretical frameworks, individual factors such as game knowledge, teacher beliefs, learning and teaching experience and social factors including government policy, teacher support and professional culture were identified as key influences in pre-service teachers’ perception of TGfU. Furthermore, individual and social factors interplay with each other. In conclusion, cognitive and social constructivism was identified as a useful theoretical framework for illustrating and analysing the factors influencing pre-service teachers’ perception of TGfU. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the relation between China and Taiwan, as well as South and North Korea. It examines the success of China and Taiwan in functionalist cooperation and exchange despite its failure to shift economic cooperation into political cooperation through a neo-functionalist political package deal. It also explores aspects that influence the regression of the economic cooperation and human exchanges between North and South Korea. It notes the move of China and Taiwan in utilizing functionalism to augment economic cooperation without touching the issue of sovereignty. Furthermore, it cites integration patterns of divided countries basing on inter-Korean and cross-Strait relations, and discusses their implications on regional integration theories.

Interest among academics towards Hong Kong's global status has gradually waned since 1997. However, identifying Hong Kong's position on the international platform is essential if the Special Administrative Region's competitiveness is to be distinguished from that of regional rivals. The positioning challenge not only results from the sovereignty retrocession, but also from the rapid pace of globalization and the intensified competition from major cities in the Greater China Region. Instead of focusing on the much-researched topic of the direct competition between Hong Kong and Shanghai or Singapore, an exploration of Hong Kong's hitherto little-researched re-branding experience not only throws light on Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's policy orientation, but is also valuable in understanding how other cities in the region conducted similar exercises. This article reviews the overall evolution of the 'Asia's World City' (AWC) discourse as promoted by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region from 1997 to 2007. It starts by reviewing the international identity of post-colonial Hong Kong as background to the discourse, in order to reconstruct various theoretical assumptions that led to the re-branding exercise. The second section examines the purpose and evolution of the AWC campaign, and identifies the problems within the discourse. The concluding section focuses on the unrealized theoretical assumptions and other administrative and ideological constraints that the HKSARG faced in the exercise as a means to explaining the overall limited achievements of the campaign and proposes possible ways to remedy the shortcomings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of pace in social interaction in order to gain traction for explaining the conditions and consequences of diplomatic activity. Two recent analyses related to diplomacy and pace are reconsidered. In the First World War case, the different environments in which Maurice Paléologue and Wilhelm von Schoen were socialized regarding the pace of diplomatic activity explain the selection of particular activities and objectives. In the 2001 EP-3 case, the mediation of tension between the United States and China is explained through the interpretive process of understanding diplomatic action, which includes particular notions of pace. Because this article specifies the continuities that make identification of accommodation and resistance possible, it is part of a growing body of literature that urges researchers to consider normal practice and what meanings are constituted by them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universalism can be religious or secular; within the category of secular universalism, a distinction can be made (especially in China) between universalism focused on 'universality' or the universal validity of certain ideas and universalism focused on 'generality' or the general extension of certain ideas. Within the category of universality-based universalism, 'value universalism' holds one or some values to be universally valid and 'culture universalism' holds a certain culture or a certain way of ranking various values to be universally valid. Within the category of 'value universalism', a distinction can be made between 'dialogue-oriented universalism', which argues for the priority of the right to communication over other rights and 'monologue-oriented universalism', according to which one subject can unilaterally decide what is of universal validity for all. Not only 'monologue-oriented universalism', but also 'dialogue-oriented universalism' can be understood in a Euro-centrist way; there is thus a distinction between West-centrist and non-West-centrist varieties of universalism. The key to avoiding Westcentrist universalism while upholding universalism is to make a distinction between essentialist universalism and constructivist universalism, and to see what is universally shared by all relevant parties as something to be constructed through the process of 'Verkehr' in Marx's sense that is informed by the process of 'Kommunikation' in Habermas's sense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Convincing research programmes often use a variety of data from cases in different contexts; in order to reach a wider understanding, the models and hypothesis of securitization studies have to be applied to broad groups of cases. The research programme of securitization studies is formed around the leading idea of securitization being a social process achieved through speech acts. I argue that by explicating the concept of securitization through illocutionary logic, it can be utilized to study security politics in non-democratic contexts in addition to the favoured liberal democratic one, where the majority of empirical analysis has been conducted so far. In addition, I present clarifications to the concepts of 'audiences' and 'special politics' used in the theory. The theoretical discussion is illustrated with examples from the Chinese political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on constructivist approaches to explore processes of socialization in the context of evolving relations between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Constructivist discussions have challenged traditional accounts of socialization; however, left under-examined are the processes by which social learning and social change take place. This article contributes to the theoretical discussion with its examination of ASEAN's regional engagement processes. It treats ASEAN states' ‘complex engagement’ of China as an exercise in argumentative persuasion, which seeks common agreement via a deliberative, non-coercive process. In contrasting ASEAN's particular style of engagement with other models that emphasize more coercive and utilitarian strategies of persuasion, the article draws attention to how particular kinds of interaction may facilitate social learning, as well as the conditions that may make social learning more likely. Particular attention is paid to the roles played by power asymmetries, uncertainty, and different kinds of engagement (mutual and interactive versus closed and unidirectional) in social learning, as well as the importance of viewing socialization as a process that involves different stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]