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Aquest article analitza l’activitat del Parlament relacionada amb el futur polític de Catalunya. L’anàlisi parteix de la resolució parlamentària de 2013 que declarava la sobirania i el dret a decidir del poble de Catalunya i arriba fins a les darreres resolucions sobre el procés d’independència adoptades durant la legislatura actual per la majoria parlamentària sortida de les eleccions del dia 27 de setembre de 2015. Totes aquestes decisions parlamentàries han obert un important debat jurídic sobre principis constitucionals bàsics, en particular el de democràcia i el de legalitat, debat que gira al voltant dels punts següents: com defensar i promoure un projecte polític que no s’ajusta a l’ordre constitucional establert? Pot el Tribunal Constitucional fiscalitzar actes no normatius de naturalesa estrictament parlamentària? Quins són els efectes de desobeir el deure de complir les resolucions del Tribunal Constitucional? L’article estudia totes aquestes qüestions des de la perspectiva jurídica, sense ometre, però, consideracions d’índole sociopolítica indispensables per contextualitzar-les adequadament.

This study faces the problem of female participation in politics, since historically they are excluded of elections. The Article 10, paragraph 3, of Law 9,504 / 97 establishes electoral gender quota rule. This device has been changed with the electoral reform of 2009 (Law 12,034 / 09). Takes care here the state that provides for inclusion minority that has no representation in homes to legislate, in an attempt to correct the distortion caused historically in representative democracy. But the literature used showed that until now this device was not successful, because it is urgent to change other parts of the Brazilian electoral system, and the promotion to empower women, not only in terms the right to vote and be voted on, but in the other freedoms inherent in their economic and social development, without which moves away from the promotion of human dignity.

This paper is the product of doctoral research and aims to introduce the discussion and analysis of Ubuntu and traditional African philosophy as a contribution to thinking about the fragmentation of democracy in Latin America, giving way to the role that African movements and organizations have in assuming a political and ethical struggle to build a relational democracy as a necessary proposal to the crisis of liberal democracy. The methodology consists of a bibliographic review of literature and intellectuals from the social sciences and African thought to highlight a trend that is not only framed in the questioning of the democratic model in force in Latin America, but also provides some clues for the construction of a community society project in the region, based on relational ontology. It concludes that, in the crisis of the Western political model, the struggles of Afro-descendant movements must transcend the logic of strengthening liberal democracy, to propose the ethical path of Ubuntu as a route to deconstruct the political and societal structures in place, promoting a message of humanity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hermenéutica is the property of Hermeneutic - Revista Digital de Arte, Critica y Filosofia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The following article aims to analyze the legal position of the student movement of the time which dynamism the process of the pre- constituent who gave birth to the 1991 politic constitution, this towards the initiative seeking of a second presidential reelection in the Colombian constitutional system; the Constitution of 1991 was a tough race in constitutional control model and this participative exercise safeguard the Political Constitutional letter; the analysis focuses on the close execution plans to the High Court ruling roaches; the article seeks to generate a sense of reflection in regards to the constituent derivative and primary on this Colombian Constitution history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The present paper aimed to describe how social movements in the Global South can use digital technologies to seek the promotion of democratization. A mixed approach was applied to a case study, combining the use of simple statistical frequency with the content analysis technique to categorize texts, images and sounds on the Ni Una Menos’ Instagram page. Based on Sen’s (2000) instrumental freedoms, the modalities of Rohm, Xavier and Valuano’s analytical model (forthcoming) and on the criteria of quality of communication, media type and engagement outlined on the present paper, the impacts and contributions of the use of digital technologies by social movements for democratization in the Global South were discussed. Finally, the results demonstrate that most of the publications analyzed had the purpose of sensitizing or organizing NUM’s public, consisting of 99.6% of the posts. The most important media were arts (33.42%) and photographs (41.88%), followed by videos (18.72%). The quality of communication did not stand out as a determining factor of the generated engagement, which suggests a limitation of the social media used for the movement’s intended purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Political scientists have studied state democracy for decades using sophisticated methods for conceptualization and measurement to evaluate the explanatory power of various theories. They have paid little attention, however, to democracy in nonstate political systems. This paper fills this gap by characterizing democracy in college student government and investigating the factors affecting the levels of students’ union democracy (SUD) in Chilean colleges. Utilizing concepts from political science and sociology, the study identifies different dimensions of SUD with data from 162 campuses in 2018. The dimensions are aggregated to build an index of democracy for students’ unions. Although the majority of Chilean university students attended colleges with democratic unions, our findings reveal a deficit in democratic student representation in most institutions. The article also draws from the comparative politics, trade union democracy, and higher education literatures to explore the factors that vary by institution that could explain differences in levels of SUD. Ordered logistic regression analyses suggest that SUD is associated with institutional quality, membership in inter-university organizations, and student body size and socioeconomic makeup. The results increase our understanding of the features, status, and correlates of democracy beyond the state.

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