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This paper explores linguistic landscapes and the enactment of public visibility and presence of non-majority linguistic groups in EU member states. Non-majority linguistic groups gain power, visibility and presence through the introduction of bilingual or multilingual signposts on roads, streets, squares, and public buildings in towns and cities where a given linguistic group represents a significant population share. The article offers a comparative analysis of language policies of EU member states regarding enactment of official bilingual or multilingual signs in public space. Twenty EU member states have signed the "European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages," while 17 members have ratified it. In addition, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, an integral party of the Lisbon Treaty, stipulates that language diversity is one of the fundamental values respected by the EU. Hence, this comparative research assesses various practices employed by member states in relation to the proclaimed values of multilingualism. Consequently, the paper depicts and compares different language policies that produce linguistic landscapes in EU member states. Finally, it tries to determine whether there is a convergence towards a common EU policy on bilingual and multilingual signs in public space.

Introduces a paper about the role of the European Union (EU) in Turkish-Greek disputes. Reason for conducting such research; Oft-repeated argument that Europeanization processes in EU candidate and member states will lead to the resolution of territorial disputes among them in a win-win framework; Argument that both the EU as an institution and the EU accession process as a mechanism have fallen short of becoming conducive to the resolution of the Turkish-Greek disputes, particularly over Cyprus.

Concerns about new debt restructuring episodes are on the rise as the measures necessary to combat the COVID-19 inflict harsh fiscal pressure. The decision to restructure debt is a particularly difficult one that countries should only seek as a last resort. An important question is; how can a country avoid ‘deceptive reputational risk’ whilst attempting to reduce the cost of debt? To address this question, this study investigates the effect of ‘deceptive reputational risk’ on the outcome of debt restructuring. That is, unintentional consequence of an increase in debt levels and the decline in gross domestic product (GDP), up to 10 years affect debt restructuring. The paper utilizes Fixed Effects Panel approach to study data for Greece, Italy, Cyprus and Ireland for the period of 2000-2020. The study finds that investments, interest rate on debt and stable exchange rates can aid in minimizing ‘deceptive reputational risk’. The findings are important addition to the literature on debt restructuring. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study is the first to consider reducing deceptive reputation risk in fiscal policy through the use of macroeconomic variables – real effective exchange rate, interest rate on debt and investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the evolution of brewing during the financial crisis on the basis of four countries, Cyprus, Greece, Ireland and Portugal. These countries asked for financial assistance and imposed restructuring programs that exacerbated the financial crisis. The examined period is extended from 2008 to 2017 and it is a period during which the adjustment programs were applied to these countries. The purpose of this article is to see if during the crisis an industry can have growth prospects. This search is based on the fact that during the crisis some countries or sectors or products can perform better than the whole. The examination was based on a comparative analysis between the four countries but also with the European Union countries considered as a whole. The paper focused on the comparative evolution regarding production, consumption, number of breweries and microbreweries and direct employment. The results showed that brewery production in the four countries was affected by the country's GDP growth. However it increased particularly in the second half of the period considered. This evolution was positively affected by the growth of tourism, especially in Greece and Portugal. The creation of breweries by small producers, especially in the second half of the period, is characteristic of the brewery's growth. New microbreweries have helped to create new jobs in countries with higher unemployment than the EU as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a prerequisite to shape EU policies in day-to-day negotiations, states have to know what they want and have to quickly produce good instructions. This paper analyses how domestic coordination practices influence the timing and quality of national positions. Are some states in a better position to develop instructions quickly? Are some states more likely to end up with low quality positions? In effect, three factors are crucial to the production of timely and good instructions: good cooperation between Permanent Representations and the lead ministries, autonomous lead ministries that prioritise EU work and good inter-ministerial conflict resolution systems. States such as Luxembourg and Ireland are close to these ideal practices and tend to develop good instructions swiftly, while others, such as Greece and Cyprus, frequently end up with delayed and suboptimal instructions that make it difficult for them to actively participate in EU negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the so-called catalytic effects of the European Union's (EU) involvement in the Cyprus dispute between Turkey and Greece and to demonstrate that the promise of the EU has not been so high as some circles have expected it to be. Historical account that highlights the major turning points in the Cyprus policy of EU; Analysis of the major assumptions, on which the catalytic effects of the EU involvement are based.

This article surveys the history of Cyprus's conflict and partition to derive historical, tactical, and strategic lessons about how the Cyprus problem should be resolved and about the value of partitions more generally. Cyprus is complex. Tensions between North and South are very low, in part because the partition has been a cause of peace. However, both sides remain pervaded by antagonistic and one-sided biases, histories, and myths. Moreover, almost every plausible solution, including the Annan Plan, that proposes to unite the island also incorporates the group-based and gridlock-prone characteristics of the conflict-generating 1960 constitution. A Cyprus solution solves little and creates risks. A better plan to create a permanent peace is to recognize a much smaller North, and bring all sides including Turkey into the European Union. This would create peace, give most Greek Cypriot refugees their land and homes back, and restore all freedoms throughout the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the implications of the accession of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004 for the relationship of Greece with Turkey and Turkey with Europe. Role of Cyprus in the foreign policy of Greece; Rejection by the Greek Cypriots to the accession; Role of international law on Cyprus' problem; Evaluation of the Annan Plan.

Argues that the post-Helsinki period in the European Union (EU)-Turkey-Greece triangle has been giving mixed signals as to the credibility and promise of the EU to constructively contribute to the resolution of Turkish-Greek disputes. Some factors that seem promising for the future; Some other factors that continue to shed doubts on the ongoing positive climate and remind observers of Turkish-Greek relations of the painful cycles of conflict-cooperation seen in the past; Aegean Sea and Cyprus disputes.

Discusses issues that add further doubts to the promise of the European Union (EU) in contributing to Turkish-Greek cooperation in the post-Helsinki period. Claim that Turkey's cooperation with Greece seems to be dependent on the nature and quality of her relations with the EU; United States' view of Turkey and her relations with Greece and the EU from a strategic-security perspective; Suggestion that current Greek strategy towards Turkey should value Turkey's membership in the EU more than the resolution of the Aegean and Cyprus disputes in more pro-Greek ways; Latest developments in Iraq and Cyprus that have enhanced the position of Euro-skeptic circles in Turkey to the disadvantage of pro-EU circles.