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This paper explores linguistic landscapes and the enactment of public visibility and presence of non-majority linguistic groups in EU member states. Non-majority linguistic groups gain power, visibility and presence through the introduction of bilingual or multilingual signposts on roads, streets, squares, and public buildings in towns and cities where a given linguistic group represents a significant population share. The article offers a comparative analysis of language policies of EU member states regarding enactment of official bilingual or multilingual signs in public space. Twenty EU member states have signed the "European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages," while 17 members have ratified it. In addition, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, an integral party of the Lisbon Treaty, stipulates that language diversity is one of the fundamental values respected by the EU. Hence, this comparative research assesses various practices employed by member states in relation to the proclaimed values of multilingualism. Consequently, the paper depicts and compares different language policies that produce linguistic landscapes in EU member states. Finally, it tries to determine whether there is a convergence towards a common EU policy on bilingual and multilingual signs in public space.

Education is the main vehicle for empowering adults, and can contribute to community wellbeing. However, regarding mature adults (MAs) (over 45 years old), age has been identified in various studies as a significant barrier to accessing educational activities. This paper focuses on MAs' motivations to learn through an exploratory survey undertaken in six European countries. A K-means cluster analysis based on 16 variables has been run on n = 846 valid cases. Four clusters describing distinctive behaviours and attitudes of MAs towards learning activities were identified. The study confirms that MAs' motivations to learn are very diverse, overcoming some of the so-called "myths of global aging," such as the homogeneity of MAs or the correlation between age and a decline in motivation to learn. Furthermore, analysing the main motivations of MA learners can be useful for adapting education to cater to their specific needs, boosting a more inclusive education, and promoting MAs' empowerment.

Is the EU becoming more united or more fragmented while implementing the hotspot approach? To answer this question this paper tries to analyse the hotspot model, which was introduced with the European Agenda on Migration as an immediate response to manage irregular migration and provide operational support to the frontline countries in a spirit of solidarity. After referring to the context within which it was created and the framework within which it functions, this paper explores its implementation in Italy and Greece. Drawing from these hotspot operations, various political, legal, organisational, ethical and practical considerations emerge that question not only the efficiency of this ad hoc measure but also its actual ability to strengthen EU solidarity. In this context, this paper argues that the hotspot approach as a policy measure provokes fragmentation and therefore disunity among the EU Member States, signalising a policy paradox. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose — The paper presents how public-private cooperation schemes can successfully assist in the implementation of contemporary urban development policies, focusing mainly on the guidelines set by the European Union as well as the cases of three Mediterranean countries: Italy, France and Greece. Design/methodology/approach — The paper approaches the issue of private financing in urban development by analyzing the main advantages of public-private partnerships, the terms under which these co operations can be successful, as well as the way in which some national authorities in the Euro-Mediterranean area have attempted to implement PPPs. Findings — Mediterranean countries are lacking relatively behind concerning the adoption of public — private partnerships for urban development projects. This paper states that public-private financing schemes have the potential of becoming an important tool for promoting urban regeneration in combination with respecting the principle of sustainability. Practical implications — Attempts to encourage public policy makers and local authorities in particular to undertake relevant actions in order to promote partnerships with private institutions in the field of urban development. Originality/value — Provides information on how private financing of urban development projects is being adopted in Southern Europe, thus presenting the different approaches undertaken by each of the countries in question (Italy, France and Greece) in relation to their legislative and administrative and cultural background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the results of an assessment made as a part of the research project, Applied Multi-Risk Mapping of Natural Hazards for Impact Assessment (ARMONIA). The aim was to identify which aspects in the so-called disaster management cycle are covered by spatial planning in planning practice in the European Union's member states of Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain and the UK. In contrast to the initial hypothesis, the analysis of planning practice has shown that the role of spatial planning in risk assessment and management in many ways has been overestimated. The results have shown that spatial planning is only one of many actors in risk management and that it is, in general, not involved in risk assessment. Further, multi-risk assessment approaches are not used in planning practice, risk indicators are hardly used and vulnerability indicators are not at all used. The paper will interpret these surprising results and will answer the question of the role of spatial planning in natural risk assessment and management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how income poverty is affected by changes to the scale of tax-benefit policies and which are the most cost-effective policies in reducing poverty or limiting its increase in seven diverse EU countries. We do that by measuring the implications of increasing/reducing the scale of each policy instrument, using microsimulation methods while holding constant the policy design and national context. We consider commonly applied policy instruments with a direct effect on household income: child benefits, social assistance, income tax lower thresholds and a benchmark case of rescaling the whole tax-benefit system. We find that the assessment of the most cost-effective instrument may depend on the measure of poverty used and the direction and scale of the change. Nevertheless, our results indicate that the options that reduce poverty most cost-effectively in most countries are increasing child benefits and social assistance, while reducing the former is a particularly poverty-increasing way of making budgetary cuts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study analyzes public attitudes towards Euroscepticism in three Mediterranean countries: Spain, Italy and Greece. Specifically, drawing upon cultural backlash theory, we investigate how the general feeling of nostalgia and the rejection of neoliberal values like social and cultural diversity affect citizens' Eurosceptic attitudes and thus their willingness to leave the European Union. Based on survey data from the Pew Research Centre, we first find that attitudes towards ethnic, religious and racial diversity predict citizens' willingness to leave the European Union in Spain and Italy, but not in Greece, whereas citizens with higher levels of nostalgia are more prone to leave the European Union in Spain and Greece, but not in Italy. Finally, attitudes towards diversity are explored as a moderator over the relationship between citizens' perceptions of their country's economic situation and Eurosceptic attitudes. This article contributes to current discussions on Euroscepticism, arguing that cultural backlash theory might play a crucial role in accounting for citizens' cultural and political attitudes towards the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to alleviate child poverty, contemporary European welfare states have shifted their focus increasingly towards child-centred investment strategies. However, studies examining the generosity of welfare states to families with children focus mainly on cash benefit packages, or on government expenditure, while not taking into account the actual out-of-pocket costs families have to make to fulfil their needs. This article aims at contributing to existing studies by: (1) empirically assessing the needs and costs of children across welfare states by making use of cross-nationally comparable reference budgets, while taking into account publicly provided or subsidised services; (2) simulating the cash benefits and taxes that affect households with children through the tax–benefit system, by making use of the new Hypothetical Household Tool (HHoT) in EUROMOD; and (3) combining both types of information in order to compare the essential out-of-pocket costs for children between 6 and 18 years old with the simulated cash benefit packages. We propose a new indicator that can be used to assess welfare state generosity to families with children: the child cost compensation indicator. The use of the indicator is empirically illustrated by comparing six European welfare states: Belgium, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Italy and Spain. The article shows that, even though with important cross-national variation, cash transfers generally amount to less than 60 percent of the cost of children. Although in five out of six countries support for families is higher at the lower end of the income distribution, for households living on a low gross wage, the income of a family with children is less adequate compared to a similar childless family and is in many cases insufficient to participate adequately in society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses how the ongoing sovereign debt crisis plaguing the Eurozone since 2008 has its roots in neoliberalist economic thought that promoted market integration and deregulation, which resulted in the bursting of the biggest financial bubble since the Great Depression and plunged the economies of Greece, Italy, and Spain into turmoil. He relates that the Europe's economic troubles have betrayed the European Union's (EU) lack of an effective economic-coordination mechanism that will enable it to solve the crisis on a regional level. Thus, he suggests that Europe's economic and monetary union (EMU) can be saved only by the creation, through democratic processes, of institutions that match the level of market integration already achieved by the region.

Italy and Greece have been often blamed by their fellow EU Member States for the excessive permeability of their borders, their inability to stop irregular migration, and their inefficient asylum systems. In addition the two countries have weak internal controls, especially as regards the sectors of the labour market where immigrants are usually employed e.g. agriculture, domestic work, tourism and catering. This article seeks to make sense of these fundamentally contradictory policies that characterise Greece's and Italy's approach to managing migration. The article starts by outlining the common features of Italian and Greek immigration policies and proposes an analysis of immigration control regimes along two dimensions: their internal (within the country's territory) or external (at the border or outside the border) character, and their fencing (stopping) vs. gate-keeping (preventing) nature. Section 3 discusses critically the irregular migration inflows in Greece, the policies implemented to address them and their contradictory results. Section 4 reviews the related policies in Italy and casts light to their inconsistencies. In the concluding section, we highlight the possible explanations for these two countries' lack of direction in immigration management pointing to the opposition between excessively regulated labour markets, large informal economies and strict border controls which however become lax and ineffective once irregular migrants or asylum seekers are within the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study intends to analyze the issue of European energy security from a historical perspective and also from the point of view of international relations, as well as the geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic role of Turkey in shaping the European energy security complex besides the EU. Emphasizing that Turkey has the role of an "energy hub" between Central Asia-Caucasus and the EU, our research focuses on the special importance of interconnected oil and gas network projects, such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline (BTC Pipeline) or the Nabucco gas pipeline and the Turkey-Greece-Italy Interconnector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Italy and Greece experience considerable problems in adjusting to the underlining logic and the precise requirements of EU environmental policies. Their poor record of compliance with EU environmental legislation is often attributed to an alleged weakness of civil societal activism in environmental matters. Recent literature challenges these conventional assumptions by offering evidence of high levels of grassroots environmental mobilisations. This article seeks to add a new dimension to the study of societal impact on policy outcomes in terms of domestic compliance performance with EU environmental legislation. It suggests a number of empirical indicators related to the use of opportunities offered by EU institutions, such as the complaints procedure, that allow such an assessment in comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]