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During the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (1939–1975) Catalan literature suffered a terrible blow, mainly in the censorship of books published in Catalan. In this period of cultural repression, the objectives and characteristics of the mission of translating foreign poetry in the Catalan-speaking regions were determined by special socio-historical circumstances. This article presents a panoramic investigation into the dissemination of Chinese poetry in Catalan culture during the Franco dictatorship. The various aspects of the investigation and the period in which it was carried out have been studied: the publications, translation and editing, the motives of Catalan translators in carrying out their work and the influence of socio-historical elements on the dissemination of the translated poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work analyses the struggles with Franco's censorship that José María Castellet had to face when he embarked on three anthology projects that were decisive in the history of post-war Spanish poetry. The particular severity with which Nueve novísimos poetas españoles (1970) was received invites us to focus on this anthology, which, with qualities that should have made it more resistant, fell foul of censorship in a way that its anthological predecessors did not. On the one hand, reflection on this paradox leads us to venture hypotheses about the dynamics of the repressive body's actions. On the other hand, a thorough analysis of the censorship dossier of Nueve novísimos allows us to draw some interesting conclusions. It is true, for example, that the elliptical diction introduced by the novísimo poets protected the anthology from a much wider purge. However, the censorship actually practised, which polished the more obvious aspects of its insurgent vocation, was enough to alter the historical reception and, by extension, the historiographical significance of a book that was stubbornly denied its subversive substance. The discovery of an unpublished composition by José María Álvarez is certainly not the least of the surprises of the archival side of this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Dr. Franco also receives permission to take Maria out for walks. Over the course of the treatment, Dr. Franco relies on Narrative Exposure Therapy (NET) to help Maria process the trauma she experienced, on psychodynamic therapy to help her connect what happened to her with her current fears, and on CBT techniques to help Maria recognize unhelpful ways of thinking. In her paper, Dr. Franco gives a painful account of the case of Maria, a seventeen-year-old adolescent who experienced emotional neglect and abandonment as well as sexual, physical and emotional abuse from early on. Maria's individual treatment is presented as part of the Trauma Systems Therapy for Refugees (TST-R) proposed by Ellis et al. ([8]). [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyzes the political dimension of Miguel Masriera's (1901–1981) science popularization program. In the 1920s, Masriera worked at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH) in Zurich – with Hermann Staudinger, the luminary of polymer chemistry – to later become a lecturer of theoretical and physical chemistry at the University of Barcelona. After living in exile in Paris, at the end of the Civil War he returned to Spain but never recovered his position. Instead, Masriera became an active popular science writer and adapted to the severe constraints of General Franco's military dictatorship (1939–1975). Inspired by the astronomer Arthur Eddington's world view, Masriera wrote and translated popular science books, and published articles in daily newspapers and journals. By examining Masriera's popular works, in particular his program for spreading “atomic culture” in Spain during the Cold War, this paper aims to contribute to the assessment of the role of science popularization in the domestic legitimization of that dictatorial regime and also its use as a vehicle for international recognition abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the course of the Spanish Civil War, Francoists set up special teams to seize documents from organizations which had backed the Popular Front government. In the immediate wake of occupation, these squads would frequently enter towns and cities and appropriate lorry loads of paperwork which they ferried to Salamanca. Nationalist officials trawled through their copious bounty in order to scout out the names of opponents who could be punished for their activities in favour of the Republic. For good reason historians have viewed the Salamanca Papers as a stark example of state directed plunder. By focusing on the role of volunteers in willingly providing information to the authorities, this article seeks to complement the focus on the role of the state. The article also shows that the authorities exploited the information they gleaned to pick out and reward supporters as well as identify and punish enemies. The article further discusses some of the efforts made by Salamanca officials to return documents to Francoists. By examining the Salamanca Papers from these perspectives, the article seeks to throw light upon the close ideological and emotional identification between Francoist state officials and some of their eager supporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The final years of Franco's dictatorship and the subsequent transition to a democracy saw the unfolding of parallel processes of economic and scientific modernisation in Spanish society. An unexpected interference between both processes occurred in the fields of ecology and the environmental sciences, when environmentally minded scientists defended threatened ecosystems, rural landscapes and traditional land-use systems. At the time, prevailing discourses and policies considered these ecosystems and landscapes backward remnants of an undeveloped Spain, ready to be transformed by irrigation plans, afforestation schemes and urban development. From the early 1970s onwards, ecologist Fernando González Bernáldez consciously chose to take on a dual role, combining and mutually reinforcing two distinct yet associated personae: a highly respected scientist and an outspoken defender of the environment. This paper examines González Bernáldez's various strategies to strike the right balance between both identities, and how his aims were challenged by the changing political context at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between economic development and inequality has been closely examined by researchers. From the seminal work of Kuznets to the more recent work of Piketty, market forces in boom cycles, on the one hand, and institutional action, on the other, have been featured as the main drivers of change in income distribution towards more egalitarian societies. In the Spanish case, previous research has described varied processes with regard to the period of growth that followed the approval of the Stabilisation Plan during the Franco dictatorship (1959–1973). Thus, Alcaide reportedly detected a limited capacity of the developmentalist growth model to reduce inequality, which he attributed to institutional limitations. In contrast, later studies have highlighted the decline in inequality during the same period. This paper aims to investigate the effects of this growth cycle by examining the behaviour of wages in the most dynamic sector of the Spanish economy, industry. Specifically, by using the wage survey compiled by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística, the paper nuances previous research and shows how despite explosive growth, the developmentalist model and the peculiar institutional framework built within the Franco dictatorship contributed to increasing wage dispersion and income inequality in most industrial sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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During the Spanish Civil War, around 15,000 women were deployed as nurses or auxiliaries in the military health service of the Francoist army. Many of them worked behind the firing lines and came close to the combat and destruction. When the war drew to an end, these frontline nurses were demobilized and sent home to hearth and family. For some of them, returning home was a relief; for others, it meant the end to a professional career and meaningful vocation outside family control. Some of them used the tumultuous 'post-war' months to raise their voices, demanding the same treatment as male veterans. They wanted the same privileges these men enjoyed, such as free university access or ex-combatant status. Rallying together in support of such interests, they transcended several social borders, like Francoist ideas of complementary gender roles, concepts of nurses being acquiescent angels at sickbeds, and values of unconditional subordination and obedience. By pushing marriage into the future, they further violated Francoist expectations of a woman's 'proper' biographical trajectory. In all these endeavours to gain a place at the table of Francoist Spain, they found support from their male colleagues and superiors. Drawing from sources of the Francoist military health service, this paper argues that their petitions echoed the elitist and gendered views concerning the making of the victor's society. These perspectives reflected the intricate integration processes within the heterogeneous support base from which the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco drew his legitimacy and backing both during and after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose: This paper analyses the strategies designed by Franco´s dictatorship to address the "problem" of children with physical disabilities, focusing on the relevance given to vocational training. Design/methodology/approach: The paper draws mainly on official documents, reports from international organisations, and Spanish experts' papers. Findings: Francoism turned labour into one of the key pillars of its national project and included vocational training in the different stages of school life. From the mid-1950s, vocational training also became a key factor for the dictatorship's strategy towards disability. Following the recommendations issued by international agencies, Francoism began to adopt different measures towards the rehabilitation of children with disabilities. One of them was the creation, in 1959, of a special unit for adolescents within the National Institute for the Rehabilitation of Invalids. In addition to medical treatment, this unit provided children with education and vocational training. Originality/value: The value of this paper lies in the fact that the topic it analyses has been little studied. Until now no attention has been given to the special unit for adolescents, despite it being a very interesting example of the medical model of disability and its contradictions. During their stay at the unit children were promised greater autonomy and independence, but their lives also became medicalised and they were forced to collaborate with experts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Great War, many European countries embarked upon a voluntarist policy to promote physical education and, more broadly, the bodily strengthening of their population. Nevertheless, this movement was marked as much by singular national variations as by the observation of foreign programmes and practices. The aim of this paper is to study the German perception of French initiatives in the light of the fragile Franco-German relations. It analyses a brochure published in 1921 by the Deutscher Reichsausschuss für Leibesübungen (DRA), the most important sports federation under the Weimar Republic. This exceptional 11-page document has an emblematic title: Frankreich und wir! (France and us!) It presents the 1920 French government's bill in favour of bodily strengthening and compares each point with claims made by the German leaders. In this way, it highlights the tireless voluntarism of German sports leaders and the international competition in the development of sports and physical education movements. Finally, this brochure is an exemplary testimony to the development of physical activities according to national models and the growing influence of foreign exemplars in the diffusion of physical education models in connection with national reconstructions. The sources used include historical publications and archives from Germany and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on something not previously addressed by the literature, labour inspection in Spain in the first decades of the Franco dictatorship. Despite the Franco dictatorship's fascist-style approach of regulatory interventionism, this research shows a relapse into an abstentionist conception of labour inspection that led to worker vulnerability. The study has not only found, as was already known, normative similarities with the contemporaneous Italian and German dictatorships, but also similar (although more severe) limitations to the functioning of the inspection service. The slight improvement registered from 1947 onwards and the effort to achieve a limited equivalence with Western democracies also failed to notably improve working conditions, occupational safety and worker protection. The Labour Inspectorate suffered from understaffing and a lack of resources up to the very end of the dictatorship, something which the incipient democracy then inherited. These human and material resource shortages continue to be a problem and are currently debated in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Trade union unity was a central idea around which the debate in the labor movement coalesced during the later stages of the Franco regime. The initial aim of this paper is to examine the positions and actions of the protagonists of the new workers' movement, Comisiones Obreras, that emerged in the 1960s, and then to interpret its evolution from the following decade onwards. The aim is to identify the antinomies and paradoxes of the projects for the creation of a unitary trade union organization during the period. With the transition from dictatorship to democracy between 1975 and 1982, a plural model of trade union organization finally became consolidated in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the close of Spanish Civil War (1936–39) a dictatorship was installed by Francisco Franco which saw his narrative of the conflict embedded in the landscape of an ideologically divided nation through monuments and mass graves. The dictatorship was followed by the period of Transition (1975–81) whereby amnesty was negotiated leaving the crimes of the past ensconced in private memory. The recent wave of exhumations of mass graves aim to shed light on the hidden buried world containing legacies of Spain's recent past. This paper examines the experiences of participants in exhumations with expertise in the disciplines of history, archaeology, forensics, and psychology. It contrasts their narratives of silence and lack of awareness about Spain's mass graves with the work of exhuming the Disappeared, understood by members of the exhumation movement as a pedagogical mechanism of social memory that operates through the resignification of the dead as a counternarrative of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Known as "living fossils", large old trees play an important role in ecology, landscape, and culture and are an important part of ecosystems and human settlements. The aim of this paper is to provide suggestions for the protection of urban large old tree resources and the selection of large old tree backup resources. First, we conducted a statistical analysis on the composition, distribution, and important values of large old tree species in Beijing and used Downtrend correspondence analysis (DCA) to analyze the composition of different types of habitat tree species. Second, we created a 3 km × 3 km grid within the administrative scope of Beijing, extracted the number of large old trees and tree species richness in the grid, and used geographic detectors to determine the driving factors of the spatial distribution of large old trees, as well as tree species richness differences and their interactions. A total of 40,590 large old trees in Beijing were found, belonging to 72 species, 52 genera, and 29 families. Platycladus orientalis (L.) Franco was the dominant tree species, with an importance value of 0.51. Among the different habitats, the large old trees were found in parks and temples, and the greatest tree species number of old trees were found in communities and the countryside; meanwhile, microgreen spaces had the lowest number of trees and tree species. The distribution of large old trees and tree species was mainly concentrated in the center of the city and the northwest. The distribution pattern of large old tree resources in Beijing is affected by the interaction of various factors. Social factors were the dominant in the distribution of large old tree resources in Beijing. The spatial distribution of large old trees was mainly affected by the scenic resort and historic site (SRHS), and the SRHS and gross domestic product (GDP) level were the most important factors influencing the richness of large old tree species. In addition, the functional value and characteristics of tree species determined the distribution of large old tree habitats. Therefore, the protection of large old tree resources requires developing scientific management and planning by managers, increasing investment in management and protection, and strengthening ecological culture publicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From 1957 to 1973, Barcelona Zoo was transformed from a small-scale, antiquated establishment harboring very few animals, a place that was still in a poor condition following the Spanish Civil War, into a new, larger, modern, and internationally recognized institution that included up-to-date animal enclosures and that boasted one of the first dolphinariums in Europe, as well as a famous white gorilla as its icon. From its very beginning, this renovation involved an intense popularization campaign. In this paper, by describing the public discourse generated throughout this transformation and by analyzing the roles played by Antoni Jonch, the director of the zoo at that time; Josep Maria de Porcioles, the then-mayor of Barcelona; and General Francisco Franco, the Spanish dictator who was head of state during this period, I will highlight how the context of the dictatorship not only authorized the new Barcelona Zoo but is, in fact, crucial to its understanding. The narratives that surrounded the renovation of the zoo focused on its civic and educational purpose, with a firm emphasis on modernity. The zoo was a modern space for learning about animals in order to become better people. These narratives were not only suitable to the policies, ideas, and aims of Porcioles' City Council and Franco's dictatorial regime; in fact, they completely matched them. Both local and national governments benefited from the restructuring of Barcelona Zoo and from its public discourse as a tool for social control and an instrument for their own propaganda, legitimation, and perpetuation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the New Year messages delivered by Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War and his mandate as chief of state (1937–1974) from a paremiological perspective to determine the frequency of use of proverbs in them and establish the characteristics and purpose of these paremiological uses in relation to the principles of the "National Movement," the socio-political framework enforced by the francoist-regime. Although Franco's speeches do not show a strong stylistic awareness, paremias find their way into them, usually as allusions to proverbial wisdom. In relation to this, some recurring items and themes have been found, among which, those with a religious origin or motivation stand out as the most frequent. This is coherent with the ideals that his regime imposed on the Spanish population during his rule and which will be commented on in relation to the paremias used and how they reflect those ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the potential of educational materials to forge and shape the collective memory, this article analyses the representations of the Francoist Hunger Years (1939–1952) in recent history textbooks for secondary schools by a wide range of publishers. The main thesis of the paper is that while there are textbooks that provide a complex narrative of the hunger experiences, others – even some of the most recent ones – depict the period in an oversimplified and historiographically outdated way and fail to address various social perspectives. This article also argues that it is possible to detect the persistence of the official Francoist discourse on the years of hunger in some textbooks that continue to implicitly perpetuate the distortion and oblivion the Franco dictatorship tried to impose on the famine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The relationship between Francoist censorship and translation continues to attract the attention of researchers attempting to shed light on the role played by translation under Franco’s regime. The main purpose of this paper is to reflect on methodological aspects and review the different proposals of researchers studying the impact of censorship on the translation of books at that time. To this end, this study will explore three of the main models used: those based on the archives held at the General Administration Archive (AGA), those based on textual analysis and those advocating mixed models combining quantitative and qualitative studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on long-term ethnographic research on contemporary exhumations of mass graves from the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), as well as analysis of the exhumation of Francisco Franco from the Valley of the Fallen, this paper looks at the ways in which the dictator's moral exemplarity has evolved over time since his military victory in 1939. During the early years of his dictatorship, Franco's propaganda machine built the legend of a historical character touched by divine providence who sacrificed himself to save Spain from communism. His moral charisma was enriched by associating his historical mission with a constellation of moral exemplars drawn from medieval and imperial Spain. After his death, his moral exemplarity dwindled as democratic Spain embraced a political discourse of national reconciliation. Yet, since 2000, a new negative exemplarity of Franco as a war criminal has come into sharp focus, in connection with the exhumation of the mass graves of tens of thousands of Republican civilians executed by his army and paramilitary. In recent years, Franco has reemerged as a fascist exemplar alongside a rise of the extreme right. To understand the revival of his fascist exemplarity, I focus on two processes: the rise of the political party Vox, which claims undisguised admiration for Franco's legacy (a process I call "neo-exemplarity"), and the dismantling in October 2019 of Franco's honorable burial and the debate over the treatment that his mortal remains deserve (a process I call "necro-exemplarity"). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Francoist state, in collusion with the Church, tried to domesticate women's bodies and encode dressing patterns in accordance with Catholic moral doctrine. This article interrogates the normative notion of femininity in Francoism, focusing on ecclesiastical discourse and Catholic dress code. The Church dictated dressing norms, and the Franco regime sanctioned to a great extent its sartorial parameters. This paper also explores how women embodied gender ideals and sartorial patterns. I argue that foreign (im)moral influences that fissured normative discourses and sartorial practices from the 1950s onwards, after the international rehabilitation of the dictatorship and the transition from a society marked by an autarkic economic policy to a consumer society. This historical analysis suggests that efforts of (wo)men in positions of power within the Francoist regime and the Catholic Church to control the infiltration of other models and fashions were increasingly unsuccessful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyses the way in which women gained access to local government in Spain between 1924, when they were first appointed as councillors and mayors, and 1975, when dictator Francisco Franco died. The Spanish case involves a political history that includes two dictatorships separated by a republic and a civil war. Most female representatives were not chosen by ballot, but gained access to local governments by other means, such as governmental appointment, the replication of the national balance of power at the local level, corporative elections and the like. In sum, the variegated ways in which women became local councillors and mayors under the different political regimes, and the way in which they performed, must be interpreted in light of the construction of citizenship in twentieth-century Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios de Traducción is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In early 2019, the German Ministry of Economic Affairs revealed its National Industrial Strategy 2030. Even though attenuated due to fierce domestic opposition, it marks a shift towards a more selective, interventionist industrial policy. In particular, this shift has instigated far-reaching upheavals in EU competition policy under Franco-German pressure. This article probes into the determinants of this shift in Germany, a country (in-)famous for its allegedly ordoliberal stance, especially with regard to competition policy and EU economic integration. Drawing on regulation and critical state theory, neo-Gramscian IPE as well as historical materialist policy analysis, and based on trade and investment data, document analysis and expert interviews, it reconstructs the crisis tendencies and the constellation of interests and actors which have underpinned this shift in Germany. The article argues that – in face of growing geopolitical rivalries and technological decoupling – the NIS 2030 indicates a strategic re-orientation in relevant parts of the German power bloc towards actively promoting 'technological sovereignty' and 'European champions', thereby also calling into question an important facet of the EU's neoliberal new-constitutionalist architecture. However, this re-orientation is deeply contested, revealing growing divisions within German capital along diverging competitive positions and patterns of internationalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first decades of this century, Spain still has a high industrial accident rate compared with other Western European countries. Within the framework of the most recent historiographical theses, this paper analyses the historical roots of this situation, focusing on the institutions that historically managed industrial accident insurance coverage, especially during the first decades of the Franco Dictatorship (1939–1966). This study examines how Francoist social policy favoured employers by prolonging the control of this insurance in the hands of private institutions, insurance companies and, above all, employers' industrial accident mutuals, which excluded worker participation in its management and promoted this social coverage as a business. Archival and statistical documentation makes it possible to demonstrate that entities such as the employers' industrial accident mutuals managed a substantial volume of the premiums paid by employers, which brought them significant profits through the refund of part of these premiums in the form of rebates. This was possible because at the same time they destined no or negligible funding to prevention and rehabilitation of workers. Ultimately, employers' management of this insurance allowed them to meet this obligation cheaply, while maintaining a historically high accident rate in Spain and hindered the development of a culture of prevention of occupational risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pedagogy Studies / Pedagogika is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)