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The author discusses the implications of developing the participatory power of media to government. The author states that governments derive their legitimacy as servants of people or democracies that can be considered as utilities forced by the transparency of information enabled by social networks. He mentions that monitory webocracy became an organic part of fabric of Chinese governance; hence, the Communist Party uses it as early warning feedback mechanism for performance-based legitimacy.

The perception by the German media of Tibet, on the one hand, and China, on the other, could not be more contrary: the current image of China is fully in the tradition of the threatening yellow - respectively red - threat and so is strongly opposed to the positive image of Tibet (peaceful, esoteric, in need of protection). Given this double agenda setting and framing, an almost insurmountable communicative and media-political obstacle stood in the way of positive reporting on the Beijing Olympics in summer 2008. The media reports on the social unrest in Tibet in March 2008 and those on the Olympic Games several months later reveal the following. (1) The numerous, highly professional media activities by groups of exiled Tibetans relating to Tibet and the Olympic Games were planned long in advance and were well coordinated The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in Washington played a vital role here. (2) Important parts of the anti-Chinese media work were done before and during the Olympics by the British advertising agency Saatchi & Saatchi commissioned by the supposedly independent NGO Reporters without Borders. (3) Essential parts of the pro-Chinese media work were done before and during the Olympic Games by the US-American PR Agency Hill & Knowlton. This supports the conclusion that during the period of time in question German media recipients were provided with authentic news neither about Tibet nor about China. Instead, they were victims of competitive rivalry between two western PR and advertising agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Ten years after the handover, Hong Kong's media faced multiple pressures. There were few cases of outright prosecution of the media, but there were subtle political and economic pressures. Co-optation of media bosses, fear of losing advertising revenue and media takeovers by pro-Beijing figures brought some of the media into line. This brought editorial shift and self-censorship, as the media systematically shied away from stories that might antagonize Beijing, underplayed negative news for the government and gave the democrats less favourable coverage. Interviews with journalists showed little evidence of ostensible intervention from government officials or media bosses, but newsroom socialization and editorial gatekeeping are effective constraints. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press and the moral force of professional ethics lent the media the room to defend and negotiate their freedom, but the pervasive fear induced by the political environment invariably overpowered the resistance and constrained press freedom in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the link between the efforts of elite authors to take their part in the political decision-making process through statecraft writings, and the rise of the newspaper press of Hong Kong, China and treaty-port Shanghai. Comparison between Cai Erkang's and Wanwei Shuqiao's statements on the political status of the press in China; Issues concerning the merger of statecraft discourse and journalistic writing; Examples of journals that have coincided with the implementation of yangwu politics in the decade preceding the Sino-French war.

Based on a nationwide survey conducted in mainland China between September 1993 and June 1994, this study explores the impact of propaganda of the Communist government on people's attitudes toward specific political institutions and toward the government in general. Our study shows that the news media in China have negative effects on people's attitudes toward political institutions in general and make people distrust government. Several competing interpretations are offered to explain the negative correlation between media exposure and political trust. Despite serious efforts, we are unable to falsify the relationship between media exposure and people's attitudes toward government. These findings clearly demonstrate that the propaganda of the regime failed in nurturing supportive sentiment among people in Chinese society in the post-Tiananmen era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues that contrary to Western impressions, China's news media is relatively vigorous and healthy judging from the quantity and variety of information it provides. Impression that freedom of expression in China is severely restricted; Persistence of the facade of state control of news media; Growth of news and information sources since 1978; Expansion and diversification of radio and television.

Examines the role of the state in the incorporation of the market-based press forms and practices into the existing press structure in China. Influence of market rationalization campaign on press conglomeration; Implications of press commercialization on emerging class and power relations; Path of the Communist party-controlled press commercialization.

Focuses on the press freedom of Hong Kong newspapers after the island's sovereignty reverted to the People's Republic of China. Discussion on the rights and freedoms of Hong Kong people under the Sino-British Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong, 1984; Views of members of the Hong Kong Journalist Association on press freedom under the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government; Reasons for China's press policy in the Island.

Examines the relations between Chinese government leaders and the press. Arrests and political persecution of personalities from the pro-democracy movement and its impact on economic reform and liberalization; Freedom of the press in communist China despite changes in political attitude and journalistic philosophy; Collaboration between the pro-democracy movement and the press.

The article discusses the credibility of government organizations in China tasked with mitigating or dealing with environmental side-effects from economic and technological advancement. Environmental events and accidents such as oil spills, algal blooms, and food poisonings are discussed, and the authors describe Chinese government groups that are attempting to rebuild public trust by enforcing environmental laws on the local level, mandating Environmental Liability Insurance for polluting companies, and making environmental information public. Media coverage of environmental issues is encouraged in China, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are given more freedom to investigate environmental problems.