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Research shows that healthy ageing is defined differently by older adults and researchers, who may put more or less weight on the physiological, psychological, societal and personal aspects of ageing. Although there is growing interest in the research literature on lay models of healthy ageing in socio-cultural context, little work has been done to determine how important or feasible the various components of healthy ageing are viewed to be by older adults. This study asked a convenience sample of 54 older adults in the circumpolar North to rate the importance and feasibility of 36 previously identified components of healthy ageing in their community. Results indicate that seniors in the sample place the most importance on aspects of the social and physical environment, while least important concepts included psychological and individual behaviours. However, most feasible aspects were individual behaviours and least feasible were aspects of the social and physical environment. Although older adults are able to construct a model of what healthy ageing should look like in their community, they do not always view the most important aspects of healthy ageing to be the most feasible to achieve, providing ample opportunity for public and social policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the approaches, practices, and policies for supporting the productive engagement of older adults. Topics discussed include providing supportive services and financial assistance to family members, promoting federal assistance and support for older adults, and health and education of older adults.

This paper examines processes of adaptive governance and authoritarian resilience through the lens of community governance, bringing together hitherto unrelated fields of study. It argues first that adaptation has unintended consequences that can threaten stability but do not necessarily cause regime crisis. Second, it contends that the structural fault-lines of institutionalised categorical inequality, marketisation, and professionalization, along with the pathologies of Leninist authoritarianism, undermine adaptive community governance. The paper draws on qualitative research in two neighbourhoods of Shanghai. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) started as a global project aimed at reducing CO2 emissions by protecting tropical forests. At the same time, several so-called co-benefits were listed in the original documents, such as biodiversity and other environmental services, poverty reduction and sustainable livelihoods, and good governance. I argue that REDD+ quickly became a project in which these co-benefits have emerged to be of central concern and that the rights of affected forest populations today dominate much of the REDD+ discourse. One reason for the redirected focus of REDD+ can be attributed to the activities of international and national environmental and human rights organisations. While this has arguably contributed to a process of democratisation in Indonesia, it has also slowed down the implementation of readiness projects. Taking my example from the UN-REDD initiative in Central Sulawesi, I examine some reasons why it has been difficult to establish the proposed five REDD sites in the province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas presidents represent the entire nation, members of Congress serve districts and states. Consequently, presidents and members of Congress often disagree not only about the merits of different policies but also about the criteria used to assess them. To investigate the relevance of jurisdictional−and by extension criterial−differences for policymaking, we revisit classic models of bargaining under uncertainty. Rather than define uncertainty about the mapping of one policy into one outcome, as all previous scholars have done, we allow for every policy to generate two politically relevant outcomes, one local and another national. We then identify equilibria in which the president's utility is increasing in the value that a representative legislator assigns to national outcomes. As an application of this theory, we analyze budgetary politics in war and peace. We find that during periods of war, when members of Congress assign greater importance to the very same national outcomes that preoccupy presidents, congressional appropriations more closely reflect presidential proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review critically evaluates the largely consensual view that wars naturally and reflexively augment presidential power. After summarizing the key arguments advanced by presidency scholars in the aftermath of World War II, this article canvasses the existing empirical basis for their claims and the theoretical microfoundations upon which they are offered. Both appear wanting. Few systematic studies yield unambiguous evidence that the adjoining branches of government reliably support elements of the president's domestic or foreign policy agendas during war that they otherwise would oppose. And no one, to date, has offered a clear theory explaining why either Congress or the courts would behave in this way. The article therefore calls for continued empirical research on the causal effects of war on presidential power, and for renewed investments in theories that might account for the ways in which war figures into congressional and judicial voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following President Bush's declaration of a ‘War on Terror’ in 2001, governments around the world introduced a range of counter-terrorist legislation, policies and practices. These measures have affected not only human rights and civil liberties but also civil society and aid frameworks. Although the Obama administration has renounced the language of the ‘War on Terror’ and taken steps to revoke aspects such as water-boarding and the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, the bulk of the legislation and practices associated with the post-9/11 global security framework remain. The cluster of papers which follow provide detailed studies of the effects of the War on Terror regime on civil society in four contexts: the USA, Spain, Kenya and Uzbekistan. In this way it lays a basis for civil society actors and aid agencies to reflect more strategically on how they should engage with security debates and initiatives in a way that best protects the spaces of civil society and the interests of minority and vulnerable groups. This introduction sets out the three key themes pursued throughout the cluster articles, namely, the selective impact of counter-terrorist measures on civil society; the particularity of civil society responsiveness to these measures; and the role of aid and diplomacy in pursuing security objectives and its consequences for civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of terrorist attacks in 1998 and 2002, Kenya has come under pressure from aid donors and diplomatic circles to co-operate in achieving the political and military objectives of the War on Terror. The Kenyan government has received legal, technical and financial support to implement new counter-terrorism structures. However, while these have raised concerns around human rights and the ability of people to come together and organize on shared interests, the response of civil society in Kenya has been muted. It is mainly human rights campaigners, lawyers, Muslim organizations and leaders, and some politicians that have opposed proposed anti-terrorism legislation. Even fewer groups have spoken out against the government's participation in a regional rendition programme in the Horn of Africa supported by the United States. This weak response reflects the significant ethnic and regional fragmentation that prevails in the country. This article critically examines the impacts of counter-terrorism in Kenya and civil society responses to these in a shifting political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the global 'War on Terror' regime has contributed in complex and differentiated ways to the increasing securitisation of development policy and practice. The global 'War on Terror' regime refers to a complex and contradictory weaving of discourses, political alliances, policy and legislative changes, institutional arrangements and practices. This is manifest in aid rhetoric, policy discourse, institutional convergence and programming. These processes have in turn affected the way donor agencies engage with non-governmental actors. On the one hand they have led to new forms of control over charitable agencies; on the other hand they have created new opportunities for interaction and resource access to 'newly discovered' civil society actors such as Muslim organisations and communities. The article explores these issues through the lens of development policy and practice by four donor countries, namely, the USA, Sweden, the UK and Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an attempt to identify and assess institutional culture in the Welsh Assembly (WA), this article analyses agency and path-dependency in relation to Assembly Member (AM) perspectives, devolution policy and historical documentation. As primary agents, AMs were posed a number of questions regarding the initial rationales for an Assembly and whether the new institution reflected the cultural tendencies of its incoming membership. In order to identify and understand relationships between agency and path-dependency, this article identifies a distinction between the WA and individual actors. Distinctions between organisational and individual levels identify how different institutions fit together and illustrate relationships between path-dependency and agency. These relationships allow theoretical and empirical insights into cultural difference between the emerging WA and pre-devolution Welsh political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we critically reflect on the constitution of the UK's alcohol problem in the government's 'Safe, Social, Sensible' policy document, referring to findings from a 3-year ESRC funded study on young people, alcohol and identity. We suggest that discursive themes running throughout 'Safe, Sensible, Social' include 'shared responsibility' for implementing a 'cultural change', 'youth and binge drinking' and the need to promote 'sensible' levels of alcohol consumption to individual drinkers. We argue that, in constituting the problem around these themes, the policy document risks diluting responsibility and obscuring the role of government, media and alcohol manufacturers. In addition, the way young drinkers are constituted carries a risk of isolating this group as both cause and effect of the alcohol problem, placing an unrealistic burden of responsibility on local communities and agencies and exacerbating the gap between policy assumptions and the lived reality of young drinkers within their cultural context. We conclude that alcohol policy requires a more substantive, clearly specified and evidence-based approach which acknowledges the complexities of drinking contexts and drinker motivations in the allocation of responsibility and formulation of policy. In particular, policy needs to address the role of legislation and licensing laws, and the branding and marketing activities of the drinks industry in the structure of UK alcohol consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the appropriation of applying the principles of Combined Code of Corporate Governance and the values of the Code and Regulation of the Housing Corporation to registered social landlords (RSLs). RSLs should provide affordable homes to the needy and fight poverty in applying the values of the National Housing Federation. Registered social landlords should consider the Seven Nolan Principles of Public Life such as selflessness and honesty in applying the combined code.

The government of the Communist Party of China (CPC) rolled out a national policy to contract out social and welfare services to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in 2013. This study explores how government contracting of services affects NGOs. We examine three areas: marketization, financial dependency, and autonomy. We find significant convergence of the effects of contracting on NGOs in China with NGOs' experiences in liberal democratic countries, despite divergent political regimes. Found effects are explained by the combination of the authoritarian government of the CPC with the neoliberal governance structures introduced by contracting. Convergence with international experience despite divergent political regimes is attributed to the neoliberal essence of the policy of contracting of services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the Advisory Committee on Heritable Disorders and Genetic Diseases in Newborns and Children (ACHDGDNC), its brief history and its accomplishments. ACHDGDNC is created to give advice and to guide the Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS) on the appropriate application of universal screening technologies, policies and guidelines to reduce mortality and morbidity in newborns and children at risk of genetic disorders.

Focuses on the prevention of cancer, cardiovascular disease, and diabetes. Incidence of the diseases in the U.S. and Great Britain; Report that the conditions have common risk factors, including smoking, obesity, and physical inactivity; Efforts of public health officials to encourage the prevention of disease through healthy lifestyle promotion; Impact of research on the potential for diseases prevention; Significance of obesity and physical inactivity on the risk for diseases; Critique of cancer-prevention research in the U.S. and Great Britain.

Social workers are familiar with the challenges brought on by the coronavirus pandemic; and we apply three gerontological social work perspectives that might increase our chances of minimizing negative outcomes and improving health and quality of life for everyone. First, the reality that the older population is very heterogeneous challenges ageism and age-stereotyping that has surfaced with COVID-19. Second, concepts of cumulative disadvantage and intersectionality offer clear explanations of the disparities that are being illuminated and lead us to advocate for fundamental changes to reduce disparities in later life and for people across the life course. Third, a strength-based perspective highlights the assets of the older population and the opportunities for positive developments coming out of the crisis. We can capitalize on momentum to increase advance care planning, to reduce social isolation, and expand the use of on-line technology for service provision. We can bolster our arguments to support older workers, volunteers, and caregivers. The fact that these social work perspectives are so applicable to the coronavirus situation reminds us of their fundamental relevance. Gerontological social work has much to offer in our roles as researchers, educators, practitioners, and advocates during this crisis, and our foundational principles serve us well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There is limited understanding of the prevalence of psychological distress and associated stressors and supports among displaced adults in low- and middle-income first asylum countries. Method: This article reports the findings of a cross-sectional study. We recruited 245 Congolese adults (18–80 years) residing in Nairobi, Kenya using snowball sampling. Data were collected using an interviewer-administered questionnaire consisting of sociodemographic characteristics, the Self-Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ-20), and a locally developed stressors and supports survey. We used multivariable logistic regression to examine associations among sociodemographic, stressor, and support variables and the likelihood of experiencing psychological distress. Results: More than half of the participants (52.8%) reported symptoms indicative of psychological distress. Factors associated with increased psychological distress included perceiving to have a useful role in one's family or community, AOR = 1.85; 95% CI [1.1.17, 3.11], p =.012, feeling confused or not knowing what to do, AOR = 2.13; 95% CI [1.20, 4.6], p =.014, and feeling afraid to leave home for medical/health care to help with an illness, AOR = 1.57; 95% CI [1.17, 2.15], p <.01. Additionally, ethnic Banyamulenge Congolese adults without legal refugee status had an increased likelihood of experiencing psychological distress, AOR =.07; 95% CI [0,.74], p =.035. Conclusion: Future research is warranted to understand how to implement targeted mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) to improve urban-displaced adults' sense of safety and belonging. Our findings suggest that legal refugee status is an important structural determinant of mental health, which should be considered in MHPSS practice and policy. Public Policy Relevance Statement: There is limited research examining how structural determinants are associated with urban-displaced adults' mental health in postmigration settings. Results from this study suggest that refugee status determination is a significant determinant of mental health status. One implication stemming from the results suggests that the prompt registration of urban refugees may be an essential component of comprehensive mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) in humanitarian settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: There is international interest in risk-stratification of breast screening programmes to allow women at higher risk to benefit from more frequent screening and chemoprevention. Risk-stratification also identifies women at low-risk who could be screened less frequently, as the harms of breast screening may outweigh benefits for this group. The present research aimed to elicit the views of national healthcare policy decision-makers regarding implementation of less frequent screening intervals for women at low-risk.Methods: Seventeen professionals were purposively recruited to ensure relevant professional group representation directly or indirectly associated with the UK National Screening Committee and National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) clinical guidelines. Interviews were analysed using thematic analysis.Results: Three themes are reported: (1) producing the evidence defining low-risk, describing requirements preceding implementation; (2) the impact of risk stratification on women is complicated, focusing on gaining acceptability from women; and (3) practically implementing a low-risk pathway, where feasibility questions are highlighted.Conclusions: Overall, national healthcare policy decision-makers appear to believe that risk-stratified breast screening is acceptable, in principle. It will however be essential to address key obstacles prior to implementation in national programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Venomous snake species across the globe have been historically categorized as aggressive and dangerous, leading to widespread persecution and killings. Despite the conservation importance of educating the public about the docile nature of these species, few studies have attempted to quantify the response of viperid species to human interactions. Here we report the responses of free-ranging copperheads to a potential human encounter using a set of hierarchical behavioral trials. Out of a total of 69 snakes, only two individuals feigned striking and only two attempted to bite (3% of all individuals). Our results support the findings of previous studies documenting the docile nature of other viperid species and can hopefully be used to change the public perception of venomous snakes. Convincing the public and policy makers that viperid species are docile is critical to long-term conservation of these species in the U.S. and around the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the rise of the behavioural sciences within the design and implementation of public policy, this paper introduces the concept of neuroliberalism and suggests that it could offer a creative context within which to interpret related governmental developments. Understanding neuroliberalism as a system of government that targets the more-than-rational aspects of human behaviour, this paper considers the particular contribution that geographical theories of context and spatial representation can make to a critical analysis of this evolving governmental project [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]