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This paper revisits the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, taking as its point of departure the two states' economic relations, and explores possible linkages to political cooperation. The paper finds growing collaboration in a context characterized by the proliferation of non-state actors in economic decision-making, and underlines the role played by FDI flows and trade decisions in stimulating cooperation. At the same time, it rejects an uncritical acceptance of economic functionalism and stresses the salience of politics, above and beyond Turkey's EU candidacy, to consolidate the gains from the rapprochement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Aegean conflict is the main bilateral bone of contention between Greece and Turkey. The paper presents the little-known two instances of meaningful Greek-Turkish talks on the Aegean (in 1975-81 and 2002-3) highlighting points of convergence. The parameters of a settlement are obvious yet the conflict remains in place after 40 years, not permitting Greek-Turkish reconciliation. The main reason for the impasse is that behind the tangible interests at stake lie mutual fears and mistrust as to the intentions of the other party in the Aegean. This is but the tip of the iceberg of what is a deeply engrained antagonism founded on historical memories, real or imagined, that depict the 'Other' as the implacable enemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary history of three countries was marked on July 1974 when the Greek colonels overthrew the legitimate government of Cyprus, Turkey invaded the island to preserve her interests and Greece returned to democracy, but withdrew from NATO. The apathy of her allies was a bitter experience for Greece, considering that the government in Athens was struggling to cope with the consequences of the invasion and Turkey's aggression, as well as with the diplomatic isolation caused by the seven-year dictatorial rule. This paper examines the response of the Greek government and makes particular reference to Karamanlis's archives and Greek parliamentary proceedings. The purpose of the present study is to explore whether Greece was genuinely committed to the settlement of the Cyprus issue and failed due to lack of support or simply ignored the appeals of the Cypriot people and pursued more vital foreign policy objectives, thus contributing to the partition of the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is not to provide and evaluate the long list of inter-state disputes between Greece and Turkey. Instead, the paper will focus on how it might be possible to break out of this pattern of conflicts and break or undo a rivalry that has endured half a century of relentless efforts at conflict resolution. The first part of the paper will address the causes or rather the processes that make the rivalry so unrelenting. Why is it that Greece and Turkey can not cooperate? The second part of the paper, on the other hand, will explore the possibility of whether the notion of 'democratic peace' might be a possible path towards creating an environment conducive to cooperation. The paper will conclude that though techniques such as confidence building measures, inter-governmental dialogues, mediation, etc., are very important they may not succeed in achieving more than conflict reduction or management. What is really required is a sort of paradigmatic shift allowing a conducive environment for the notion of 'democratic peace' to take root. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to evaluate the forces behind the Turkish-Greek rapprochement, its prospects and its limitations. In the first part, through an analysis of the route from détente to rapprochement, the case for sustainable changes in the foreign policies of the two countries will be made, from confrontation to cooperation. In the second part, the effect of Europeanization on the foreign policies of Greece and Turkey and on their bilateral disputes will be discussed, with a view to presenting the overall contribution of the EU to bilateral affairs in the way of opportunities offered and constraints set. Finally, in the third and fourth parts it is argued that obstacles to rapprochement still remain, particularly in the form of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to theorize about how dynamics of party competition influence government decisions to engage in foreign policy change. It shows how a focus on the functioning of polarized two-party competition in Greece in the late 1990s sheds light on crucial questions concerning the content, timing and institutionalization of Greece’s decision to allow the EU to grant Turkey candidate-member status. The article problematizes this foreign policy change as a decision influenced, among other factors, by the demands of party competition, and especially the strategy of the then ruling socialist party. More generally, this article shows how a focus on party politics complements in various interesting ways our understanding of foreign policy decisions and foreign policy change. Party system dynamics are shown to act as significant intervening factors between determinants of foreign policy usually analyzed in the literature and eventual foreign policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the changing dynamics of Greek–Turkish relations since the end of the Second World War. The initial sections focus on tensions during the Cold War and their impact on relations with the USA and NATO. Subsequent sections examine the origin and impact of the thaw in relations between Athens and Ankara since l999; the changing role of the Cyprus issue; and new regional security threats. A final section discusses prospects for future relations between Greece and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article deals with NATO strategy in the Balkans from 1951, when Greek and Turkish admission to the alliance was decided, to 1967, when NATO revised its strategic concept for the last time until the end of the Cold War, while another serious Greek-Turkish crisis over Cyprus erupted. The analysis places emphasis on the defence posture of the southern Balkans, regional correlation of forces and the evolution of NATO military strategy throughout the period under examination. Consideration is also given to the integration of the southern Balkans in the NATO command structure, the provision of aid to Greece and Turkey, and Greek-Turkish relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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