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Objectives: To examine the impact of NHS-funded private provision on NHS provision, access and inequalities., Design: Ecological study using routinely collected NHS inpatient data., Setting: England., Participants: All individuals undergoing an NHS-funded elective hip arthroplasty in England from 2003/2004 to 2012/2013., Main Outcome Measures: Annual crude and standardised rates of hip arthroplasties per 100,000 population performed by NHS and private providers between 2004/2005 and 2012/2013., Results: Age standardised rates of hip arthroplasty increased from 116.4 (95% CI 115.4-117.4) to 148.7 (147.6-149.8) per 100,000 between 2004/2005 and 2012/2013. Provision shifted from NHS providers to private providers from 2007/2008; NHS provision decreased 8.6% and private provision increased 188% between 2007/2008 and 2012/2013. There is evidence of risk selection; private sector hip arthroplasties on NHS patients from the most affluent areas increased 228% from 10.8 (10.2-11.5) to 35.4 (34.3-36.5) per 100,000 compared to an increase of 186% from 8.8 (8.1-9.4) to 25.2 (24.1-26.4) per 100,000 among patients from the least affluent areas between 2007/2008 and 2012/2013. There was no statistically significant (p > 0.05) widening in any measure of inequality (absolute, relative difference and slope and relative slope of index inequality) in hip arthroplasty rates between 2004/2005 and 2012/2013., Conclusion: Private provision substituted for NHS provision and did not add to overall provision favouring patients living in the most affluent area. Continuing the trend towards private provision and reducing NHS provision is likely to result in risk selection and widening inequalities in provision of elective hip arthroplasty in England.

The recent reform of the English National Health Service (NHS) through the Health and Social Care Act of 2012 introduced important changes in the organization, management, and provision of public health services in England. This study aims to analyze the NHS reforms in the historical context of predominance of neoliberal theories since 1980 and to discuss the "liberalization" of the NHS. The study identifies and analyzes three phases: (i) gradual ideological and theoretical substitution (1979-1990) - transition from professional and health logic to management and commercial logic; (ii) bureaucracy and incipient market (1991-2004) - structuring of the bureaucracy focused on administration of the internal market and expansion of pro-market measures; and (iii) opening to the market, fragmentation, and discontinuity of services (2005-2012) - weakening of the territorial health model and consolidation of health as an open market for public and private providers. This gradual but constant liberalization has closed services and restricted access, jeopardizing the system's comprehensiveness, equity, and universal healthcare entitlement in the NHS.

Misoprostol use for postpartum haemorrhage (PPH) has been promoted by Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) since the early 2000s. Yet, CSOs' role in improving access to misoprostol and shaping health policy at global and national levels is not well understood. We document the introduction of misoprostol in Uganda in 2008 from its registration, addition to treatment guidelines and national Essential Medicines List (EML), to its distribution and use. We then analyse the contribution of CSOs to this health policy change and service provision. Policy documents, procurement data and 82 key informant interviews with government officials, healthcare providers, and CSOs in four Ugandan districts of Kampala, Mbarara, Apac, Bundibugyo were collected between 2010 and 2013. Five key CSOs promoted and accelerated the rollout of misoprostol in Uganda. They supported the registration of misoprostol with the National Drug Authority, the development of clinical guidelines, and the piloting and training of health care providers. CSOs and National Medical Stores were procuring and distributing misoprostol country-wide to health centres two years before it was added to the clinical guidelines and EML of Uganda and in the absence of good evidence. The evidence suggests an increasing trend of misoprostol procurement and availability over the medicine of choice, oxytocin. This shift in national priorities has serious ramifications for maternal health care that need urgent evaluation. The absence of clinical guidelines in health centres and the lack of training preclude rational use of misoprostol. CSOs shifted their focus from the public to the private sector, where some of them continue to promote its use for off-label indications including induction of labour and abortion. There is an urgent need to build capacity to improve the robustness of the national and local institutions in assessing the safety and effectiveness of all medicines and their indications in Uganda., (Copyright © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The National Health Service was established in the United Kingdom in 1948 as a universal, comprehensive service free at the point of delivery, which is publicly provided, funded, and accountable. Market incrementalism in England has eroded this system over three decades. The recently enacted Health and Care Act will erode it further. This article first explains briefly how legislation and policy initiatives in 1990, 2003, and 2012 furthered development of the market and private provision of health services, and then describes the main structural changes in the new Act and their implications. England is now moving decisively toward a marketized, two-tier, mixed-funding system with several similarities to the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: National Health Service (NHS) waiting times have long been a political priority in Scotland. In 2002, the Scottish government launched a programme of investment and reform to reduce waiting times. The effect on waiting time inequality is unknown as is the impact of subsequent austerity measures. Design: An interrupted time series analysis between the most and least socioeconomically deprived population quintiles since the introduction of waiting time initiative 1 July 2002 and austerity measures 1 April 2010. Setting: All NHS-funded elective primary hip replacement, primary knee replacement and arthroscopy patient data in Scotland from 1 April 1997 to 31 March 2019. Participants: NHS Scotland funded patients treated in Scotland. Main outcome measures: Trends and changes in mean waiting time. Results: There were 135,176, 122,883 and 173,976 NHS funded hip replacement, knee replacement and arthroscopy patients, respectively, in Scotland between 1 April 1997 and 31 March 2019. From 1 July 2002 to 31 March 2010, waiting time inequality between the most and least deprived patients fell and increased thereafter. For hip replacements before 1 July 2002, waiting time inequality increased 1.07 days per quarter; this changed at 1 July 2002 with significant slope change of −2.32 (−3.53, −1.12) days resulting in a decreasing rate of inequality of −1.26 days per quarter. On 1 April 2010 the slope changed significantly by 1.84 (0.90, 2.78) days restoring increasing inequality at 0.58 days per quarter. Knee replacements and arthroscopies had similar results. Conclusions: The waiting time initiative in Scotland is associated with a reduction in waiting time inequality benefiting the most socioeconomically deprived patients. Austerity measures may be reversing these gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Background: Local pharmaceutical production has been endorsed by the WHO as a means of addressing health priorities of developing countries. However, local producers of essential medicines must comply with international pharmaceutical standards in order to be eligible to compete in donor tenders. These standards determine production rights for on-patent and off-patent medicines, and guide international procurement of medicines. We reviewed the literature on the impact of Good Manufacturing Practice (GMP) on local production; a gap analysis from the literature review indicated a need for further research. Over sixty interviews were conducted with people involved in the Nepali pharmaceutical production and distribution chain from 2006 to 2009 on the GMP areas of relevance: regulatory capacity, staffing, funding and training, resourcing of GMP, inspectors' interpretation of the rules and compliance. Results: Although Nepal producers have increased their overall share of the domestic market, only the public manufacturer, Royal Drugs, focuses on medicines for public health programmes; private producers engage mainly in brand competition for private markets, not essential medicines. Nepali regulators and producers state that implementation of GMP standards is hindered by low regulatory capacity, insufficient training of staff in the industry, financial constraints and lack of investment for upgrading capital. The transition period to mandatory compliance with WHO GMP rules is lengthy. Less than half of private producers had WHO GMP in 2013. Producers are not directly affected by international harmonisation of standards as they do not export medicines and the Nepali regulator does not enforce the WHO standards strictly. Without an international GMP certificate they cannot tender for donor dependent health programmes. Conclusions: In Nepal, local private manufacturers focus mainly on brand competition for private consumption not essential medicines, the government preferentially procures essential medicines from the only public producer while donor funded programmes rely on international manufacturers compliant with international GMP standards. We also found evidence of private hospitals bypassing national medicines approvals process. Policies in support of local pharmaceutical production in developing countries as a source of essential medicines need to examine carefully how GMP regulations impact on regulators, local industry and production of essential medicines in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade ministries from the World Trade Organization's (WTO's) 144 member states are presently deciding which public services to open to foreign competition under the complex liberalisation rules of the general agreement on trade in services (GATS). A frequent criticism of the WTO system is that it reduces national autonomy over public policy. However, respect for national sovereignty is asserted in the GATS treaty. Here, we examine claims made by the WTO and others that GATS exempts public services and does not require their privatisation. We discuss trade treaty processes that can subject public services to commercial rules, the treaty's flexibility with respect to national autonomy, and the effect of GATS in situations in which national autonomy is not protected. We conclude that national autonomy over health policy is not preserved under GATS, and that accordingly, there is a role for international standards that protect public services from the adverse effect of trade and market forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on independent nursing homes for the elderly in Great Britain. Examples of poor care in privatised nursing homes in the United States and Australia; Question whether the regulatory framework for nursing home in Great Britain offers adequate protection for patients; Suggestion that regulators, public bodies, and private providers must be directly accountable to the public and service users to ensure quality care.

High up on the agenda of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) is the privatisation of education, health, welfare, social housing and transport. The WTO's aim is to extend the free market in the provision of traditional public services. Governments in Europe and the US link the expansion of trade in public services to economic success, and with the backing of powerful medico-pharmaceutical, insurance, and service corporations, the race is on to capture the share of gross domestic product that governments currently spend on public services. They will open domestic European services and domestic markets to global competition by government procurement agreements, dispute-settlement procedures, and the investment rules of global financial institutions. The UK has already set up the necessary mechanisms: the introduction of private-sector accounting rules to public services; the funding of public-sector investment via private-public partnerships or the private finance initiative; and the change to capitation funding streams, which allows the substitution of private for public funds and services. We explain the implications of these changes for European public-health-care systems and the threat they pose to universal coverage, solidarity through risk-pooling, equity, comprehensive care, and democratic accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues against local authorities taking over the British National Health Service. Shift from the public to private sector provision; Capping public sector spending; Removing publicly financed services from public control.

Editorial. Discusses the funding of the intermediate care plan proposed by Great Britain's National Health Service (NHS). Details of the budgets of care trusts for the delivery of community health care and social care; Questions regarding the NHS definition of nursing care; Impact of altered funding mechanisms on health care quality in Great Britain.

The article discusses three reports on the future of medical care in Great Britain namely, "Future Direction of Health Care," from the National Association of Health Authorities and Trusts, "Future Health Care Options," released by the Institute of Health Services Management and the survey of health policy makers. The first paper focused on how the National Health Service (NHS) deliver health care in the nation. The second report gave out suggestions for medical care such as social insurance and local taxation.