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Objective To describe a systematic process of transforming paper registers into a digital system optimized to enhance service provision and fulfil reporting requirements. Methods We designed a formative study around primary health workers providing reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health services in three countries in Bangladesh, Indonesia and Pakistan. The study ran from November 2014 to June 2018. We developed a prototype digital application after conducting a needs assessment of health workers' responsibilities, workflows, routine data requirements and service delivery needs. Methods included desk reviews, focus group discussions, in-depth interviews; data mapping of paper registers; observations of health workers; co-design workshops with health workers; and usability testing. Finally, we conducted an observational feasibility assessment to monitor uptake of the application. Findings Researchers reviewed a total of 17 paper registers across the sites, which we transformed into seven modules within a digital application running on mobile devices. Modules corresponded to the services provided, including household enumeration, antenatal care, family planning, immunization, nutrition and child health. A total of 65 health workers used the modules during the feasibility assessment, and average weekly form submissions ranged from 8 to 234, depending on the health worker and their responsibilities. We also observed variability in the use of modules, requiring consistent monitoring support for health workers. Conclusion Lessons learnt from this study shaped key global initiatives and resulted in a software global good. The deployment of digital systems requires well-designed applications, change management and strengthening human resources to realize and sustain health system gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Nationally representative evidence on abortion service provision is scarce in South Asia. To inform improvements in service provision, this paper assesses the availability of facility-based postabortion services in Nepal, India (six states), Bangladesh and Pakistan, and legal abortion services in India and Nepal and Bangladesh (where the official term used is menstrual regulation or MR).Study Design: The paper presents comparable indicators on three aspects of abortion service provision from representative surveys of public and private sector facilities, conducted over 2012-2015. Indicators cover three areas: (a) need for abortion-related care (total number of abortions and percent of abortions that are legal and the postabortion treatment rate); (b) availability and accessibility of facility-based abortion-related services (percent of facilities offering only one of the two services, percent which are public and percent located in rural areas); (c) quality of facility-based abortion care (percent of legal abortions using procedures not recommended by WHO and percent of women turned away when seeking abortion or MR services).Results: The proportion of all abortions that are illegal ranges from 58% to almost 78% in the three countries where abortion is permitted under broad criteria. The annual treatment rate for abortion complications ranges from about 4 to 26 per 1000 women ages 15-49 across the countries and states covered. In India and Nepal, less than 40% of public sector facilities that are permitted to provide abortion services do so; in Bangladesh, the situation is somewhat better, at 53% providing MR. Across the six Indian states, 4-43% of facilities that offer abortion care are located in rural areas, disproportionately lower than the proportion of women living in rural areas (49-87%). About 30-60% of facilities offered only postabortion care and did not offer legal services in the three countries where legal services are permitted (with the sole exception of Tamil Nadu where this proportion was only 11%); of the remaining facilities, the large majority offered both services. Medication abortion is offered by the large majority of facilities that provide induced abortion and accounts for 40-45%, of facility-based abortions in Nepal and four of the states of India; in Assam and Bihar, this proportion was much lower (13% and 27% respectively). Invasive procedures that are not recommended by WHO are more widely used in India (up to 25-37% of facility-based abortions are D&C procedures; the large majority of this group are D&C, and a small proportion may be D&E, a WHO-recommended abortion procedure, that could not be separated out in this study because providers use the two labels interchangeably); by comparison, the proportion is much smaller in Nepal (5%). Between 22% to a little over half of facilities turned away some women who would otherwise be eligible for an abortion or MR procedure in Nepal, the six Indian states, and Bangladesh.Conclusions: There is an urgent need to increase access to abortion, MR and postabortion services, especially for rural women. Greater access to legal abortion/MR services in the three countries that permit these procedures would increase the proportion of abortions that are legal and safe, reduce morbidity and the need for facility-based treatment for complications. Broadening the legal criteria under which abortion is permitted in Pakistan, and implementing access under such broader criteria, is needed to achieve the same improvements in Pakistan. Ensuring that these services are of high quality and comprehensive-meeting WHO-recommended standards-is essential to protect women's reproductive health and rights.Implications: To improve access to abortion, MR and postabortion care in South Asia, all facilities (public and private) permitted to provide these services should do so, and should include medication abortion. Improvements in quality of care are critical: invasive procedures (D&C) should be eliminated through adherence to WHO's standards of safe abortion care and women seeking abortions should not be turned away because of providers' biases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background The obstetric transition model suggests that, as countries economically develop, the primary causes of maternal mortality change. Countries are assigned to one of five stages based on their maternal mortality ratio to identify priorities for reducing maternal deaths based on predominant determinants of mortality at each stage. We aim to validate the obstetric transition model using data from six diverse low- and middle-income countries representing self-identified priorities for improving maternal health and measurement compiled in a multi-stakeholder process. Methods We used multiple data sources from Bangladesh, Cote d'Ivoire, India, Mexico, Nigeria, and Pakistan, which included secondary data on country context and primary data derived from two sources: the content of multi-stakeholder meetings, called National Dialogues, which were organised around the 11 key themes identified in the World Health Organization's "Strategies toward ending preventable maternal mortality" (EPMM) and follow-up key informant interviews conducted in five of the seven countries. We conducted the analysis in four phases examining, the country's contextual profile, mapping the key themes and indicators to the model, exploring stakeholder prioritisation, and examining reasons for divergence from the model. Results Our results suggest that the stages of the obstetric transition generally align with the social, epidemiological, and health systems characteristics that the model predicts to be associated with countries at each stage, with some deviation related to health system deficiencies and barriers to access. Stakeholder priorities in maternal health generally align with those predicted by the model. Equity and women's rights emerged as a priority throughout all stages, not only within countries that are more advanced in the transition, as predicted by the model. Deviations between the model's predictions and country-level prioritisation were often explained by context-specific challenges. Conclusions This study is one of the first to validate the obstetric transition model using real data. Our findings support the validity of the obstetric transition model as a useful guide to aid decisionmakers in prioritising attention towards addressing maternal mortality. Country context, including equity, remains important to further inform priority-setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Inequality in maternal health has remained a challenge in many low-income countries, like Bangladesh and Pakistan. The study examines within-country and between-country inequality in utilization of maternal healthcare services for Bangladesh and Pakistan. Methods: The study used the latest Demographic Health Surveys (DHS, 2017–2018) datasets of Bangladesh and Pakistan for women aged 15–49 years who had given at least one live birth in three years preceding the survey. Equity strata were identified from the literature and conformed by binary logistic regressions. For ordered equity strata with more than two categories, the relative concentration index (RCI), absolute concentration index (ACI) and the slope index of inequality (SII) were calculated to measure inequalities in the utilization of four maternal healthcare services. For two-categories equity strata, rate ratio (RR), and rate difference (RD) were calculated. Concentration curves and equiplots were constructed to visually demonstrate inequality in maternal healthcare services. Results: In Bangladesh, there was greater inequality in skilled birth attendance (SBA) based on wealth (RCI: 0.424, ACI: 0.423, and SII: 0.612), women's education (RCI: 0.380, ACI: 0.379 and SII: 0.591), husband's education (RCI: 0.375, ACI: 0.373 and SII: 0.554) and birth order (RCI: − 0.242, ACI: − 0.241, and SII: -0.393). According to RCI, ACI, and SII, there was inequality in Pakistan for at least four ANC visits by the skilled provider based on wealth (RCI: 0.516, ACI: 0.516 and SII: 0.738), women's education (RCI: 0.470, ACI: 0.470 and SII: 0.757), and husband's education (RCI: 0.380, ACI: 0.379 and SII: 0.572). For Bangladesh, the RR (1.422) and RD (0.201) imply more significant urban–rural inequality in SBA. In Pakistan, urban–rural inequality was greater for at least four ANC visits by the skilled provider (RR: 1.650 and RD 0.279). Conclusion: Inequality in maternal healthcare is greater among the underprivileged group in Pakistan than in Bangladesh. In Bangladesh, the SBA is the most inequitable maternal healthcare, while for Pakistan it is at least four ANC visits by the skilled provider. Customized policies based on country context would be more effective in bridging the gap between the privileged and underprivileged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nepal, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan, policy focused on improving access to maternity services has led to measures to reduce cost barriers impeding women's access to care. Specifically, these include cash transfer or voucher schemes designed to stimulate demand for services, including antenatal, delivery and post-partum care. In spite of their popularity, however, little is known about the impact or effectiveness of these schemes. This paper provides an overview of five major interventions: the Aama (Mothers') Programme (cash transfer element) in Nepal; the Janani Suraksha Yojana (Safe Motherhood Scheme) in India; the Chiranjeevi Yojana (Scheme for Long Life) in India; the Maternal Health Voucher Scheme in Bangladesh and the Sehat (Health) Voucher Scheme in Pakistan. It reviews the aims, rationale, implementation challenges, known outcomes, potential and limitations of each scheme based on current available data. Increased use of maternal health services has been reported since the schemes began, though evidence of improvements in maternal health outcomes has not been established due to a lack of controlled studies. Areas for improvement in these schemes, identified in this review, include the need for more efficient operational management, clear guidelines, financial transparency, plans for sustainability, evidence of equity and, above all, proven impact on quality of care and maternal mortality and morbidity. Au Népal, en Inde, au Bangladesh et au Pakistan, la politique centrée sur l'élargissement de l'accès aux services de maternité a débouché sur des mesures de réduction des obstacles financiers qui empêchent les femmes d'avoir accès aux soins, plus précisément des transferts de fonds ou des chèques conçus pour stimuler la demande, notamment de soins prénatals, obstétricaux et du post-partum. Pourtant, en dépit de leur popularité, on sait peu de choses de l'impact de ces programmes. L'article décrit cinq interventions majeures : le programme Aama (des mères) (élément de transfert de fonds) au Népal, le Janani Suraksha Yojana (plan de maternité sans risque) en Inde, le Chiranjeevi Yojana (plan pour une longue vie) en Inde, le projet de chèques de santé maternelle au Bangladesh et le système de chèques Sehat (santé) au Pakistan. Il examine les objectifs, les justificatifs, les obstacles à l'application, les résultats connus, le potentiel et les limites de chaque projet, avec les données disponibles. Un recours accru aux services de santé maternelle a été enregistré depuis le début des projets, mais sans qu'il soit possible de déterminer les améliorations de la santé maternelle, faute d'études contrôlées. L'étude recense les domaines d'amélioration des projets qui ont besoin d'une gestion opérationnelle plus efficace, de directives claires, de transparence financière, de plans de viabilité, de preuves d'équité et, surtout, de confirmer leur impact sur la qualité des soins, et la mortalité et morbidité maternelles. En Nepal, India, Bangladesh y Pakistán, debido a políticas centradas en mejorar el acceso a los servicios de maternidad, se ha intentado reducir las barreras de costo que impiden el acceso de las mujeres a los servicios: específicamente, transferencias de dinero o programas de cupones diseñados para estimular la demanda de los servicios, incluida la atención antes, durante y después del parto. Pese a su popularidad, no se sabe mucho acerca de su impacto o eficacia. En este artículo se resumen cinco intervenciones importantes: el Programa de Madres (transferencias de dinero) en Nepal; el Plan por una Maternidad sin Riesgos y el Plan por una Vida Larga, ambos en India; el Programa de Cupones para Servicios de Salud Materna en Bangladesh; y el Programa de Cupones para servicios de salud, en Pakistán. Se analizan los objetivos, la justificación y los retos de la implementación, los resultados, el potencial y las limitaciones de cada plan según los datos. Desde el inicio de estos planes, ha aumentado el uso de los servicios de salud materna, aunque por falta de estudios controlados no hay evidencia de mejoras en los resultados. Entre las áreas a mejorar figuran: la eficiencia de la administración operativa, directrices claras, transparencia financiera, planes de sostenibilidad, evidencia de equidad y, sobre todo, un impacto comprobado en la calidad de la atención y en las tasas de mortalidad y morbilidad maternas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: High maternal mortality is still a significant public health challenge in many countries of the South-Asian region. The majority of maternal deaths occur due to pregnancy and delivery-related complications, which can mostly be prevented by safe facility delivery. Due to the paucity of existing evidence, our study aimed to examine the factors associated with place of delivery, including women's preferences for such in three selected South-Asian countries. Methods: We extracted data from the most recent demographic and health surveys (DHS) conducted in Bangladesh (2014), Nepal (2016), and Pakistan (2017–18) and analyzed to identify the association between the outcome variable and socio-demographic characteristics. A total of 16,429 women from Bangladesh (4278; mean age 24.57 years), Nepal (3962; mean age 26.35 years), and Pakistan (8189; mean age 29.57 years) were included in this study. Following descriptive analyses, bivariate and multivariate logistic regressions were conducted. Results: Overall, the prevalence of facility-based delivery was 40%, 62%, and 69% in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan, respectively. Inequity in utilizing facility-based delivery was observed for women in the highest wealth quintile. Participants from Urban areas, educated, middle and upper household economic status, and with high antenatal care (ANC) visits were significantly associated with facility-based delivery in all three countries. Interestingly, watching TV was also found as a strong determinant for facility-based delivery in Bangladesh (aOR = 1.31, 95% CI:1.09–1.56, P = 0.003), Nepal (aOR = 1.42, 95% CI:1.20–1.67, P<0.001) and Pakistan (aOR = 1.17, 95% CI: 1.03–1.32, P = 0.013). Higher education of husband was a significant predictor for facility delivery in Bangladesh (aOR = 1.73, 95% CI:1.27–2.35, P = 0.001) and Pakistan (aOR = 1.19, 95% CI: 0.99–1.43, P = 0.065); husband's occupation was also a significant factor in Bangladesh (aOR = 1.30, 95% CI:1.04–1.61, P = 0.020) and Nepal (aOR = 1.26, 95% CI:1.01–1.58, P = 0.041). Conclusion: Our findings suggest that the educational status of both women and their husbands, household economic situation, and the number of ANC visits influenced the place of delivery. There is an urgent need to promote facility delivery by building more birthing facilities, training and deployment of skilled birth attendants in rural and hard-to-reach areas, ensuring compulsory female education for all women, encouraging more ANC visits, and providing financial incentives for facility deliveries. There is a need to promote facility delivery by encouraging health facility visits through utilizing social networks and continuing mass media campaigns. Ensuring adequate Government funding for free maternal and newborn health care and local community involvement is crucial for reducing maternal and neonatal mortality and achieving sustainable development goals in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Health care post-birth may include referrals for additional care. Migrant (i.e., refugee, asylum-seeker, and immigrant) women frequently do not follow-up referrals for care and could be at increased health risk as a consequence. We sought to explore the inhibitors and facilitators of migrant women for following through with referrals for care. Methods Twenty-five women living in Montreal who had received a referral completed semi-structured interviews. Results Inhibitors included language barriers, transportation problems, scheduling appointments, absence of husband, absence of childcare, cold weather, perceived inappropriate referrals, and cultural practice differences. Facilitators included choice of follow-up facilitator, appropriate services, empathetic professionals, and early receipt of information. Discussion Results indicate that migrant women may not be receiving the care they and their newborns need once a concern is identified. This suggests conceiving of a different approach to the care of this population post-birth, which could include partnering with social or religious networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]