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The article presents the Barry Farm case to discuss how historic preservation law in the U.S. allegedly failed to protect and preserve properties related to poor and nonwhite communities, and offers possible solutions to safeguard underserved and marginalized communities.

Scholarship on discrimination consistently shows that non‐Whites are at a disadvantage in obtaining goods and services relative to Whites. To a lesser extent, recent work has asked whether or not place of residence may also affect individuals' chances in economic markets. In this study, we use a field experiment in an online market for second‐hand goods to examine transactional opportunities for White, Black, Asian, and Latino residents of both advantaged and disadvantaged neighborhoods. Our results show that sellers prefer transactional partners who live in advantaged neighborhoods to those who live in neighborhoods that are majority non‐White and have higher rates of poverty. This was true across all four racial/ethnic groups, revealing that neighborhood stigma exists independently of racial stigma. We discuss the implications for scholarship on neighborhood effects and we outline how future research using experiments can leverage various types of markets to better specify when characteristics like race trigger discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the new diasporic jurisprudence or jurisprudence of minorities (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt) that has emerged within Shi‘i juridical circles. Shi‘i jurists (maraji‘) have responded to the needs of Shi‘i communities that live as minorities in the West by recasting Islamic legal discourse on Muslim minorities and reconciling Islamic legal categories to the demands of the times. New situations and contingencies have prompted the experts in the field to delve into the sources and to devise methodological devices in usul al-fiqh to enable them to deduce fresh juridical rulings in order to deal with novel problems and issues. The article will also argue that when facing new situations that cannot be located in the revelatory sources and do not have legal precedents, jurists can formulate judgments that will best protect the interests of the community while remaining faithful to the Islamic frame of reference. The paper also examines the various challenges that American Shi‘is encounter as they navigate their ways in the American socio-political milieu. These include the construction of ethnic borders within the community, political engagement, the community’s attempts at acculturation in the post-9/11 era and its engagement in academic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Biological Anthropology studies the variation and evolution of living humans, non‐human primates, and extinct ancestors and for this reason the field should be in an ideal position to attract scientists from a variety of backgrounds who have different views and experiences. However, the origin and history of the discipline, anecdotal observations, self‐reports, and recent surveys suggest the field has significant barriers to attracting scholars of color. For a variety of reasons, including quantitative research that demonstrates that diverse groups do better science, the discipline should strive to achieve a more diverse composition. Here we discuss the background and underpinnings of the current and historical dearth of diversity in Biological Anthropology in the U.S. specifically as it relates to representation of minority and underrepresented minority (URM) (or racialized minority) scholars. We trace this lack of diversity to underlying issues of recruitment and retention in the STEM sciences generally, to the history of Anthropology particularly around questions of race‐science, and to the absence of Anthropology at many minority‐serving institutions, especially HBCUs, a situation that forestalls pathways to the discipline for many minority students. The AAPA Committee on Diversity (COD) was conceived as a means of assessing and improving diversity within the discipline, and we detail the history of the COD since its inception in 2006. Prior to the COD there were no systematic AAPA efforts to consider ethnoracial diversity in our ranks and no programming around questions of diversity and inclusion. Departmental survey data collected by the COD indicate that undergraduate majors in Biological Anthropology are remarkably diverse, but that the discipline loses these scholars between undergraduate and graduate school and systematically up rank. Our analysis of recent membership demographic survey data (2014 and 2017) shows Biological Anthropology to have less ethnoracial diversity than even the affiliated STEM disciplines of Biology and Anatomy; nearly 87% of AAPA members in the United States identify as white and just 7% as URM scholars. These data also suggest that the intersection of race and gender significantly influence scholarly representation. In response to these data, we describe a substantial body of programs that have been developed by the COD to improve diversity in our ranks. Through these programs we identify principal concerns that contribute to the loss of scholars of color from the discipline at different stages in their careers, propose other directions that programming for recruitment should take, and discuss the beginnings of how to develop a more inclusive discipline at all career stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Acculturation represents an important construct for elucidating the determinants and consequences of health disparities in minority populations. However, the processes and mechanisms underlying acculturation's effects on health are largely undetermined and warrant further study. We integrate concepts from anthropology and statistics to describe the role of sociocultural context as a putative modifier of the relationship between acculturation and health. Sociocultural context may influence the extent to which exposure to host culture leads to internalization of host cultural orientation and may influence the extent to which acculturation leads to stress and adoption of unhealthy behaviors. We focus on specific aspects of sociocultural context: (1) neighborhood ethno-cultural composition; (2) discrimination; (3) discrepancy between origin and host environments; (4) discrepancy between heritage and host cultures; (5) origin group, host group, and individual attitudes toward assimilation; (6) variation in targets of assimilation within host community; (7) public policy and resources; and (8) migration selection bias. We review and synthesize evidence for these moderation effects among first- and later-generation immigrants, refugees, and indigenous populations. Furthermore, we propose best-practices data-collection and statistical-analysis methods for this purpose, in order to improve our understanding of the complex, multilevel aspects of the relationship between acculturation and health. [ acculturation, minority health, health disparities, sociocultural context, effect moderation, statistical interaction] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses what the author refers to as the parallels and distinctions between the African-American and LGBT civil rights movements (CRMs) in the U.S., and it mentions the American Supreme Court's rulings in the 1967 Loving v. Virginia interracial marriage law case and the 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges matter which deals with marriage equality for LGBT people. The impact of legislation on CRMs is examined, along with social integration involving minorities in America.

I use data from the 2011 Pew Survey (N = 1,033) to examine the prevalence and correlates of perceived discrimination across Muslim American racial/ethnic groups. Asian Muslims report the lowest frequency of perceived discrimination than other Muslim racial/ethnic groups. Nearly, all Muslim racial/ethnic groups have a few times higher odds of reporting one or more types of perceived discrimination than white Muslims. After controlling for socio-demographic characteristics, the observed relationships persist for Hispanic Muslims but disappear for black and other/mixed race Muslims. Women are less likely than men to report several forms of discrimination. Older Muslims report lower rates of perceived discrimination than younger Muslims. White Muslim men are more likely to report experiencing discrimination than white, black and Asian Muslim women. The findings highlight varying degrees of perceived discrimination among Muslim American racial/ethnic groups and suggest examining negative implications for Muslims who are at the greatest risk of mistreatment. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The worries American citizens express about the distorting influence of minority factions, or special interests, on public governance are as old as the republic. I briefly recount the constitutional design flaws and developmental changes that have combined to make these worries more valid than ever in an age of administratively centered governance. I then review the evidence on the nature and extent of special interest influence on the administrative process from a broad swath of scholarship. After noting the limited efficacy of attempts to limit special interest influence via minor tinkering with the separation of powers, I argue for more fundamental structural change in the form of administration as a separate, constitutionally recognized element of the separation of powers. I outline basic structural features and offer hypothetical yet plausible consequences of such a design change. The latter, I contend, are amenable to confirmation or refutation through systematic analysis of evidence that is already available from past and current governing experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In St. Louis, as in many other cities, decline and displacement occurred when key policies, prejudices, and plans interacted with broad economic restructuring to devastate poor and minority communities, while leaving White and middle-class communities largely intact. Amidst overall population loss and neighborhood decline are pockets of prosperity and gentrification within the central city. In this article, we analyze three significant planning interventions in St. Louis, Missouri, that spurred displacement of populations--urban renewal, triage, and the foreclosure crisis. We argue that the differential experiences of Black and White during each of these periods represent two faces of development: one in the north of the city that is largely Black, experiencing vacant land, high crime, and crumbling infrastructure; another in the south of the city that is largely White, enjoying pockets of vibrant commercial development, larger homes, and stable real estate markets. We analyze each period through a framework of uneven and unequal development and displacement, which we call the Divergent City Theory. Based on this theory, planners face an ethical obligation to plan for the future of their cities in a way that seeks to reconcile the structured race and class inequalities of the divergent city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the challenges that limit African American students' access to Drama Club and describe strategies to help white theater teachers construct reliable bridge that allows minority and white students to cross. It discusses the challenges such as choices and actions of students, faculty, and administrators. It mentions the planks that represent the foundations of sustainable bridge.

This study conducts a nationwide, locally comparative analysis of the extent to which natural hazards contribute to residential mobility in the United States and how this influence varies for racial and ethnic minorities. Analyses combine census data on households with data from thousands of recorded natural hazards during the late 1990s. Findings affirm that natural hazards are common throughout the country; that associated property damage correlates positively with increases in residential mobility for all groups; that these increases are particularly noticeable among racial and ethnic minorities because of preexisting inequalities in mobility; and that areas with more costly damage tend to pull as well as push migrants, especially Latinos and Asians. Implications for existing theory, methods, and policy are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of higher education and urban development in South Side Chicago, Illinois, focusing on how the University of Chicago (U of C) has impacted the political economy and built environment of its surrounding neighborhoods. Other topics include how urban development impacted minority communities in Chicago, the purchase and relocation of the Checkerboard Lounge by U of C in 2003, and a discussion of how the government oversees the for-profit sides of universities.

Do street-level bureaucrats discriminate in the services they provide to constituents? We use a field experiment to measure differential information provision about voting by local election administrators in the United States. We contact over 7,000 election officials in 48 states who are responsible for providing information to voters and implementing voter ID laws. We find that officials provide different information to potential voters of different putative ethnicities. Emails sent from Latino aliases are significantly less likely to receive any response from local election officials than non-Latino white aliases and receive responses of lower quality. This raises concerns about the effect of voter ID laws on access to the franchise and about bias in the provision of services by local bureaucrats more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the role of white Americans' perceptions of minority groups' socioeconomic status and opportunities in accounting for their racial attitudes in a racially ordered society. It is expected that whites' perceptions of minority group members' status and opportunities have a significant influence on their attitudes toward racial politics in the U.S. The results show that whites' perceptions of a minority group's socioeconomic status and opportunities is an important source for their racial attitudes. But the influence of whites' perceptions of a minority group's status and opportunities on racial attitudes varies depending on the status of each group in a racially ordered society. Whites' perceptions of the socioeconomic status and opportunities of blacks and Latinos are the main sources for their racial attitudes, while their perceptions of Asian Americans have a limited influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the correlation between the disproportionate occurrence of asthma and (1) Minorities and persons residing in Low-Income Communities, (2) The Socio-Economic effect on the United States, and (3) The need for the creation of a National Asthma Law. The overriding theory asserts that in communities where low-income and minority individuals reside, there is a disproportionate exposure to environmental health hazards, which has lead to an epidemic increase in the occurrence of asthma among minorities and persons living these communities. Asthma costs the United States $56 billion each year. Therefore, through policy research, conducting quantitative and qualitative studies, as well as, the inclusion of significant seminal data, this study seeks to raise the awareness of this health disparity and amplify the need for the creation of a national asthma law that specifically address this disparate impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role that the racial identity of whites in the U.S. played in the country's social structure from the end of World War II through the early 21st century, including in regard to whites' alleged reluctance to give up their social position of privilege. An overview of the social conditions of U.S. minorities, including in regard to the alleged capitalist exploitation of minority communities and affirmative action programs, is provided.

Most studies of police–minority relations in America focus on blacks, usually in comparison with whites. This pattern is particularly puzzling in light of the growing population of Hispanic Americans throughout the US, now outnumbering blacks and consisting of the majority in some major cities. Aside from the need for more empirical research on the policing of Hispanics per se, comparing Hispanics’ relations with the police to other racial and ethnic groups offers some important insights into both the dimensions that are shared across groups and those that are distinctive to Hispanics. This article critically evaluates the small body of empirical research literature on this topic – highlighting both deficiencies in this literature as well as suggestive findings – and concludes by identifying a set of issues that should be addressed in future studies. The available evidence largely supports a racial-hierarchy perspective with regard to the policing of different racial and ethnic groups in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Existing accounts of the politics of fighting freeways during the age of the Interstate largely describes the victories of white affluent urban neighborhoods that successfully mustered local opposition to urban highway construction. Popular understandings of the “freeway revolt” thus remain limited to places like Beverly Hills, CA, Cambridge, MA, Lower Manhattan, and New Orleans’s French Quarter. Yet a close examination of cultural expression from urban minority communities, like the Chicano barrio of East Los Angeles for example, reveals a more pervasive and sharper critique of building freeways in the city. Losers, perhaps, in the fight against the freeway, city people of color nonetheless voiced specific grievances against highway construction through art, literature, and other forms of creative production. Herein lies another freeway revolt, which inspires local opposition to subsequent forms of spatial injustice in the inner city. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article provides information on the National Art Education Association's (NAEA) stance on human rights issues in the United States. It discusses "Creative Activity as a Human Right," the organization's concept designed to use the arts to identify and advocate social divisions and social unrest related to the LGBTQ community and communities of color.

We employ hierarchical age-period-cohort models and the 1974-2010 General Social Survey data to examine changes in the political tolerance of gays and lesbians, communists, racists, and anti-religionists. Results show period-based growth in political tolerance, cohort-based growth in tolerance of anti-religionists, baby boomers are particularly tolerant, and political tolerance is associated with changes in college education. The findings suggest that liberalizing trends in political tolerance are largely motivated by changes among Americans as a whole, not cohort replacement, that baby boomers are unique in their social and political perspectives, and that aggregate changes in higher education are correlated with changes in political tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We extend existing research on police use of coercive mechanisms of social control against racial/ethnic minority populations by testing three structural hypotheses regarding excessive force. The minority threat hypothesis maintains that the greater the proportion of minority residents in a city, the greater the use of coercive crime control mechanisms. The place hypothesis argues that spatially segregated minority populations are the primary targets of coercive control. The community accountability hypothesis maintains that organizational characteristics of police departments promote the use of excessive force against minorities. Combining data from several sources for cities with populations of 100,000 or more, we include the key variables of these theoretical models in analyses of sustained excessive force complaints. Findings provide support for the minority threat hypothesis but indicate that place effects are contingent on the existence of a very high degree of racial/ethnic segregation. They offer little support for the community accountability hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from fifty in-depth interviews, this research examines the role of existing parental language knowledge on the ethnic identity negotiation of two ethnically distinct children of immigrant groups-Vietnamese and Chinese-Vietnamese-whose families have emigrated from Vietnam to the Southern California region of the United States. While previous research focused primarily on the influence of premigration status on first-generation immigrants, this article considers how a central aspect of premigration status ( intranational ethnicity) applies specifically to the children of first generation immigrants. By taking the premigration approach of comparing the experiences of different ancestral-origin groups from a single nation (the intranational ethnicity perspective), this analysis suggests that a family's premigration ethnic status shapes the 1.5 and second-generation's ethnic self-identification choices through the mediation of parental language knowledge. Specifically, for the children of immigrants with twice-minority status (Chinese-Vietnamese Americans), parental language knowledge serves as an easy ethnic identity default during these children's early self-identification process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the subject of what was known as the color line in U.S. major league baseball between 1887 to 1947 and how teachers can develop lectures, discussions, and student projects on the color line. It discusses how the color line led to paradoxical exclusion of players on the basis of race and how American minorities strengthened their ethnic identity and communities by adopting baseball during the Jim Crow era. The article discusses several minority players such as Moses Fleetwood Walker, Clarence Duval, and Jackie Robinson.

In the past few decades, a diverse body of scholarship has complicated the image of American suburbs as spaces of white, middle-class homogeneity. Revisionist suburban histories and accounts of African American and immigrant suburbanization have drawn attention to the longstanding presence of non-white others in US suburbs. Yet despite diversification, white privilege remains deeply entrenched in suburbia. This article explores the shifting character of white privilege in the US - especially in the US South - and asks how whites interpret diversity and identify those with whom they are, or are not, willing to share their privileges. This article uses the results of a pilot study in a subdivision near Columbia, South Carolina, to explore how white suburbanites articulate belonging in neighborhood space. This discussion highlights the ways in which respondents reject the pre-civil-rights order marked by overt racial discrimination, but also reveals the ways in which they evaluate the relative merit of minority groups and identify certain differences as unacceptable. While limited in scope, this study encourages scholars to further explore the ways in which shifting configurations of race become intertwined with processes of contemporary suburban change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the notions of security and securitization in the context of the housing of U.S. racial minorities. Topics include the role of minorities as consumers of mortgages, the incarceration of minorities in the U.S., and the role of security in the neoliberal ideology that the author attributes to former U.S. President George W. Bush. Also addressed are the racialization of the body in modern politics, the ideological relation between personhood and property, and the creation of supermax prisons that isolate prisoners in the U.S.

An essay is presented that discusses the notion of the American Dream in light of the U.S. subprime mortgage crisis beginning in 2007. It focuses on the short story "The Romance of Magno Rubio," by Carlos Bulosan, noting its Filipino protagonist and a theatrical adaptation of the story. The notion of illiteracy in the story is analyzed in light of the purported ignorance of minority holders of subprime mortgages.

The article discusses race, segregation and concentrated poverty in the U.S. through an examination of the country's geography, including cities, suburbs and rural small towns. The impact that the Global Financial Crisis of 2008-2009 had on the socioeconomic conditions of ethnic and racial minority neighborhoods is discussed. An overview of the relationship between spatial inequality, which is also referred to as the "geography of inequality," socioeconomic mobility and access to labor markets, is discussed.

This article focuses on the implications of Elisabeth Moltmann-Wendel’s theological category of friendship for U.S. minority theologies today. The emphasis is on the significance of relationship and community for theological anthropology. The author explores the implications of friendship as defined by Moltmann-Wendel for collaborative work among minority theologians in the United States. The article concludes with the possibility of professional friendship as a collaborative model for U.S. minority theologians. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the work of philosopher Patricia Hill Collins in the context of critical social theory that regards social justice, intersectionality, and inequality. The demographic growth in Hispanic residents of the U.S. is addressed. Also noted are the imprisonment of racial minorities, the growth of income inequality, and military spending in the U.S.

Abstract In this article, I examine the English-only movement in the United States and other countries in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Elaborating on research on the hegemony of English, this examination demonstrates English-only ideology, both linguistic and visual, as a primary means of restricting language and ethnic minorities' access not only in the US, but also globally. First, I will present English as a social construction of the Anglo-Saxon elites in the process of the subordination of other language groups throughout American history up to the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Second, I will briefly introduce the legislation of the Civil Rights Movement to show that language access increased the political presence of language minorities. Third, I will discuss the reemergence of the English-only movement appealing to nationalist sentiments in order to diminish language and ethnic minorities' rising political presence in the US in the twenty-first century. Fourth, I will examine the spread of English-only ideology within the context of global capitalism, led by the US, in order to show forced compliance to the superiority of English by various diverse social groups on the global level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because diversity is vital to many businesses, it is important to understand prospective racioethnic differences in employee engagement. Using survey data collected from a large ( N = 5,537), diverse sample of retail employees, we found that more favorable appraisal reactions corresponded with more favorable psychological diversity climate perceptions; thus, higher levels of engagement. This indirect relationship was significantly stronger for ethnic minority employees (Blacks and Hispanics) than for White employees, indicating that members of traditionally disadvantaged groups respond differently to perceptions of appraisal systems. Finally, an exploratory assessment found that the hypothesized effects for racioethnicity do not generalize to sex, as the indirect effect of appraisal reactions on engagement was slightly, but not significantly stronger for women than for men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, the expression 'affirmative action' encompasses measures that grant a more or less flexible kind of preferential treatment in the allocation of scarce resources - jobs, university admissions, and government contracts - to the members of ascriptive groups formerly targeted for legal discrimination and currently underrepresented in positions of power and prestige. Whilst often justified as a way of compensating for past wrongs or of promoting cultural diversity, the policy is best understood as an instrument aimed at reducing the correlation between race and class. In this light, its ultimate goal would be to eradicate the specific disadvantage still produced by racial identification in US society, a disadvantage that arises from a set of negative expectations partly based on the existence of this correlation and from which no black individual is entirely insulated. A detailed presentation and defence of this alternative argument is provided, the empirical assumptions upon which it rests are identified, and some of its limitations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the effect of violent crime on residential mobility among racial and ethnic minorities in the U.S., and the impact of crime rates on the racial and ethnic composition of neighborhoods. The author asserts that racial and ethnic transformation of a neighborhood is caused by the mobility of whites leaving high-crime neighborhoods, as well as whites being less likely to move into housing units located in neighborhoods with increasing rates of violent crime. The author also suggests that African Americans and Hispanic Americans are more likely to enter neighborhoods with more violent crime.

The article discusses the portrayal of U.S. minorities in children's books published in the U.S. from the late 1800s through the early 21st century. The author offers several examples of children's books containing stereotypes of minorities including "The Story of Little Black Sambo," by Helen Bannerman, "Mary Poppins," and "Shen of the Sea." The author identifies various characterizations of minorities as physically different, deceitful, and intellectually inferior to others. According to the author, the article draws upon the research of the Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) in identifying racial stereotypes in children's books and argues that more culturally authentic portrayals of minorities in children's books appeared in the late 20th century.

In this article the author discusses ways in which the struggle for social equality by Chicanos in the U.S. and Palestinians in Israel share similarities due to issues such as racism, colonialism, and imperialism. It presents a historical overview of how U.S. and British imperialism have lead to social oppression against Chicano and Palestinian peoples, argues that the history of the U.S. has been based on the idea of promoting the interests of white citizens above minority groups, and provides an outline to Chicanos, Latinos, and Mexicanos on how to approach social liberation. It also presents several photographs related to border crossing issues such as immigration demonstrations, deportation, and the border wall between the U.S. and Mexico.

To test the influence of local (county) politics on minority incarceration rates. Data are collected at the county level in California to create a pooled cross-sectional data set. OLS regression models predicting black, Hispanic, and white incarceration rates (in state prison) are used in the analysis. Counties' ideological orientations and racial and ethnic contextual characteristics significantly impact minority incarceration rates. Greater ideological conservatism within counties is associated with higher rates (as a proportion of their population) of both black and Hispanic incarceration. Consistent with racial threat theory, results show counties with greater racial and ethnic diversity are more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics. Tests for interaction effects indicate that greater county diversity decreases the punitive effects of ideological conservatism on minority incarceration. Political forces nested within states systematically shape how state government incarceration power is distributed across different racial and ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been noted that religious congregations tend to be racially homogenous. Previous case studies assert that members of a numerical minority group face individual and organizational pressures that lead them to leave congregations faster than majority members. This can create a constant pull toward homogeneity despite congregational efforts to diversify. Building on theory in organizational ecology, we test this assertion using national, multi level data from the U.S. Congregational Life Survey. The analysis shows that members of a numerical minority do have shorter durations of membership than majority members and that the gap between the two increases with the size of the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on racial and social disparities in the U.S. criminal justice system. Topics include criminal victimization, the relationship between imprisonment and public safety, and imprisonment rates in the U.S. The causes of crime in young people are discussed, including poor education, child abuse, and unemployment. The author discusses race relations in the U.S. and the social implications of the high rate of imprisonment of African American males. He argues that mass incarceration and the racial inequalities perpetuated by the administration of criminal justice are unfair because they prevent minorities from influencing the criminal justice system.

This article analyzes homeownership patterns for Puerto Ricans in the Orlando-Kissimmee metropolitan area vis-à- vis other racial/ethnic groups. The findings indicate that, given equal sociodemographic characteristics, Puerto Ricans are as likely as other Hispanics and slightly more likely than blacks to own a home. However, compared to non- Hispanic whites, Puerto Ricans remain significantly less likely to be homeowners. Moreover, despite Puerto Ricans high levels of homeownership, there is still a significant homeownership gap between them and non-Hispanic whites. Nonetheless, Puerto Ricans in Orlando have achieved levels of homeownership higher than their counterparts in other parts of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to develop a better understanding of Puerto Rican first- and second-generation youth's migration, identity and adaptation to new lives in the Orlando, Florida, metropolitan area. This qualitative study draws on participant observations, informal conversations, newspaper articles and reports, focus groups and individual interviews with thirty adults and twenty first- and second-generation youth to describe the experiences of these Puerto Rican youth. In the paper I argue that these youth's challenges of identity and incorporation are no different from many of the first- and second-generation youth migrating from other countries. The data show that language barriers, accommodations to home, community, and school, and cultural challenges do exist among first- and second- generation Puerto Rican youth. Yet these youth indicated high levels of academic achievement and social adaptation, and overall felt supported by their families, community and school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]