Search

This paper deals with auxiliary verb constructions in Romance, in particular with those that exhibit two auxiliary verbs 'have' and 'be' which alternate, in many Italo-Romance varieties, within one and the same paradigm. It is argued that such an intra-paradigmatic distribution represents a special kind of grammaticalization, traditionally referred to as morphologization. Two aspects are discussed. First, a morphological approach to such 'mixed paradigms' is advocated, the main claim being that in order to explain the distribution of the two auxiliaries within the paradigm, one has to make essential reference to paradigmatic structure rather than to the intrinsic featural composition of the auxiliaries (along the lines of paradigmatic approaches reviewed in Blevins 2016). Second, it is shown that these mixed systems, although they often represent "delicate transitional stages" (Loporcaro 2014: 56, n. 8), also display interesting diachronic convergence typical of various stem alternation patterns, famously referred to as morphomes (cf. Maiden 2018). The paper draws on a dataset that is currently being put together in order to become, in the future, a large database of mixed perfective auxiliation systems. Some space is thus devoted to the description of the main parameters of this project, called 'MIXPAR'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Linguistica is the property of Sociedad Espanola de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Slawistik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the development of the periphrastic passive voice construction in Swedish between 1300 and 1750, from the point of view of constructional change. The development involves the rise of a new auxiliary, bliva ‘remain’, originally a lexical loan from Middle Low German, which after a period of variation replaces the older auxiliary varda ‘become’. The findings reveal that the origins of the periphrastic passive construction may be found in mutative constructions with varda and adjectival complements, and the same development is then found with the loanword bliva, delayed by some hundred years. The results of quantitative analysis place the turning point in the development between 1450 and 1550. The paper relates the variation and change in passive auxiliaries to Diachronic Construction Grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Etudes Romanes de Brno is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, the historical development of the construction disponerse a + INF is analyzed, as a carrier of an aspectual value of imminence. Specifically, those lexical-grammatical criteria that allow observing the process of grammaticalization and constructionalization of the scheme are explored. In addition, the semantic expansion from the imminent value to the inchoative and causative value is studied. Throughout the paper, contrasts are made with the diachronic trajectory of poner(se), since this form has exerted an analogical influence on disponer(se). From a theoretical perspective, it interacts with the model of grammaticalization and with the constructions grammar applied to the historical study of verbal periphrasis. At the methodological level, the research is based on the elaboration of a database with the integral registry of the examples from CORDE, which allows projecting quantitative as well as qualitative linguistic analyzes. As a result, the grade of grammaticalization and constructionalization of the item is described, the chronology of its imminence, inchoative and causative values are explored, and the proximity of the construction with the paradigm of aspectual verbal periphrasis is reflected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Post Scriptum - Casopis za Obrazovanje, Nauku i Kulturu is the property of University of Bihac, Faculty of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper compares two texts: Hugo’s Hernani and Piave’s libretto Ernani, based on the former for Verdi’s music. The aim is to investigate what survives of the revolutionary aspects of the original text in the Italian language used in the libretto. Referring to his works and to Hernani as well, Hugo had claimed he had «set the language free» pushing the literary French towards the colloquial one. In spite of that, the libretto draws on the literary archaisms which characterized the coeval poetry ignoring Hugo’s innovations and testifying to the “delay” of the Italian language. In the first part, the paper compares Hugo’s direct expression and prosaic tension to the pretentious periphrasis and syntactic inversions of the Piave’s libretto. Attention is then paid to the level of the signifier, namely to the ludic use of rhymes and phonic iterations. The close reading of the libretto reveals its internal logic and poetic dignity. More than that, comparing Hugo’s virtuoso multi-layered style with the “hyperliterary” style of the libretto leads to reflect on the relationship between style and History. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Verba: Anuario Galego de Filoloxia is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses the phenomenon of mixed paradigms, i.e. mixed perfective auxiliation systems, attested in a wide range of Italo-Romance varieties (cf. Loporcaro 2001, 2007a, 2014; Manzini and Savoia 2005, among others). In these varieties, two auxiliary verbs, esse and habere, alternate within one and the same (sub)paradigm, displaying various patterns which can range from morphosyntactically motivated to apparently unmotivated distributions (here termed 'morphomic'). I propose that, in these varieties, auxiliary selection is no longer a syntactically driven phenomenon, but becomes morphologized. I draw on the notion of 'lexical split' (cf. Corbett 2013, 2015, 2016) and describe the attested splits induced by intraparadigmatic auxiliary alternation. Following Bonami (2015), I put forward a typology of such splits. It is shown that, apart from motivated distributions, some morphomic patterns can also be found. The typology becomes more complex insofar as patterns with free variation between both auxiliaries are taken into account, as well as patently morphomic patterns which also seem to display external syntactic relevance (cf. Corbett 2013: 174-176). The phenomena reviewed and discussed in this paper are of major interest because they demonstrate the existence of competing exponence strategies within periphrasis, thus enriching the notion of 'possible lexeme' (cf. Corbett 2015: 146). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While it has long been assumed that the Greek dialectal variants εὐθύς 'straight' and ῑθύς 'id.' are etymologically related to Vedic sādhú- 'id.', the phonological discrepancy in the material preceding the reflex of *-dh– in each of these comparanda has defied explanation. This paper argues that the variation can be explained by appeal to well-documented features of PIE syntax and derivational morphosemantics, chiefly, the predicative instrumental periphrasis with causative *dheh1- 'put, make, do' and the parallel derivation of i-stems, u-stems, and root-nouns employable as substantives, in this case, the adjectival abstracts *séh1-/sh1- 'length' (: én-loc. *sh1-én 'for a long time' [> ON sí 'ever'] → *sh1-én-o- 'long-existing' [> Ved. sána- 'old']), *só/éh1-i- 'id.', and *só/éh1- u- 'id.' derived from *√seh1- 'long' (Lat. sērus 'late', OIr. sír 'long'). Directly comparable to the calefacio-type as analyzed by Jasanoff (1978) and to the cvi-construction of Old Indic (Schindler 1980; Balles 2006), the equivalent phrases *sh1-éh1/séh1-i-h1/séh1-u-h1 dheh1- 'lengthen, elongate' are reconstructed as the bases of compound thematic adjectives (e.g., rūbidus-type, Nussbaum 1999) whose patientive sense 'elongated, extended' conditioned the Property Conceptual (Rau 2009) meaning 'straight' and from whose substantival acrostatic u-stem derivatives were formed the proterokinetic etyma of sādhú-, ῑθύς, and εὐθύς. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overlapping suppletion, where two or more lexemes share identical forms taken from one of them, interacts in surprising ways with periphrasis. Based on evidence from dialectal data from Gallo-Romance varieties, the paper aims to study the interaction between the two. The first four sections describe the patterns of overlapping suppletion found to occur between the verbs 'be', 'have' and 'go' in Gallo-Romance varieties. Some theoretical conclusions are drawn, which show that incursion is directional for good historical reasons, on which semantics plays an important role, in particular paradigmatically local synonymy (see Maiden 2014). By examining periphrastic forms, a distinction can be made between overlapping suppletion that only targets the stem, that which only targets a wordform (participle), and that which targets the whole inflectional cell. All three situations are shown to be possible. A number of splits within periphrasis in these varieties call for considering periphrastic tenses as part of the paradigm in their whole extensions, not only as far as their lexical part (here the participle) is concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antonomasia implies two opposing semantic mechanisms: the replacement of a proper name by an appellative, epithet or periphrasis (e. g. the Iron Lady standing for Margaret Thatcher), or the attribution of a proper name to an appellative or a set of certain personality traits (e. g. a Penelope standing for a faithful, devoted wife). The aim of this paper is to show that studying antonomasia as a figure of speech driven by a cognitive metonymic and metaphoric mechanism can contribute to revealing how women are conceptualised and consequently talked about. We do so by analysing figurative antonomasia in a dataset of 307 examples extracted from Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian (BCMS) webpages, although the findings are generisable to other languages as well. We show that antonomasia is frequently based on entrenched stereotypes about women and that in the collective consciousness of the BCMS speakers women are often conceptualised as (sexual) objects, typically valued by aesthetic criteria, as well as in relation to their possession of certain stereotypical female traits (self-sacrifice or subordination to others, excessive emotion but also cruelty, manipulativeness, showiness, talkativeness, etc.). In addition, the analysis also revealed that a woman is principally identified through her relations with other beings (as a mother, sister, wife or lover). Our study thus confirms that studying antonomasia within gender and language studies is a goal well worth pursuing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a comprehensive and uniform description that accounts for the use of all the participial periphrastic constructions in Biblical Hebrew and calls into question the claim that a second ('preterite') function of the construction was developed in Late Biblical Hebrew. We define the syntagm and give criteria for distinguishing true participial periphrastic constructions from superficially similar constructions. We then show that close attention to situation aspect and (un)boundedess provides a unified and sound account of every occurrence of the syntagm in the Hebrew Bible. We conclude that, unless the situation is bounded by an adverbial phrase, every participial periphrastic construction is unbounded which semantically distinguishes the construction from wayyiqtol. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Hispanic Studies (1475-3839) is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper will revisit the frequent use of the periphrastic construction of a form of the verb ‮היה‬‎ + participle in the Temple Scroll (TS). As others have noted, TS preserves by far the largest number of cases of this construction in the Qumran corpus, and these cases overwhelmingly involve the yiqṭol of ‮היה‬‎. The use of the construction has also been given compositional weight, serving as a source-critical indicator in prominent theories of the diachronic development of TS. This essay provides a detailed analysis of how the periphrastic construction functions in TS, compares that function to the use of the construction in other Qumran texts, and asks what, if anything, the construction's distribution might be able to tell us about the processes by which the Temple Scroll was composed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Linguistica is the property of Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with auxiliary verb constructions in Romance, in particular with those that exhibit two auxiliary verbs ‘have’ and ‘be’ which alternate, in many Italo-Romance varieties, within one and the same paradigm. It is argued that such an intra-paradigmatic distribution represents a special kind of grammaticalization, traditionally referred to as morphologization. Two aspects are discussed. First, a morphological approach to such ‘mixed paradigms’ is advocated, the main claim being that in order to explain the distribution of the two auxiliaries within the paradigm, one has to make essential reference to paradigmatic structure rather than to the intrinsic featural composition of the auxiliaries (along the lines of paradigmatic approaches reviewed in Blevins 2016). Second, it is shown that these mixed systems, although they often represent “delicate transitional stages” (Loporcaro 2014: 56, n. 8), also display interesting diachronic convergence typical of various stem alternation patterns, famously referred to as morphomes (cf. Maiden 2018). The paper draws on a dataset that is currently being put together in order to become, in the future, a large database of mixed perfective auxiliation systems. Some space is thus devoted to the description of the main parameters of this project, called ‘MIXPAR’.

This paper addresses the problem of mixed paradigms, i.e. cases of intra-paradigmatic auxiliary alternation (esse/habere), as attested in some Italo-Romance varieties. It aims to show that, in some specific cases, auxiliary selection ceases to be motivated on syntactic grounds, where the traditional active/inactive verb classes are opposed, and begins to operate on a purely morphological basis. The paper represents one of the first attempts to deal with the issue of mixed paradigms in morphological terms. The aim is to show that auxiliary alternation within one and the same paradigm may follow both motivated and coherent patterns of distribution (e.g., singular versus plural) and unmotivated patterns of distribution, traditionally termed ‘ morphomic ’ . This article thus intends to put forward yet another case of morphologization of previously motivated distributional patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lenguas Modernas is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper compares the diachronic development of tornar( e)+ a+infinitive (henceforth abbreviated RETURN+INF) constructions in Spanish, Catalan, and Italian, a topic that especially for Catalan and Italian has not received much attention. I develop and explore the hypothesis that due to their lexical origin, iterative constructions develop from a restitutive to a repetitive function. A diachronic analysis of a corpus of RETURN+INF tokens from the three languages suggests that the grammaticalization of RETURN+INF constructions can be measured in terms of (a) actionality and (b) restructuring as mirrored in the possibility of clitic climbing. A statistical analysis using generalized linear mixed-effects regression modeling demonstrates an interplay between restructuring and the actionality of the predicates in the development of RETURN+INF constructions: the grammaticalization process affects state, achievement, and accomplishment predicates before activity predicates because activity predicates exclude a restitutive meaning. The paper thus identifies a grammaticalization path for RETURN+INF constructions common to three Romance languages that suggests a link between typological and diachronic observations. At the same time, it identifies differences in the diachronic development of these periphrases between the Ibero-Romance languages and Italian. In addition, it proposes a statistical means of assessing quantitative differences in the degree to which a verbal periphrasis is grammaticalized across related languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RILCE. Revista de Filología Hispánica is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, S.A. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Boletín de Filología is the property of Universidad de Chile, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Linguistica is the property of Sociedad Espanola de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Linguistica is the property of Sociedad Espanola de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Linguistica is the property of Sociedad Espanola de Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides a formal theory of inflectional periphrasis, the phenomenon where a multi-word expression plays the grammatical role normally played by a single word filling a cell in an inflectional paradigm. Expanding on the literature, I first identify and illustrate six key properties that a satisfactory theory of periphrasis should account for: (i) the phenomenon of periphrasis is found in the inflection of all major parts of speech; (ii) the logic of the opposition between periphrasis and synthesis is the logic of inflection; (iii) auxiliaries as used in periphrases are morphosyntactic hybrids; (iv) some periphrases are morphosyntactically non-compositional; (v) periphrasis is independent of phrase structure, but (vi) the parts of a periphrase are linked by a grammatical function. The rest of the paper presents a lexicalist theory of periphrasis, relying on a version of HPSG (Pollard and Sag ) for syntax combined with a version of Paradigm Function Morphology (Stump ) for inflection. The leading idea is that periphrases are similar to syntactically flexible idioms; the theory of periphrasis is thus embedded within a more general theory of collocation. Periphrasis is accounted for in a strictly lexicalist fashion by recognizing that exponence may take the form of the addition of collocational requirements. I show how the theory accounts for all key properties identified in the first section, deploying partial analyses for periphrastic constructions in English, French, Czech, and Persian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Euphemism is a discursive strategy that politicians use to approach unsettling, embarrassing, or distasteful, i.e. taboo, topics without appearing inconsiderate to people's concerns. Following a critical discourse-analytic approach to political language, this paper discusses the communicative functions that euphemism performs in the discourse of local and state politicians from New Jersey (USA) in a sample of language data excerpted from The Star-Ledger, the state's largest newspaper. The analysis reveals that (metaphorical and non-metaphorical) euphemism constitutes a major strategy of self-protection and positive selfpresentation for legislators which allows them - mostly by understatement, periphrasis, and metaphor - first, to refer to socially disadvantaged groups or address delicate subjects without sounding insensitive; second, to criticize their political opponents in a socially acceptable way; and third, to purposely conceal from the public unsettling or controversial topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the perfective progressive periphrasis (PPP) in Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) and Argentinian Spanish (AS) in a comparative way. Based on different linguistic tests, we make two statements regarding the PPP in comparison with the imperfective progressive periphrasis (IPP). Firstly, we claim that the PPP has a progressive and perfective meaning. Secondly, we claim that the PPP allows iterative readings when combined with telic events (i.e., achievements in BrP and AS and accomplishments just in AS). We propose a syntactic and semantic analysis which accounts for these observations in a compositional way: while the gerund form expresses a progressive meaning (present in both periphrases), the auxiliary on the PPP expresses a perfective meaning which allows the iterative readings observed in this periphrasis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Proceedings of the Islamic Pedagogical Faculty of the University of Zenica / Zbornik Radova Islamskog Pedagoškog Fakulteta u Zenici is the property of University of Zenica, Islamic Pedagogical Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many studies on Spanish verbal periphrases either discuss the general features of the syntactic category or analyse the semantic and functional differences between specific members of that category. The present paper focusses on one particular periphrasis, parecer “to seem” + infinitive but, at the same time, takes into account a similar, impersonal construction with parecer. Adopting a constructionist, usage-based approach, data are drawn from a large diachronic corpus, which makes it possible to describe the interplay between the two competing constructions and identify different semantic and syntactic contexts that favoured the increase of the periphrasis in the 19th century at the cost of the impersonal construction. More generally, the paper addresses the relevance of studying individual constructions in the context of other semantically and/or formally related constructions, since a change in one particular area of the constructional landscape can have repercussions on other areas as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper shows that in addition to periphrastic reciprocal constructions and lexical reciprocal verbs, there is a third type-found in Romance and certain Slavic languages-whose reciprocity is not periphrastic but nonetheless composed only in the course of the syntactic derivation. Examining a sample of ten languages, the study reveals and derives the syntactic and semantic properties of these syntactic reciprocal verbs in comparison with their lexical counterparts. It further formulates the precise mechanisms forming the two types. Among other things, the paper devotes considerable attention to the notion 'symmetric verb,' to the so-called 'I' reading of embedded reciprocal clauses, and to a particular reciprocal construction that denotes reciprocity between two discontinuous phrases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

in this paper, I argue that all demonstrative pronouns in Wari' are periphrastic "mixed categories," showing properties of words and phrases simultaneously. Wari' periphrastic pronouns appear to be transitional forms—new pronouns being formed. I discuss complex kinship terms, claiming that these originated in a way similar to the periphrastic pronouns except that the kinship terms have now completed the evolution from phrases to words. These findings have at least two important consequences for linguistic theory, namely, recognition of the paradigm as a primitive construct of morphology and support for inferential-realizational theories of morphology over "syntactic" morphology theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Cypriot Greek, the negated future is marked by the element tha, which appears instead of the expected present tense copula and a selected subordinating element. This paper documents the distribution of this item for the first time, and presents an analysis in Distributed Morphology that analyzes tha as a portmanteau morpheme realizing two heads in the context of negation. This analysis requires that spans (or targets of Fusion) can include a verb and the head of its c complement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the « dialogisme » theory developed by Jacques Bres, this paper focuses on the pragmatic effects produced by the use of Spanish verbal periphrases, particularly by the use of « llegar a + infinitive » versus « venir a + infinitive ». It also takes into consideration the characteristics of each auxiliary within the respective periphrasis. With the ongoing process of grammaticalization leading to periphrases, some spatial semantic elements are retained by the auxiliary and the preposition a, which contribute to the utterance-construction. In fact, the respective auxiliary operates as an indicator of the type of relations between the major utterance (E) and the minor ones (e) convoked by the major utterer E1. The analysis of over a thousand authentic examples taken from two corpora of the database Sketch Engine, as well as the classification of the verbs preferably appearing in the infinitive position allows a more precise description of both periphrases. By restricting the analysis to one « shared » infinitive verb ( decir), we focus on different pragmatic effects, showing that « venir a + decir » and « llegar a + decir » involve a different type of argumentation. By choosing llegar, E1 indicates that it rejects the minor utterer e1 without providing any rational arguments ; by choosing venir, (a) E1 indicates that it rejects one anterior (e) - effectively produced by e1 - and introduced by « venir a decir » or (b) E1 mentions it rejects a series of minor utterances by providing an exaggerated synthesis the verbal periphrasis introduces. It is a synthesis built by E1 but presented as summarizing a series of minor utterances (e) attributed to e1 utterer. The aim is to dismiss the other's statements by summarizing them in a magnifying trait synthesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the means of verbalization of the concept businessman on the pages of the Soviet Ukrainian printed media (2nd half of the 20th century). The paper considers synonymic row that was used to describe a person engaged in business (it observes the difference between the definitions in the dictionary of that time and use of words in journalistic texts). The author investigates the specificity of syntactic extenders (direct and indirect attribute). The attention is paid to periphrases that were used to denote a businessman. Pragmatic properties of these language means are identified. Thus, it was revealed that in the Soviet press a Western businessman was represented as a thief. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linguistic treatments of the Germanic verbal system, including that in English, have presented it as having only two tenses, and thus representing a drastically simplified system in comparison to Indo-European. Such typological characterizations, which have their origins in the comparative traditions of the 18th and 19th centuries, ignore, however, the extensive verbal work done through periphrases in Germanic and English. The typologization of German and English as “two-tensed” continues into modern linguistic theory as well. In this paper, I offer an analysis of Ælfric’s 10th-century Grammatical treatise to show that already at the time of the writing of his Grammar, the English verb system was viewed in just such simplified terms, that is, as having just two verb forms—a simple present and a simple past. By comparing the presentation of the English verb in Ælfric’s grammar to his own writing practices in which he makes ample use of periphrases, I make the claim that Ælfric’s focus on the simple present and simple past was formative of a very early theory of English as a two-tensed, simplified verbal system. Thus, I place Ælfric into a more central position in the history of linguistic thought by showing him to be the first to assert the two-tense definition of English. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper, we analyze the perfective progressive periphrasis (PPP) in Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) and Argentinian Spanish (AS) in a comparative way. Based on different linguistic tests, we make two statements regarding the PPP in comparison with the imperfective progressive periphrasis (IPP). Firstly, we claim that the PPP has a progressive and perfective meaning. Secondly, we claim that the PPP allows iterative readings when combined with telic events (i.e., achievements in BrP and AS and accomplishments just in AS). We propose a syntactic and semantic analysis which accounts for these observations in a compositional way: while the gerund form expresses a progressive meaning (present in both periphrases), the auxiliary on the PPP expresses a perfective meaning which allows the iterative readings observed in this periphrasis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is twofold: firstly it provides a detailed overview of the canonical approach to inflection (following Corbett 2007; 2009; 2015); secondly it attempts to analyze, within this approach, a typologically interesting phenomenon of mixed perfective auxiliation systems attested in a wide array of Italo-Romance dialects. First, the paper introduces the key notions of Canonical Typology (cf. Bond 2019) applied to inflectional morphology, along with a proposed working Czech terminology of basic terms such as requirements of form etc. Second, the paper proceeds to show that mixed systems, where two auxiliary verbs (corresponding to the derivatives of the Latin verbs habere/ esse) alternate within one and the same paradigm, representing a further way in which periphrastic exponence “splits” the inflectional realization of a lexeme. These systems thus constitute yet another interesting non-canonical inflectional phenomenon worth exploring from the perspective of Canonical Typology

Previous research on the resilience of local features in northern English wills has shown that the Northern Subject Rule is a very persistent feature both in plural and first person singular contexts. Evidence from Early Modern English wills from Yorkshire reveals that the syntactic pattern was operative in this text-type until the mid-sixteenth century. This paper explores the decline of the Northern Subject Rule in the last decades of the sixteenth century in this text-type and its correlation with the emergence of the DO-periphrasis in affirmative declaratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics is the property of Nordic Council for Reindeer Husbandry Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lingüística y Literatura is the property of Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The periphrastic past tense of Afrikaans, involving the auxiliary het, is compared with its ancestor construction in Dutch. I argue that the situation in Afrikaans provides support for the analysis of Germanic verb clusters in Zwart (2017), where periphrastic verb forms occupy cells in morphological paradigms, and enter the syntax only after the syntactic derivation has run its course.

Both Dutch and Afrikaans display three periphrastic progressive constructions, which indicate that an action is going on at a particular moment of time: (i) a prepositional construction with aan het/ die + zijn/wees, (ii) a construction with posture verbs (zitten/staan/liggen) with a to-infinitive (Dutch) or a coordinating verb (Afrikaans) and (Hi) a construction with bezig/besigyo/Zowec/ by a to-infinitive (see, among others, Bertinetto, Ebert & De Groot 2000; Breed 2012; Donaldson 1993). This paper focuses on the latter of these constructions, which until now has only received little attention in the grammatical literature. In the instances in (1) below, the bezig/besig-construction is used to express that a volitional action is/was going on for a certain amount of time. (1a) Sowat elf brandweerwaens was tot in die vroeë oggendure nog besig om die brand te blus. (Die Burger, 12/01/1998) lit. "About eleven fire engines were busy extinguishing the fire until long into the night. " (1b) Brandweerlieden zijn druk bezig een man te bevrijden uit defel gehavende personen- wagen. (Gazet van Antwerpen, gva2) lit. "The firemen are busy rescuing a man from the heavily damaged car. " However, progressive besig can also be used to express ongoing processes which do not involve a volitional agent - as shown in (b), Dutch bezig is hardly an option in such contexts. (2a) 'n Groot chaos is besig om onder sy neus te ontwikkel. (Die Burger, 06/02/1998) (2b) ??Een grote chaos is bezig om zich voor zijn neus te ontwikkelen. lit. "A great chaos is busy developing right under his very nose. " (3a) Haar nuutste album is besig om goed te verkoop. (Die Burger, 06/02/1998) (3b) ??Haar nieuwste album is bezig om goed te verkopen. lit. "Her newest album is busy selling well. " The aim of this paper is to examine the use of this construction in detail from the perspective of the grammaticalization theory, based on corpus data from six Dutch and two Afrikaans newspapers. Firstly, we show that besig in Afrikaans is used more often in a progressive construction than Dutch bezig. As is well-known, grammaticalization goes hand in hand with an increasing frequency (see, among others, Bybee 2003). Secondly, we show that the besig-progressive is more broadly applicable semantically than bezig in Dutch (host-class expansion, Himmelmann 2004). A semantic categorization of the types of verbs and subjects that are used with the construction indicates that the besig-progressive is used more frequently with verbs and subjects which seem incompatible with the basic "busy, acting"-semantics of the adjective besig; process verbs and inanimate subjects. It appears that besig has bleached from its etymological, "busy activity " meaning and is used as an aspectual marker denoting that something is going on, without focusing on the (complexity of the) activity, while Dutch bezig has to a large extent retained its "activity " semantics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]