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This paper investigates whether and w hy the Taiwanese investors in mainland China are pursuing a different location selection strategy from other foreign direct investors. I find that, compared to the general foreign direct investors, Taiwanese direct investors seem to be more dependent on the autonomy of local governments, especially as investment in a locality increases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa's largest trade partner, China, criticised for exchanging resources for manufactures, has promised to increase imports and optimise the structure of trade with Africa. Using a gravity model of China's imports for the years 1995-2009, we explore potential dynamics for this promise, uniquely accounting for market economy recognition and Taiwan recognition. The former is associated with increased imports, while the latter effect is ambiguous and statistically insignificant. Comparison of projected against actual imports across three growth-path-aligned economic geography typologies - resource-rich; landlocked and resource-poor; coastal and resource-poor - sets out China's imports trends in an abstract framework of African export potential. We find not only 'under' importing across a majority of resource-poor countries. We also find that current trade policy is the least applicable to these comparatively poor exporters' trade with China. If the latter are to serve a broader catalytic role in Africa's regional industrial transformation as compared to the role of coastal and resource-poor countries in regional economic transformation in Asia and Latin America, China-Africa trade and investment policies may need additional thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a speech by Chinese politician Jiang Zemin at the Taiwan work meeting of the Central Committee of China. He mentions the maintenance of close contacts of the Xinjiang region to the Central Plains of China, and highlights the historical and current situation regarding the issue of East Turkistan and the ethnic separatist forces of Xinjiang Xian.

Regardless of the continued stalemate in the political arena, trade and economic interactions between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait have increased steadily. Both aggregate data and the results of survey research have testified to the existence of functional integration of the two societies across the Taiwan Strait. In addition to functional integration, structural readjustments have also been made by political authorities both in Taipei and Beijing so as to facilitate continuity of trade and economic relations. These types of mutual accommodations include: establishing proper 'unofficial' agencies on both sides to serve as instruments of practical contacts and negotiation; the more flexible definition of 'One China' by Beijing; and the opening of 'small links' between Quemoy and Amoy by Taipei. Beijing's refusal to grant Taipei any official diplomatic status and Taipei's reluctance to accept the 'One China' principle remain major obstacles to cross-Taiwan Strait relations. The United States will continue playing a key role in future cross-Strait relations. Beijing seems to be content, at least temporarily, to maintain cordial relations with the United States in exchange for the latter's adherence to the 'One China' principle and rejection of the option of Taiwan independence. Whether Taipei will use enhanced US commitment to Taiwan's security to strike a better deal with Beijing for gradual cross-Strait integration or to utilize increased American protection to move onto the separatist road will be affected by domestic politics in Taiwan, future US policy toward to the island, and Beijing's response to Taipei's demand for security and international recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the industrial policy of Hong Kong and Taiwan. Compatibility between free trade and industrial policy; Re-industrialization of Hong Kong; Performance of the textile industry.