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To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682X.2008.00223.x Byline: Stephen Adair (1) Abstract: Previous scholars have charged that Durkheim provides an inadequate theory of inequality, that the concept of organic solidarity is not well supported, and that egoistic and anomic suicide cannot be adequately distinguished. Although these problems appear distinct, they each arise because Durkheim naturalized inequality and ignored social status. Introducing a concept of status permits a reconceptualization of the types of suicide and creates new analytic connections between The Division of Labor and Suicide. Social solidarity and status hierarchies are presented as variations in the relationship between social integration and social regulation. The interplay between status and solidarity influences the expression of social practice, power, belief, and justice. Author Affiliation: (1)Central Connecticut State University

The founding of the Association for Humanist Sociology in 1977 extended and redefined the values and practices that constituted the territory of sociology. The effort to redefine this territory grew out of a vision and understanding that was both crafted within and a consequence of new left social movements. Sixties social activism allowed people to come to see in new ways how dominant groups maintained control over consciousness, common sense and public discourse. Reflection on our own roots provides a site from which to consider both a change in the dialectic of ideology and technology and the challenges we face in shaking off the constraints of austerity under neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The commodification of information has contributed to the growth in social inequality over the last 30 years. An ideal type of an information commodity describes the features of a political, social, cultural, and legal apparatus that became institutionalized in the mid to late 1970s. This apparatus permitted the collection of rents, established a new mode of capital accumulation, and diminished the apparent importance of labor, especially abstract labor, in the making of exchange value. The proliferation of celebrity, conceptualized as excessively valorized labor, is also a consequence of the apparent change in the commodity form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protest movement against nuclear power in the U.S. emerged as a consequence of the initial decline of the nuclear-power industry. The argument that the decline in the nuclear industry led to the protest movement seemingly reverses the conventional wisdom that the antinuclear movement brought, own the industry. Both nuclear supporters and opponents have fostered. this "wisdom" supporters to blame an irrational, meddling, public for their problems, and Opponents to claim the effectiveness of collective action. Measuring this success, however, is difficult, because the industry was significantly troubled before the protest movement emerged and because we are unable to determine if the industry's problems would have resulted in a total collapse without the protest movement. Others have certainly argued that. The explanation for the rise of the antinuclear movement that is most consistent with current social movement theory is that the emergent weaknesses within the industry opened new political opportunities that were then exploited by movement activists.