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Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study examines the early incorporation of reinforced concrete in the architecture of Historicism in Austria–Hungary. Spanning the late 19th to early 20th centuries, the research illuminates the period's stylistic pluralism and the transformative impact of reinforced concrete. The paper examines the integration of reinforced concrete into traditional forms, providing detailed case studies and architectural examples. It navigates through various aspects, including the evolution of reinforced concrete during the historicist period, its adoption in notable structures, and its documentation in contemporary literature. Case studies, such as the Lutheran Church in Battyánd (now Puconci, Slovenia), the Roman Catholic Church in Topolya (now Bačka Topola, Serbia), and the former Synagogue in Český Krumlov, Czechia, showcase the innovative ways reinforced concrete addressed structural challenges while adhering to historicist aesthetics. The research concludes by reflecting on the transformative role of reinforced concrete in challenging the conventions of Historicism, paving the way for modern architectural expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the foreign policy views of Prince Vladimir P. Meshchersky (1839–1914), a famous Russian conservative political writer. Three articles by Meshchersky are introduced into scientific circulation. They were published on the eve of the First World War in the Vienna newspaper Neue Freie Presse and aimed at changing public opinion in Austria-Hungary regarding the foreign policy of the Russian emperor. Wishing to prevent the impending military conflict with Germany and Austria-Hungary, the prince sought to convince readers of the influential Vienna newspaper of the indifference of a significant part of Russian society to the Balkan issue, the absence of Germanophobia among most representatives of the Russian elite, and peacefulness of the tsar and the Russian Foreign Ministry. Laying the main blame for the aggravation of Russo-German relations on the nationalist-minded press, which formed the public opinion of European countries, as well as on the adventurism of Balkan politicians, Meshchersky called on Vienna and Berlin to be reasonable, convincing them that an alliance between Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey should be the guarantor of European peace and the pacification of the Balkans. It is shown that the series of articles by Meshchersky, published in German a few months before the outbreak of World War I, largely coincided with the theses of the famous P. Durnovo Memorandum as well as with the views of a significant part of the Russian right-wingers of the early 20th century who opposed the aggravation of relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary over the Balkan issue and preferred good-neighborly relations with these countries. Meshchersky’s articles are also of undoubted interest as one of the latest attempts by the Russian conservative camp to change the foreign policy course taken by St Petersburg, Berlin, and Vienna. Meshchersky’s publications in the Austrian press are interesting for many valuable observations and are a vivid illustration of the pre-war sentiments of the part of Russian society that made desperate attempts to prevent Russia from being drawn into conflict with continental European monarchies on the eve of the war.

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The second half of the nineteenth century was an era of mass labour migration in Europe, when the Atlantic route became of paramount importance alongside intra-continental mobility. From the last third of the century Italy and Hungary were among the most important emigrating countries. By this time changes in the regulation of migration had begun to take place with the development of stronger state control, which affected mobility and the relationship between emigrants and transporters. The question also arose as to whether and how the large emigrating states could ensure the loyalty of their emigrant citizens and control them en route and in the destination states. The regulatory process which began in the 1880s gradually moved from an administrative approach to the development of more comprehensive legal sources covering more and more aspects of emigration with the Hungarian government making use of foreign solutions, particularly the Italian Emigration Act of 1901. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Vladimir Putin's legitimation of Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine raises questions about traditional understandings of nation and empire. Should we contrast the two in terms of values and practices? In this case, Putin uses both nationalist and Imperialist rhetoric to justify his actions. My essay questions how we understand nation and empire using the example of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. How did this empire develop laws, institutions and administrative practices to manage conflicts and claims around language use and nationalism? How did Austria's governments rule a multi-lingual, multi-confessional society effectively, without resorting to brutal policies of nationalization? When nationalist conflicts arose in different settings, how and why did they originate? I conclude that in European terms, Imperial Austria and even nationalist Hungary apparently managed daily-life issues around diverse language use and religious practice far more humanely and effectively than did the successor nation states after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, it brought many social and cultural changes. One of them was suppressing the widespread culture of holding and carrying arms that existed in Ottoman Bosnia. Holding arms was still possible but under strict control. Firearm holders were, therefore, a very tiny, privileged group inside society. In this paper, we analyze the ethnic/religious and social structure of this group in the case of the Tuzla Circle in 1904. How large was this group? Were there differences along ethnic and social lines in terms of firearm holding rates? These are the key questions we are seeking answers to in this paper, with an aim to get the first insight into the broader picture of firearm holding in the entire province under the Monarchy’s control.

The article examines and analyzes the portrayal of Austro-Hungary by correspondents of the Russian daily newspaper, “Russian Invalid,” during 1914–1915. This was a period when the Russian Empire was actively engaged in military conflict with the states of the Triple (and later, Quadruple) Alliance on the European front, with Austro-Hungary emerging as one of its primary adversaries on the Eastern Front. Established in February 1813, the “Russian Invalid” was the official print publication of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire and served as a pivotal source of information on the empire’s foreign policies. This state-run newspaper was financed by the budget of Russia’s Military Ministry. In the early stages of World War I (1914–1915), the “Russian Invalid” correspondents devoted significant attention to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Only Germany, Britain, and France received more coverage in this publication. The majority of the information about Austro-Hungary appeared under sections titled “Military Chronicle,” “Feuilleton,” “War,” “Telegram,” and “Articles.” The study concludes that during World War I, the “Russian Invalid,” the daily newspaper of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire, played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion within the empire. It crafted diverse images of the states involved in the early 20th century’s major military conflict, designating them as either “enemy,” “neutral state,” or “ally.” The Austro-Hungarian Empire was depicted as a nation that had significantly exhausted its economic, military-technical, and human resources in the initial two years of the war. Such depletion was foreseen to not only incite widespread national unrest but also accelerate the empire’s eventual disintegration, an entity long referred to as a “prison of nations.”

What happens when nation-builders in an independent state imagine themselves to have fallen behind kinfolk living under imperial oppression, and how does this affect their vision of a future of national unity? This paper explores the shapes that critical self-comparison could take among Romanians in the Kingdom of Romania around the turn of the twentieth century by considering three interconnected vignettes. First, it outlines the context in which politicized notions of mutual interdependence between the Kingdom and Transylvania allowed for comparison as self-criticism to take root and gain salience in the public sphere. It explores the implications that comparison as self-criticism had on ascribing agency and apportioning blame for causes of the disparity between state and kinfolk. Second, it examines two Transylvanian travelogues produced by major political and cultural figures on the fringes of the Romanian establishment, and, in a reflexive move, contrasts their politics of comparison. Third, it offers a grassroots perspective on how the travelogues of teachers and priests, as rank-and-file nation-builders, expressed these topoi. The article contributes to the nascent trend of considering historical comparisons in actors' own terms, and as historical processes unto themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Proceedings of Matica Srpska for History / Zbornik Matice Srpske za Istoriju is the property of Matica srpska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of German as a Foreign Language is the property of German as a Foreign Language and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social Sciences & Humanities Studies / Društvene i Humanističke Studije (DHS) is the property of Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, University of Tuzla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Historical Studies (1818-0345) is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: Croatia is a Central European and Mediterranean country with a long maritime border with Italy. Throughout history, it was not only goods but also knowledge and medical practices that were exchanged over its borders. Following archival sources, individual informal networks, professional publications, daily newspapers, and public lectures, we aimed to present main channels by which Croatian intellectuals embraced Lombroso's criminal anthropology at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. We illuminated the fact that the adoption of Cesare Lombroso's concepts stimulated the joint engagement and communication of medical and legal realms in Croatia. Our analysis exposed the traces of Lombroso's ideas within the reform of the penal code, thus influencing forensic psychiatric practice. We showed how those ideas were translated into policy, politically exploited, and pitched into discussions employing rhetorical techniques, which led to the stigmatization of certain groups of people, particularly patients suffering from epilepsy. Our results also showed that, contrary to other countries that formed Austria-Hungary, the discussions about Lombroso's criminology waned in Croatia after the First World War. We believe that our results can close the gap on this topic, adding the evidence about the spread and influence of Lombroso's concepts within Austria-Hungary in the analyzed period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The submitted study analyses the legislative and organisational-political framework in building up a health system in Czechoslovakia, specifically in the historical lands (Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia) in the first decade of its existence using unpublished and published sources and academic publications. Not only did the Czechoslovak health system build on its predecessor in the Habsburg Monarchy, but in addition almost immediately following the establishment of the new state in 1918, adopted legislation began the construction of a modern and respected healthcare system in terms of both organisation and funding.

Magyar Társadalomtudományi Szemle (MTSZ), i.e. Hungarian Review of Social Sciences, was published between 1908 and 1918, and it was the highest-toned journal of contemporary Hungarian conservative sociology. At that time, in the last years of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, one of the most pressing social issues was the nationalities question: what rights belong to non-Hungarian-speaking nationalities living in the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary? This question was answered by two schools of tender-aged Hungarian social science. In general, liberal-left sociologists following Western scientific patterns believed that the language and cultural rights of national minorities need to be expanded. Conservatives, on the other hand, called for a restrictive policy to maintain the territorial integrity of the Kingdom of Hungary. The analysis of the authors and writings in favour of the extension of rights has been completed (Litván 1978, 2006; Litván–Szücs 1973). Conservative sociologists who support the restriction, however, have so far received almost no attention in the history of sociology. In this writing, I would like to fill this gap. After the short institutional presentation of contemporary conservative sociology, I will focus on their central journal, MTSZ. I will analyse the articles in which the authors have taken a position on the nationalities question. I argue that the articles published in the MTSZ have primarily addressed the nationalities question as a political and demographic issue. Therefore, I will describe these two types of writing. (Beyond that, some articles focused on social theory, culture, or education when writing about the rights of non-Hungarian-speaking minorities.) My basic question is how those aspects of the nationalities question appeared in MTSZ and how those all create a specific political store of knowledge. If we get answers to this, not only will we shed light on one of the forgotten but exciting schools of early Central European social science, but perhaps the history of the first quarter of the 20th century will also be better understood.

The article examines the scientific potential of Hungary and other Central European countries through the prism of international recognition of the achievements of the scientific and cultural elite of the region. The author comes to the conclusion that, in comparison with other European countries, immigrants from the region of the former Austria-Hungary made no less important contribution to world science than their neighbors on the continent. However, a distinctive feature is that few of them have achieved such significant recognition while living and working in their country. The fate of scientists and cultural figures turned out to be dependent on many factors, including primarily political, and to a considerable extent also economic, which forced scientists to leave the country in search of freedom of scientific search and literary creativity, financing of their research. Only a few were guided solely by the desire to work at the most famous universities, but in the end, their successes led them to the leading scientific unities of the world, which allowed them to claim such a high assessment of their work as the Nobel Prize.

The article analyses the source and information potential of the reports of the delegations of the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, which were sent to multinational camps of captured soldiers of the tsarist army for the purpose of compiling lists of Ukrainians for their subsequent transfer to the Ukrainian Freistadt camp. The importance of the topic chosen for research lies in the fact that the information gleaned from these reports makes it possible to clarify in detail the main manifestations of the daily life of prisoners, as well as to learn some features of their national character. At the same time, the mentioned reports fully illustrate certain aspects of the organizational activities of the Union, which made it possible to lay a lasting foundation for the unity of Ukrainians in the multinational camps of prisoners of war from the tsarist army. The stay of the IED delegates in the camps made it possible to form a small circle of Ukrainian activists capable of risking their lives to carry out the difficult task of spreading national liberation ideas among prisoners of the tsarist army. The methods used by the author of this article include the narrative methodology, which involves the description of a social phenomenon, as well as military anthropology, with its focus on the study of world pictures, symbolic systems and fundamental forms of human behavior, mostly hidden and not clearly formulated. It became possible to analyze the general psychological state of prisoners in the conditions of camp isolation thanks to the use of the methodology of social determinism. The characteristics of the national types of prisoners of the tsarist army are of significant scientific interest, the knowledge of which is an important task of Ukrainian historical science — especially in the light of the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2022–2023. Studying the mental traits of captured Russians and Russified Jews, who were ready for any tricks against those Ukrainians who dared to have their own opinion, allows us to understand the depth of the fall of the modern Russian ethno-social conglomerate.

A COMMENT ON THE ATTEMPTS TO IDENTIFY PIOTR NIEWIADOMSKI’S REGIMENT The 2022 Polish critical edition of Józef Wittlin’s World War One novel, Salt of the Earth, features a footnote where the editor unequivocally identifies the main protagonist’s military unit as the Austro-Hungarian 55th Infantry Regiment, based on the initial letter of the unit’s Colonel-in-chief ’s name mentioned by the author. This aligns with the 1991 edition, which previously identified him as Nicholas I of Montenegro. With publications on the Austro- -Hungarian army now more widely accessible, the new editor enumerates the regiment’s characteristics and briefly outlines its history. However, other pertinent details scattered throughout the novel, such as the unit’s recruiting district (Śniatyn in Eastern Galicia), its garrison town (Stanisławów), and facing colour (orange), are completely disregarded. This article aims to demonstrate that, when considered collectively, these clues lead to the conclusion that Wittlin’s portrayal of the unit is entirely fictitious. The writer not only fails to mention the regiment’s number (replacing it with “X”) but also presents its mutually exclusive formal characteristics. It can be inferred that the author either could not present the unit consistently or, more likely, intentionally did so to prevent readers from associating it with any actual place and people. This conclusion is drawn from scrutiny of official printed sources in German, along with fundamental Austrian and Polish publications.

With this text I am publishing three identical brass spikes with production stamps, from the hull of the Saint Nicholas Bay Shipwreck (SNBS). While identical, the stamps were illegible to the naked eye. By deciphering one of them, we were able to establish that they relay the name of the largest Austro-Hungarian private shipyard of the ‘Long nineteenth century,’ the Technical Establishment of Trieste (Stabilimento Tecnico Triestino, 1857–1929). The production stamps provided the latest terminus post quem for the formation of the archaeological site in Saint Nicholas Bay and a tangible link between the historic ship, as presented in the archaeological record, and the Austro-Hungarian coast of the Adriatic Sea. This paper summarises the archaeology of the SNBS, discusses the fastening system of its wooden hull, analyses the three artefacts and assesses their significance for the interpretation of the underwater archaeological site.

The article analyzes the peculiarities of control by regional courts in Galicia in the field of judicial proceedings (1855-1918). It is noted that as a result of the reform of the Austrian judiciary in the middle of the 19th century. a three-level judicial system was created: district, district (regional), higher regional courts. Special attention is focused on the characteristics of the historical experience of control by regional courts in Galicia in the field of judicial proceedings. in the studied period. It is noted that regional courts in Galicia were entrusted with the function of control, and in fact internal control, over the activities of the court itself and the institutions that operated under it - the Chamber of Advocates, the Chamber of Notaries. An important element of control was supervision over the state of detention of prisoners in the district of responsibility of the court. In the case of Eastern Galicia, these are Lviv and one Stanislaviv prison. The controlling function was directly related to the disciplinary activity of regional courts. Another important component of the activity of regional courts was the role of appellate bodies for courts of first instance in civil cases (for criminal cases, such a body was the Higher Regional Court). The study of the legal foundations of the organization and activity of regional courts in Galicia (1850-1918) proves the presence of certain positive experience that can be used in reforming the current legislation of Ukraine on the judiciary. The experience of regional courts in Galicia as part of Austria-Hungary convinces us of the need to respond to social challenges in a timely manner and bring the judiciary into line with needs. As a result of political and legal changes in the middle of the 19th and the second half of the 19th century. citizens of Austria-Hungary were guaranteed the constitutional right to judicial protection. In their activities, judges of regional courts in Galicia were guided by the law and tried to resolve disputes on the basis of current Austrian legislation. Any abuse of the official position was punished, as evidenced by the processed archival materials. It is noted that, based on the historical experience of regional courts in Galicia (1850-1918), in modern conditions in Ukraine it is important to: develop a new procedure for the selection of judges on a competitive basis, which will ensure the qualification evaluation of judges according to the same transparent criteria and provide for regular evaluation of the professional activity of judges, enshrining in the legislation the principle of raising the professional level of judges as the main criterion for the promotion of a judge in a professional career; introduce mechanisms for achieving the unity of judicial practice by using the research and analytical capabilities of higher specialized courts, strengthening the role of the Supreme Court of Ukraine, ensuring their close cooperation with academic institutions (the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine, leading higher legal educational institutions); to develop integrity control mechanisms, in particular, the provision by judges and family members of judges of extended declarations of property status, income and expenses, the introduction of proportional sanctions for failure to submit or submission of an incomplete or unreliable declaration, including through an effective system of measures against a judge who is suspected of corruption actions, clear normative regulation of the institute of functional immunity of a judge; to improve the procedure for the distribution of cases between courts, according to which minor civil and criminal cases must be transferred for consideration and resolution to the future magistrate's court at the first instance level, which would significantly reduce the burden on the newly created district courts, and serious criminal cases should be transferred to district courts for consideration with the participation of jurors, where a professional judge will supervise the judicial process, compliance by the parties to the process and the imposition of punishment, which will eliminate the corruption component in the courts; for appellate and cassation institutions to establish a clear distinction regarding the consideration of cases in appellate and cassation institutions; legislate the following: if the price of a civil lawsuit is up to 50 subsistence minimums established by the state at the moment, then the decision of the court of first instance must be final and will not be subject to appeal in the appellate court; if the price of the claim will be from 50 to 100 subsistence minimums established by the state at the moment, then the civil case can be appealed in the appellate instance and its decision must be final (this will significantly relieve the work of the appellate and cassation instances). in order to prevent abuse, it is necessary to specify and adhere to a reasonable term of consideration of the case in the appellate courts of Ukraine and to ensure the equal rights of the participants in the court proceedings for an appeal (as well as a cassation) appeal based on the general permissive method of legal regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the most interesting episode of 1917 on the Romanian Front on the Danube, the sinking of the Austro-Hungarian river monitor Inn, based on unpublished archival sources. In this article, the author examines in detail the sinking of the Inn caused by running into a contact mine, using the original reports on the event, the following inquiry conducted by the Austro-Hungarian Navy, and the salvage of the monitor. The article also takes a closer look at the myths surrounding the sinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine the printed official coverage of the ruling Democratic Party in Bulgaria in the period 1908-1910, the newspaper "Priaporets", the development of the international crisis that broke out in Europe after the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908. The article attempts to clarify the development of the crisis in 1909 and its reflection in Constantinople, the Balkan and European capitals, the actions of the Great Powers, the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, British, German and Ottoman diplomacy, based on the numerous publications in "Priaporets" newspaper. Materials from Ottoman, European and Russian newspapers, as well as authored Bulgarian articles published in the newspaper "Priaporets" in the period January - April 1909, were used for the purposes of the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this presentation is to examine an important moment in the history of the Balkans, namely the annexation of the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary in 1908, the international crisis that broke out in the first decade of the 20th century - the Bosnian crisis, its influence on the relations between the Dualistic Monarchy and the Kingdom of Serbia and the further deepening Austro-Serbian conflict. The article traces the actions of Serbian diplomacy in its attempts to obtain territorial compensations, the belligerent moods that arose in Belgrade, the public discontent that erupted in Serbia and the reactions in Vienna. The attempts of the Great Powers to prevent the outbreak of military conflict on the European continent are examined. The diplomatic moves of the German diplomacy, which exerted pressure on St. Petersburg and Belgrade to recognize the act of annexation, are also clarified. For the needs of the research, Bulgarian and foreign scientific works on the subject were used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many European countries, geography was regarded as an important 'imperial science' in the late 19th century, and influential geographical societies contributed to the empire-building efforts. The Hungarian Geographical Society, however, was more connected to a nation-building mission in the decades after its foundation (1872), and seeking recognition of Hungary among the European nations had always been a priority of the society. Imperial thinking became more prevalent around the turn of the century, but even then, Hungarian geographers emphasised the special Hungarian interests that were different from the geopolitical aims of the Austrian part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This paper examines the Hungarian Geographical Society in international comparative context. The Hungarian society belonged to the middle-sized geographical societies in terms of its membership, income, and financial reliance on state subsidies, which corresponded the semi-peripheral position of Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Two Homelands / Dve Domovini is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With this text I am publishing three identical brass spikes with production stamps, from the hull of the Saint Nicholas Bay Shipwreck (SNBS). While identical, the stamps were illegible to the naked eye. By deciphering one of them, we were able to establish that they relay the name of the largest Austro-Hungarian private shipyard of the 'Long nineteenth century,' the Technical Establishment of Trieste (Stabilimento Tecnico Triestino, 1857-1929). The production stamps provided the latest terminus post quem for the formation of the archaeological site in Saint Nicholas Bay and a tangible link between the historic ship, as presented in the archaeological record, and the Austro-Hungarian coast of the Adriatic Sea. This paper summarises the archaeology of the SNBS, discusses the fastening system of its wooden hull, analyses the three artefacts and assesses their significance for the interpretation of the underwater archaeological site. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Proceedings of Matica Srpska for History / Zbornik Matice Srpske za Istoriju is the property of Matica srpska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Slavistična Revija is the property of Slavisticno Drustvo Slovenije and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the end of the nineteenth century, both the Kingdom of Italy and Austria-Hungary, which were members of the Tripartite Alliance, were diplomatically involved in the Albanian National Question. Albeit their geopolitical rivalries, both Great Powers were willing to assume the common sponsorship of a future independent Albanian State. Sometimes antagonistically, Vienna and Rome tried to befriend the nationalistic impulses of the Albanians, including those of the Italian-Albanian community (known as the Arbëresh) settled in Italy since the late fifteenth century. This article investigates how between 1895 and 1897, both Austria-Hungary and Italy tried to gain the support of the Italian-Albanians in function of their respective foreign policies. In the late nineteenth century, different intellectuals from these communities envisioned nationalist programs for an independent Albania. Some of them found support in the imperialistic segments of the Italian governmental establishment; others were willing to cooperate and forged stronger contacts with Vienna. Yet, regardless of their frictions, both Great Powers succeeded in preserving an equilibrium between their contesting interests for controlling the Albanian nationalist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kronika is the property of Kronika, Casopis za Slovensko Krajevno Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The economic situation in Galicia in the last year of the war was desolate. Protests, strikes, and looting marked the beginning of 1918. Then a wave of violence came in response to the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. Jews were considered a foreign element loyal to the hated central authorities and were often the targets of violence. After the national passions caused by the loss of the Chełm region due to the Brest-Litovsk peace cooled down, the violence caused primarily by food shortages emerged. Jews perceived as dishonest merchants were often the victims of an angry mob. In the last months before the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, war exhaustion was steadily becoming more noticeable. The hardships caused by the lack of food as well as national and social stirrings worsened the overall situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Analyzing published and unpublished sources, the paper aims to determine to what extent the crisis in the Balkan Peninsula influenced the dynamics and stages of the negotiations in Lausanne between the Italian and Turkish delegations to end the Italo-Turkish War. The analysis spans from mid-July to the signing of the First Treaty of Lausanne (Treaty of Ouchy) and the entry of Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece in the war against Turkey on 18 October 1912. Italy tried to end its conflict with Turkey and prevent the Balkan countries in their aspiration to disrupt the status quo in the Balkan Peninsula. Italian diplomacy used the friction between the Balkan countries and Turkey to conclude as favorable a treaty as possible, directly pressuring the Turkish delegation at Ouchy and using the great powers’ pressure on Turkey. The practical results of signing the Treaty of Lausanne were the establishment of direct Italian rule in Libya and retaining temporary control of the Aegean islands.

The paper aims to present the promulgation process of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Landesstatut) in the context of the Austro-Hungarian colonial administration of this territory. The passing of the promised constitution, locally known as Zemaljski statut, was an important political issue in the Dual Monarchy and attracted significant attention among contemporaries. The complex internal dynamics of Austria- Hungary and the peculiar legal status of Bosnia and Herzegovina make the process of enacting the supreme legal act of the newly annexed territory an intriguing case study within a colonial regime.

Few products, which today seem so marginal, had capital importance for national well-being and the country's economy like plums. Bosnia and Herzegovina had particularly favorable climatic and pedological features for plum cultivation. These natural benefits and the multiple possibility of exploitation have enabled the plum to take a dominant place among Bosnian fruits. Its economic importance did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman and later Austro-Hungarian authorities, who paid special attention to it. Therefore, it should not be surprising that in the observed period the plum was a kind of national treasure, and plum growing was the most developed branch of fruit growing. The Austro-Hungarian occupation authorities especially improved the method of processing and the sale of plums and contributed to its becoming an important economic branch.

This paper is an overview of the Czech officials in the administration of the Donja Tuzla District during the Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The paper has been written as a part of the author's obligation in the Ph.D. studies, and it aims to represent a basis for further research in this field. The paper has been written according to the schemes of the administration published in the „Bosniak“ journal, official reports on the administration, laws, and order imposed upon Bosnia-Herzegovina, journals, and relevant studies. A general conclusion is that the Czechs were very numerous strangers in service in the administration of the Donja Tuzla District, that they were present on both district and county levels, that they worked in every county of the district, as well as in every department of the administration.

The article addresses some of the paradoxes of the interwar Czechoslovak Sokol Association. It shows how after 1918 Sokol historiography experienced a boom following national independence: a proliferation of accounts of the Sokol movement's history to date told in largest part by the leadership of the association itself. These accounts re-narrated the history of the movement so that it became well-adjusted to the new culture of victory of the interwar state, positing throughout a separation between nation and empire and a struggle in which the former, aided by Sokol mobilization, was sure to emerge victorious. The article asks that we read this historiography 'against the grain', showing that the actual relationship of Sokol to late-Habsburg civil society was protean and shifting, and only re-cast as unswervingly adversarial in the post-1918 period. The second part of the article looks at the participation of Sokol members and leadership in the war in Slovakia (1919), presented in interwar historiography and commemoration as a culminating moment in Sokol's participation in the national liberation of Czechs and Slovaks. In fact, there is a compelling case to be made that Sokol's role in fighting and violence at this time also shows the ongoing contestation and conflict associated with the creation of Czechoslovakia. The article shows that re-narrating the history of the Habsburg period and the war itself to emphasize the voluntarist contribution of groups such as Sokol was an important part of establishing and maintaining the legitimacy of the interwar state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Društvena Istraživanja is the property of Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Društvena Istraživanja is the property of Institute of Social Sciences Ivo Pilar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Much has been written about Austria-Hungary under the state of emergency during the First World War. Historians have analysed many aspects of wartime government, among them the political, bureaucratic, and constitutional background since 1867. Emphasis has been placed on the legal regulations that underpinned the state of emergency and their wartime implementation, institutional responsibilities, and the different kinds of hardship emergency decrees imposed on the Habsburg Empire's diverse population, including the targeting of particular nationalities and political ideologies. Much of this scholarly work, however, focuses solely on one or other of the two halves of the monarchy without looking at their differences and similarities. This article therefore analyses: To what extent did one of the main characteristics of Austria-Hungary as a state, namely its dualism, influence planning for and implementation of the wartime state of emergency? While in both halves of the Monarchy parliamentary legislation transferred authority to the government in the event of a state of emergency, in Austria there were fewer safeguards against the military's abuse of power. The more significant limitations on the military's authority in wartime Hungary and the greater powers reserved to its Parliament and judicial system were not sufficient in themselves to reduce the repressive nature of emergency rule or its negative impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Public Law / Zeitschrift für Öffentliches Recht is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study investigates the sources and peculiarities of President Woodrow Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” in the context of the diplomatic and propaganda attack of the Entente states on Austria-Hungary and Germany. On January 5, 1918, the President of the United States proposed a liberal model of post-war reconstruction, which contradicted the old ideas of monarchical and colonial powers. Particular attention was paid to the content analysis of Point X, which dealt with complex national issues of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy. Some aspects of US propaganda activity in the confrontation with the Central Powers during the final stages of World War I are also explored. The liberal peace program that US President Woodrow Wilson made at the end of the war was only partially implemented, particularly in terms of the political self-determination of nation-states that appeared in the region or expanded territorially as a direct consequence of the collapse of Austria-Hungary. However, the United States, like the Entente states, failed to transform the “chaos” of national aspirations in the region into a Danube Federation, following the example of Switzerland.

Austria-Hungary’s leaders were highly interventionist in their response to trans-Atlantic migration, eager to maintain loyalty among their diaspora in America. This article explores the very active role that the Austro-Hungarian government—especially the Hungarian Prime Minister’s Office—played in overseeing migrant loyalty in the United States from 1902 until World War I, examining both its successes and the protests it inspired. Intervention followed migrants overseas: the government integrated itself into the migration bureaucracy and attempted to integrate the home government into migrants’ American lives through the press, churches, and cultural events. Several of Austria-Hungary’s efforts to maintain the loyalty of its migrating citizens backfired, sparking protest.

The article discusses 36 clay pipes unearthed during archeological excavations at five sites in Osijek: Tvrđa – Courtyard of the Franciscan monastery (2012), Tvrđa – Imperial gates (2016), Tvrđa – Eastern entrance (2017), Osijek – Vukovarska 192 (2014), and Osijek – Queen Katarina Kosača Park (2015–2016). The first three are post-medieval sites in Tvrđa, while the last two are in the Downtown, where a postmedieval settlement emerged on the remains of Roman Mursa after the end of Ottoman rule. Most of the pipes are of Ottoman type and style (17th–19th century). The two most numerous groups from the 17th and part of the 18th century with apparent distribution patterns stand out. The pipes from the first group are characteristic in the area that more or less coincides with the territory of royal Hungary while finds from the second group have parallels at numerous sites in southeastern and partly central Europe but primarily in the area that was under Ottoman rule. Finds of Hungarian (18th–19th century) and Austrian types (19th century) are present in a smaller number. Among them there are pipes with master or workshop marks, often from major production centers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was undoubtedly a complicated state formation whose foundation was influenced by many factors in the 1860s. The Compromise of 1867 established a unique governmental system that had many uncertain legal elements and details that could be interpreted in different ways. Therefore, Austrian and Hungarian politicians and scholars viewed the empire's legal framework mostly through their individual (national) ideologies. This manifested even in the formulation of the Austrian and Hungarian laws which granted the basic administrative structure of the empire. Presumably, this phenomenon caused a long-time discrepancy in the scientific research of the empire. Although the empire's unified customs area enabled the free movement of capital, labour, goods, and services, scholars from Austria and Hungary tended to study socioeconomic dynamics separately in the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the empire, even in recent studies. There is a paucity of comprehensive studies treating the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a singular entity, aiming to comprehend the interconnections among its diverse regions. This study aims to shed light on a research perspective centred on the legal framework of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a unified state space, granted by the customs union. First, the study takes a brief look at the discrepancies between the interpretations of the past studies on the empire and the legal facts of the customs union. Then, as a case study, the paper discovers the main migration patterns between Austria and Hungary, utilising data extracted from the Austrian and Hungarian censuses carried out throughout that era 1870-1910. Using three specific migration indicators, the study analyses the volume of migration and identifies the primary migration patterns between Austrian crownlands and Hungarian counties. The case study not only underscores the importance of this innovative research perspective on the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy but also unveils, for the first time, a seemingly fundamental yet previously undiscovered area of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 Polish critical edition of Józef Wittlin's World War One novel, Salt of the Earth, features a footnote where the editor unequivocally identifies the main protagonist's military unit as the Austro-Hungarian 55th Infantry Regiment, based on the initial letter of the unit's Colonel-in-chief 's name mentioned by the author. This aligns with the 1991 edition, which previously identified him as Nicholas I of Montenegro. With publications on the Austro--Hungarian army now more widely accessible, the new editor enumerates the regiment's characteristics and briefly outlines its history. However, other pertinent details scattered throughout the novel, such as the unit's recruiting district (Śniatyn in Eastern Galicia), its garrison town (Stanisławów), and facing colour (orange), are completely disregarded. This article aims to demonstrate that, when considered collectively, these clues lead to the conclusion that Wittlin's portrayal of the unit is entirely fictitious. The writer not only fails to mention the regiment's number (replacing it with "X") but also presents its mutually exclusive formal characteristics. It can be inferred that the author either could not present the unit consistently or, more likely, intentionally did so to prevent readers from associating it with any actual place and people. This conclusion is drawn from scrutiny of official printed sources in German, along with fundamental Austrian and Polish publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]