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Research on immigration politics has been focused on countries of the Global North. Latin America is often discussed only as a migrant‐sending region. This study offers a comparative‐historical analysis of Brazilian immigration policy from national independence to the present day. Based on archival research and synthesis of multiple documentation sources, the study finds an affinity between authoritarian politics and immigration restrictionism in the country, which is consistent with theories that link liberal democracy to pro‐immigrant policies. Brazilian authoritarian leaders have framed immigrants as threats to the security, order, and culture of the nation to justify tighter controls on immigration. The study concludes that immigration restrictionism can develop in the Global South with discourses strikingly similar to those circulated in the Global North. The findings also suggest that Brazil is still far from the ideal of a multiracial liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conservative women in Brazil played a significant role in the 1964 military coup and Bolsonaro's 2018 election victory. Oral history interviews with conservative women who experienced these two significant political events indicate that they both occurred in a climate of heightened anxiety and anti‐modern moral panic, where social order and traditional structures such as the family and the church were perceived to be under threat from feminism and Marxism. Although it is somewhat disregarded in contemporary studies, this article argues that functionalist ideology, which upholds the sanctity of the traditional family, serves to explain why Brazilian conservative women continue to fervently support the patriarchal status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last twenty years, Brazil has staked successive claims to regional leadership, with varying explicitness and unclear success. What factors explain the acceptance or rejection of such claims by South American countries? This article summarises the literature on regional powers and frames regional powerhood as arising from geographical belonging, resources, and will to lead; and leadership/followership as stemming from exclusivity, hierarchy/influence, consensus, and provision. By analysing panel data on Brazil and South America from 1995 to 2015, the study concludes that Brasilia enjoyed higher followership in situations characterised by high exclusivity and consensus, and low hierarchy and provision. These conditions were present in South America in the 1990s, thus rendering that decade more receptive to Brazilian leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian society has frequently been described as polarized during the country's recent political and economic crisis. In 2018, a wave of opposition to the centre-left Workers' Party culminated in the election of Jair Bolsonaro, a right-wing populist who portrays the political left as a malevolent force in Brazilian society. In this paper I explore this polarization through drawing on ethnographic research with the Homeless Workers' Movement (Movimento de Trablhadores Sem-Teto, MTST), a large urban social movement that develops settlements on underutilized land in the city, and a prominent civil society opponent of Bolsonaro. More specifically, I examine a key site of socio-spatial tension in São Paulo, Paulista Avenue, as a new political right came to predominate on the city's main thoroughfare during the campaign to impeach the Workers' Party President, Dilma Rousseff. I show how the perceived intolerance of the mobilized right helped to establish new normative codes that regulated the political symbolism which could be displayed in public spaces. Lastly, I consider how the vilification of the MTST in particular and the political left in general by the new right is embedded in broader structures of stigmatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil's legislative process, political exchanges between the government and legislature is an essential feature. This article focuses on the role of the president and political parties in Brazil's national legislative process. Because nonideological factors influence voting, roll calls do not suffice for estimation of legislators' policy preferences. In this article, we derive a spatial model of voting in which voting behavior is induced by both ideological motivations and coalition dynamics and develop a multilevel ideal-point model implied by the spatial voting model. After the proposed model is applied to the analysis of roll-call votes in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies between 2003 and 2006, coalition dynamics is found to influence the voting behavior of legislators. We also confirm the finding in previous studies that the ideological alignment of political parties in the legislature contrasts with the perceived positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intelligence and security sector in Brazil has experienced institutional tensions between legitimacy and effectiveness throughout its history. The combination of unequal socioeconomic structures, an authoritarian political culture, and uncooperative political dynamics explain such imbalances. During the Military Dictatorship (1964–1985), the National Information Service (SNI) was effective against those opposing the regime. The New Republic (1985–2014) tried to overcome its legacy. In 1990, the SNI was closed down. In the first decade after the Cold War, security reforms lingered. The National Congress established the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) in 1999. Over two decades, the Brazilian Intelligence System (SISBIN) expanded to 42 leading agencies. Legislative oversight developed slowly and narrowly focused on ABIN. Although prone to various crises, Brazil was able to keep the trilemma democracy, security, and development in precarious equilibrium. Tight reelection for Dilma Rousseff (PT) in 2014 marked a new prolonged economic crisis and bitterly polarized politics in Brazil. Under Bolsonaro, there is concern about the military tutelage, undue politicization of law enforcement and security, and insufficient legislative oversight. Legitimacy in the security realm depends on analytical integrity, robust accountability, and clear operational rules and limits. Will that be possible in an era of global erosion of equality and democracy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians often buy votes with impunity. Brazil outlawed vote buying for many years, but prosecutions were rare. However, popular pressure mounted against the practice in the late 1990s. Over one million Brazilians signed a petition against vote buying, leading to the country’s first law by popular initiative passed by the national legislature. The law not only surmounted key obstacles to the popular initiative process but also dramatically increased prosecutions for clientelism during elections. Campaign handouts became the top reason that politicians were ousted in Brazil, with over a thousand removals from office. This study examines the role of civil society and the judiciary in the enactment and implementation of this important legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a much cited but little understood aspect of the Latin American intellectual and cultural ferment of the 1910s and 1920s: the frequency with which intellectuals from the southeastern Brazilian state of São Paulo referred to developments in post Sáenz Peña Argentina, and to a lesser extent in Uruguay and Chile. In books, pamphlets, speeches, and the pages of a vibrant periodical press—all key sources for this article—São Paulo intellectuals extolled developments in the Southern Cone, holding them out for imitation, especially in their home state. News of such developments reached São Paulo through varied sources, including the writings of foreign travelers, which reached intellectuals and their publics through different means. Turning from circuits and sources to motives and meanings, the Argentine allusion conveyed aspects of how these intellectuals were thinking about their own society. The sense that São Paulo, in particular, might be "ready" for reform tending toward democratization, as had taken place in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, was accompanied by a belief in the difference of their southeastern state from other Brazilian states and its affinities with climactically temperate and racially "white" Spanish America. While these imagined affinities were soon forgotten, that sense of difference—among other legacies of this crucial period—would remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at borders during the Covid-19 crisis. In particular, it looks at how internal borders have arisen following xenophobic and national responses to Covid-19. This rise of internal borders is referred to as the honeycombing of borders. This article takes a genealogical approach to understand how borders have arisen--despite not always favorable opinions about them. Therefore, this looks at Rancière's (1999; 2004) concept of the "police order" in the imposition of the sensible through Foucault's genealogical approach, both to show the temporary, haphazard nature of these borders and how they revert to less desirable things. This is situated within the moment of rightwing populism, where increased prejudice leads to violence against everyone. This article uses examples from two rightwing populist countries, Brazil and the United States, Australia, which currently has a center-right government and xenophobic policies. Japan has had a hegemonic rightwing conservative government. The similarities and varieties of these countries show how internal borders vary in different spatial and political settings as well as change or persist over time. While these internal borders might suggest power concentrating at the local and subnational levels, this article argues that these borders enable increased national power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This section presents a reprint of the article "Pacto edípico e pacto social (da gramática do desejo à sem-vergonhice brasílica)," by Helio Pellegrino, which appeared in the September 11, 1983 issue of "Folhetim" newsletter, translated by Belinda Mandelbaum and Stephen Frosh. Topics discussed include sociopathy and the political situation in Brazil, the conception of the psychoanalytic theory called Oedipus complex, and the link between the social pact and Cultural Law.

Through the examination of recent developments in Iraq, Brazil and China, this paper explores the role of public communication in a) generating, corralling, and buttressing political legitimacy, and b) negotiating, demarcating, and reproducing collective identities. The transformation of Iraq's public sphere after the fall of the Ba'ath regime saw it shift from a tightly controlled and unified communication space to unencumbered yet fragmented spheres split along ethno-sectarian lines, buttressing sectarian politics and identities. The emergence of subaltern publics in Brazil's favelas empowered residents to express public dissent, assert their voice, and develop pride in their community. Chinese efforts to control online public discourse provide the government with ways of managing its perceived legitimacy and foster patriotic fellowship online. Legitimation and the affirmation of identity interact and support one another in public discourse, as we illustrate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil has recently shifted from economic growth to recession, from left-wing to far-right politics and from neo-developmentalist to ultra-liberal economic policies. This regressive change in Brazil (and elsewhere) has prompted the need for empirical investigation and emancipatory movement-building, as urged by the Emancipatory Rural Politics Initiative (ERPI). This article responds to the ERPI call by reflecting on the politics of the past. It argues that the road to regression was paved during the tenure of the Workers' Party, when Lula's leadership emerged as representative of interests 'from below' while advancing a political project that protected and nurtured interests 'from above' - a populist ambiguity. By offering an understanding from a class political economy perspective, this article concludes that reinforcing left-wing populism in the face of authoritarianism is unlikely to create a path to emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past decades, many studies have focused on various kinds of elites in a complex society, as well as on processes of governance and state administration. This acumen has expanded the repertoire of social meanings in both politics and state processes. However, regarding the corresponding ethnographic information, much has yet to be done. Several articles show how difficult it is to study prestigious institutions and propose alternative research strategies, but very few address the impact such discomfort has on ethnography as a means of knowledge production, over and above participant observation. This paper attempts to link the very challenge of researching powerful individuals to the difficulty of personally dealing with them and writing about them and their hidden agendas. It focuses on the Brazilian Congress and on recent events in Brazilian politics, including the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. It offers some possibilities for studying politics by taking seriously the ethnographic motto "from the native's point of view." Is this possible when the researcher has moral objections toward the "native"? How is one to do ethnographic work with people like politicians, who usually hold secrets and tell lies? What sort of knowledge and truth can we draw from such a "dialogue"? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En este artículo se analiza la política fiscal de gasto real constante adoptada recientemente por las autoridades fiscales del Brasil. También se compara la política de mantener un superávit primario como proporción del producto interno bruto con la de modificar la composición del gasto en favor de la inversión, a fin de determinar cuál de las dos políticas es más eficiente para promover el crecimiento económico. Se investigan los efectos de estas políticas en el consumo, la inversión, la oferta de mano de obra y la producción a largo y corto plazo, y la reacción de la estructura temporal de los tipos de interés. También se analiza la relación entre estas políticas fiscales y el bienestar. Se utiliza un modelo de agente representativo de maximización de la utilidad intertemporal sujeto a restricciones presupuestarias, con una previsión perfecta y un horizonte infinito. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article stiches together a conceptual discussion on 'humanitarian infrastructure' with research amid Venezuelan migrants, asylum seekers, army personnel, governmental officers and envoys of humanitarian agencies responsible for implementing 'Operation Shelter' – described by the Brazilian government as a large humanitarian task force offering assistance to Venezuelans entering Brazil's province of Roraima. The article's goal is to explore the material and normative renderings of humanitarian infrastructure that enables migrants' desire to move, while also governing and making sense of Venezuelan mobility. We suggest that the bureaucratic split of Venezuelans into two temporally different migration figures – asylum seeker and humanitarian migrant – is illustrative of an ambivalence of enacting control and freedom. We explore how such ambivalence is manifested in attempts to discipline migrants' bodies and movements along built, technological and logistical humanitarian infrastructure, with consequences for engagements between border authorities and migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Bolsonaro is the latest episode of what seems to be a Brazilian tradition of electing rightwing populists as a response to corruption, bad economic management, and disenchantment with mainstream political parties. In previous opportunities, Brazilians elected Jânio Quadros (1960) and Fernando Collor (1989). However, Bolsonaro, although very similar to both Quadros and Collor on their hostility to parties and legislative institutions, brought novel elements. To identify the distinguishing features of Brazil's new president, we systematically compare Quadros, Collor, and Bolsonaro along 13 dimensions encompassing political context and attributes, policy choices, and institutional relations. Our findings indicate that throughout 2019, Bolsonaro led an unstable minority administration that governed for a minority in society and emphatically excluded some relevant sectors. Moreover, he established close connections with Evangelical groups and the military, and attacked the press and the Supreme Court at an unprecedented level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main narratives that explain the development of the modern international order fall short of incorporating the historical peculiarities of processes of state-formation in non-European contexts. To overcome that limitation, this paper argues that class agency must be taken as a core element to understand the social and geopolitical struggles that shape each case of transition towards modern sovereignty in its historical particularity. This is informed by the Brazilian historical experience. In that case, statehood can only be understood as an outcome of the disputes of its ruling landowning class against Portuguese colonialism, mediated by the British informal empire throughout the 19th century. In order to bring all these elements together, I follow the tradition of political Marxism to reconceptualize the very notion of "geopolitics" by grounding it in class-based strategies of reproduction and spatialization. The result is an agency-centred and radically historicist theoretical framework that rejects structuralist transhistorical logics of development. It also argues against the latent Eurocentrism present in theories of state-formation that are grounded on the European experience and simply transposed to other contexts by stressing the agency of non-European subjects in the making of their own history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Controversy surrounds local government reform, particularly efforts directed at reducing the number of local authorities to secure economies of scale. We examine whether economies of scale exist in local government outlays by analysing the expenditure of 398 municipalities for the Brazilian state of Paraná using a 16-year panel dataset covering the period 2002–2017. We find evidence that municipal expenditure is characterised by substantial scale economies. However, given the strong correlation between population size and population density, it is important to ascertain whether the influence of population size on municipal expenditure is due to variations in population density or not. When local government areas are divided into sub-groups based on population density, evidence of scale economies remains with the majority of councils operating below optimal size. Municipal consolidations may thus lead to lower per capita expenditure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In theory, shifts in institutional arrangements result in new public policies. This articles focuses on Curitiba, Brazil, an international flagship city of urban planning recognized for its technocratic government. The 2012 municipal elections and the 2013 nationwide political upheaval led to a change in the city's institutional arrangement. As a consequence, the 2014 Master Plan was conceived with the tagline of more public participation. This paper analyzes whether the changes in institutional arrangements influenced the city's planning process and the Master Plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explore how Brazilian thinker Euclides Da Cunha's 1902 Sertões critically rewrites Argentine writer and statesman Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's 1845 Facundo, o civilización y barbarie. It mentions that in 1889 Brazil had overthrown the Hemisphere's last monarchy and embraced republican government under a president, and reports the region's uneven process of political, social, and economic modernization during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars' efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces, the generals who orchestrated the coup labeled opponents to intervention as communists and expelled them from the institution, in many cases under considerable duress. This article discusses the first opposition efforts of officers and soldiers, particularly the Nationalist Armed Resistance (RAN) and the Caparaó Guerrilla Movement. Members of the military who were opposed to the coup shared an anti-interventionism and nationalism that united them against the regime. After 1964, their efforts to oppose military interventionism, previously carried out inside the military barracks, became the fight of all its opponents, members of the armed forces and civilians alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mário Pedrosa contributed in a decisive way to the formation and development of Brazilian politics and art in the 20th century. Pedrosa traveled to the United States and started to live in New York at the end of 1938. In the field of the arts, he took a position on the debate between Independent Revolutionary Art and Instrumentalized Art. In the essay "Portinari - from Brodósqui to the murals in Washington" (1942), Pedrosa overcomes the defense of art as a revolutionary weapon, which was his position at the conference on the German artist Käthe Kollwitz, presented at the Club of Modern Artists, in Brazil in 1933. From 1942, he approached the position of independence of art, in relation to the government's instrumentation policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last several decades, dozens of dictatorships have become democracies. Yet while each has held free and fair elections, they have varied in the extent to which their citizens realize the ideal of self-rule. Why do some democracies distribute power to citizens while other democracies withhold it? Existing research is suggestive, but its implications are ambiguous. Cross-national studies have focused on democracy's formal dimensions, while work on substantive democracy is case-based. We find that one of the most consistent and powerful explanations of substantive democratization is the length of unarmed pro-democratic mobilization prior to a transition. Through a case study of Brazil, we illustrate that these movements matter in three ways: first, because practices of self-organizing model and enable democratic reforms; second, because movement veterans use state office to deepen democracy; and third, because long movements yield civil societies with the capacity to demand the continuous deepening of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT) in Brazil and the Justice and Development Party (Kalkınma ve Adalet Partisi – AKP) in Turkey came to power in 2002 with promises of maintaining economic growth, social justice and political stability. Initially, both governments experienced some success. However, both countries experienced political turmoil as a result of the corruption allegations in the early 2010s. This study compares these cases to analyze what allowed the AKP government to cover up and overcome the corruption allegations whereas the PT government could not. This study concludes that populist characteristics in political strategies of Turkey's President Erdoğan allowed him to maintain his ruling through suppression of all opposition movements and voices, while Brazilian President Rousseff did not implement the same strategies and consequently lost power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In article the author talks about the situation in Brazil during the COVID-19 pandemic and government's efforts.

How valuable is a cabinet position? While the current literature does not ignore the reality that ministries differ from one another, it does not offer either theoretical or methodological procedures to assess such differences. This article introduces a refined measure of coalescence degree that considers several characteristics ministries may have, as well as politicians' preferences about cabinet appointments. We estimate the effect of this alternative measure of coalescence on the president's legislative success using large Brazilian datasets from 1995 to 2014 and an elite survey conducted with 62 Brazilian legislators. Controlling for other coalition management variables (coalition size and ideological heterogeneity), our refined coalescence metric turns out to be a more appropriate tool to assess the president's performance in Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on contemporary journalism and its legitimation strategies from the theoretical context of the mediatization of society (HJARVARD, 2012). Specifically, we seek to understand how initiatives that aim to increase citizen participation in journalistic productions and stimulate the exercise of democracy are developed. As an empirical object, we highlight the O Brasil Que Eu Quero project developed by Rede Globo de Televisão in 2018 due to the national elections for president, state governors, state and federal representatives, and senators of the Republic. Among the results, we point out that - although the purpose was to give visibility to the demands of the Brazilian people - the voice that echoed the most was that of the television organization which transposed the centralized news production model of traditional journalism to mediatization journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the widespread use of hashtags on Twitter, the purpose of this paper is to analyze how hashtags were used to express love and hate for candidates who ran for presidency in Brazil in 2018. The theoretical framework of the (Im)Politeness theory was the foundation for data analysis, together with studies concerning digital conversational style (SCOTT, 2015). From September 6 to October 6, 2018, around 3000 tweets posted by the presidential candidates and their followers were collected daily. Overall, the results indicate that hashtags served as strategies to intensify the manifestation of support for a candidate particularly, in posts on their competitor's profile or to explicitly attack their rivals. Further, aggressive and unjustified content was manifested, displaying derogatory content, which was superficial and not carefully elaborated and/or rationalized. This usage points to an anti-debate, marked by hashtags paradoxically conveying support and attack, and by linguistic impoliteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista del CESLA is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article investigates how critics have overlooked the way poet Elizabeth Bishop participated in American globalization precisely as a lesbian writer. Topics discussed include her memoirs and nonfiction from the 1950s, and her resistance to the norms of what author Alan Nadel has termed Cold War containment culture, and her relationship to Brazilian politics and American influence.

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This article discusses the relationship between governability and federalism in Brazil, analysing the dispute among Brazilian states for oil royalties. This conflict features an unusual pattern in federal legislative voting, leading to regional alignment, rather than the usual party political configuration. This study explains the phenomenon by showing how this organisation makes it possible to align the preferences of national party leaders, regional party leaders, parliamentarians, and each state's voters. The political influence of governors and mayors is also underlined, and the Union's role in the process is described in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the sources of foreign ministries’ policy-making capacity in presidential regimes. Using the concept of family resemblance, we argue that professionalization of the diplomatic corps is a necessary condition, whereas the institutional attributions of the ministry and the degree of presidential delegation are relevant but substitutable elements. The higher the scores on either of the latter dimensions, the stronger is the capacity of the foreign ministry to influence the chief executive and to contest other players’ policy preferences. To empirically validate our concept, we measure the three dimensions in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico between 1946 and 2015 using data on diplomats’ recruitment and career paths, influence of diplomatic schools and doctrines, appointment patterns of foreign ministers, and relevance of presidential diplomacy, with an emphasis on travels abroad. Our analysis indicates that Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico enjoy a high level of professionalization of their diplomatic corps; however, differences—both across countries and over time—remain regarding institutional attributions and presidential delegation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note, we introduce congressbr, an R package for retrieving data from the Brazilian houses of legislature. The package contains easy-to-use functions that allow researchers to query the Application Programming Interfaces of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate, perform cleaning data operations, and store information in a format convenient for future analyses, making a previously difficult task fast and convenient. Congressbr downloads data on legislators, submitted and ratified law proposals, Senate and Chamber commissions, and other information of interest to social scientists across various fields. We outline the main features of the package and demonstrate its use with practical examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil, the 2016 coup against Dilma Rousseff and the Worker's Party (PT), and the subsequent jailing of former PT President Luis Ignacio da Silva (Lula), laid the groundwork for the 2018 election of ultra-conservative Jair Bolsonaro. In the perfect storm leading up to the coup, the conservative elite drew on deep-seated misogynist discourses to oust Dilma Rousseff, Brazil's progressive first woman president, and the Worker's Party she represented. Imprisoning Lula and preventing him from running solidified the effects of the coup and opened the field to the right wing. In this article, we track the roots of the elite's 2016 power grab back to colonization and through various stages of Brazil's political history. Tracing the contours of women's movements alongside this history of domination reveals both the configurations of feminist agendas in Brazil and transformations of power. We draw on our experiences as scholars and activists to argue that Brazil's current crisis has created an opportunity for solidarity that has drawn academic and activist feminists closer. Namely, amidst this crisis, we see a coming together of various women's movements including Afro-Brazilian women, peasant women, indigenous women, and student groups. The unity among movements is made evident through the 2017 Women's Worlds March for Rights, which the authors of this paper organized and attended, as well as #EleNão and 8M. In post-coup Brazil and throughout Latin America, women have been the face of the resistance to an encroaching fascism; this battle will require sustained opposition and continued deepening of solidarities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Brazilian policy threatens Amazonian conservation. • The deforestation rate has reached its highest level since 2014. • Reducing Government Expenditures Could Affect Forest Preservation. This article aims to analyze the influence of recent Brazilian political change demonstrating like the measures taken by former President Meichel Temer and those promised in presidential campaign by the current president Jair Bolsonaro threaten on the conservation of the Amazonian forest, both in the short and long term. In order to do so, it will be discussed the adoption of political instruments, which reduce investment in the Ministry of the Environment during a period of twenty years, making it difficult to supervise and monitor the entire Amazon forest. As a result, a debate will be presented in the current situation of the forest and the possibility of reconciling agricultural production with environmental preservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few innovations in democratic institutional design are considered as fundamental as the introduction of voting through the use of a uniform, official, and secret ballot. One account claims that the official ballot liberates dependent voters from the dictates of local elites, thereby enhancing democratic competition. Another argues that in contexts of widespread illiteracy, its adoption may be tantamount to a suffrage restriction. This article adjudicates between these views by drawing upon an original data set of municipal‐level voting returns from Brazil's Second Republic (1945–1964). The unique staggered rollout of the official ballot during this period permits one to assess its impact with unprecedented accuracy. The article finds that the primary consequence of ballot reform was suffrage restriction. Rather than liberating poor and dependent voters, the official ballot made it exceedingly difficult for these individuals to vote. Moreover, parliamentary debates indicate that this was an anticipated and intended effect of the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This investigation aims to verify what kind of contents was most shared in WhatsApp family groups during the 2018 Brazilian presidential campaign and which percentage contained false information. The relevance of this study is justified because WhatsApp is a closed app and during the campaign was used as a disinformation channel. There was undertaken a quantitative analysis of 472 publications shared in ten groups. The access to this data was possible thanks to the cooperation of citizens who responded to our invitation to participate in the research. The findings show that image with text still corresponds to the most disseminated content in the groups and that 60% of said publications contained false or partially false information. The discoveries corroborate the existence of a circle of disinformation within WhatsApp users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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