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Conservatives are more likely than liberals to support the concept of federalism. In this article, we look at this support in the context of particular issues. Using multiple national surveys, including an original module on the 2020 Congressional Election Study, we find that conservatives are more likely to prefer a devolution of power to state and local jurisdictions, even if doing so might make it harder to achieve conservative policy aims, whereas liberals are more instrumental, more likely to prioritize policy aims and to support whichever level of government seems most likely to achieve them. We then examine reasons why conservatives might display a stronger adherence to the federalist structure of the American government. We find that the idea of "states' rights" continues to loom large for self-identified conservatives, as does a generalized level of trust toward political units described as small versus large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Education," notes Philip Converse, "is everywhere the universal solvent." Whatever the ill of the body politic, many believe that greater education improves the condition. Much scholarship explores the impact of education on political attitudes and behaviors, but scholars have not examined the relationship of education to support for political compromise. This is especially topical, as compromise between parties seems harder than ever to achieve, yet compromise is necessary for democratic governance. We examine whether higher levels of education lead to support for compromise and find that education does matter, but the relationship is conditional. For liberals and moderates, more education promotes greater support for compromise. For conservatives, those with more education are not more likely to support compromise than those with less education. We argue that for conservatives, education matters for compromise support, but it also leads to better understanding of bedrock ideological principles that inhibit approval of compromise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political content on cable TV is symptomatic of the highly polarized era we live in. In this study of Fox and MSNBC, we sampled primetime evening programs on both and analyzed each major story presented. Our approach conceptualized each segment as a narrative and, as such, we coded the political arc of these stories and focused on the villains animating each set piece. On Fox the villains, who are harshly denounced, are disproportionately people of color. In contrast, on MSNBC, the villains are rarely minorities. Likewise, women are disproportionately the villains on Fox, frequently described as unintelligent and out of control. On MSNBC, women are almost never the villain. Despite the abrasiveness of its content, Fox's business model works as there is a substantial audience for this type of outrage programming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expanding Nonprofit Advocacy. This paper calls for regulatory changes that would clarify the rules around advocacy by 501(c)(3) nonprofits. It is common for leaders of such nonprofits to misinterpret these rules and to believe that they are much more restrictive than they really are. This results in less nonprofit advocacy and, consequentially, less representation of interests that are chronically underrepresented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For several years, and through different administrations, surveys have shown that self-identified liberals are more likely than self-identified conservatives to avoid interactions with and exposure to ideological disagreement. In this study, we demonstrate that this ideological asymmetry in outgroup avoidance can be partially explained by the well-established tendency of self-identified conservatives to hold moderate or liberal policy preferences. Using a nationally representative survey, we show that ideologically consistent conservatives look more like liberals (almost all of whom are ideologically consistent) in their tendency to engage in behaviors that promote ideologically homogeneous social networks. Inconsistent conservatives, on the other hand, are more likely to have ideologically heterogeneous social networks, making them less likely to clash with those on the other side and thus less likely to retreat from engagement, even if they hold conservative identities. This set of findings offers insight into the contours of polarization in contemporary America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on ways to enable acceptance of comprise among rank-and-file voters. It explores two alternative approaches that can enable public support for compromise such as bipartisan legislation based on gains from trade and preference of ideologues to prevent harmful impacts of compromise. Surveys from rank-and-file partisans on hypothetical compromise reveals reluctance to compromise in terms of conservative perspectives; thus, influence the less favor of rank-and-file Republicans to compromise than Democrats. It also says that the best strategy to enable compromise between Democrat and Republicans is to avoid negotiated results, showing one or more party being at loss.

As local governments have moved toward adopting sustainability policies, there have been some cases where local Tea Parties have emerged as aggressive and strident opponents of such changes. Looking broadly at the Tea Party movement across the United States and systematically measuring its influence in urban America, we assess each Tea Party chapter’s capacity – its ability to convert resources into meaningful political advocacy. Data is derived from surveys of political elites in 50 cities as well as from determining the level of sustainability programming in each of these same cities. Evidence demonstrates that the Tea Party has not had a significant impact on city policymaking in the area of sustainability. Rather, the typical Tea Party chapter appears to be at best a modest presence in local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

American cities vary considerably in the degree to which they pursue sustainability. What explains this variation? One plausible cause of such differences is that sustainability may be more appealing to high-income cities than to more economically challenged cities. Yet such strict economic determinism seems simplistic and removes politics from an inherently political process. The hypothesis here is that any such relationship between income and commitment to sustainability is conditioned by a city's level of environmental advocacy. The data utilized in this analysis are derived from two large-scale data sources. One is a comprehensive inventory of sustainability programs and policies in 50 large American cities. The other is a set of surveys in those same 50 cities. The multivariate model supports the hypothesis. Controlling for income growth and the predisposition of policymakers to be supportive of sustainability (as well as other alternative explanations), a city's commitment to sustainability is strongly linked to the advocacy of environmental and sustainability groups in the policymaking process. The example of Sustainable Seattle is used to illustrate the linkages that would seem to underlie the statistical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights: [•] Outrage-based political shows programs are thriving because they meet critical social needs. [•] Shows provide a safe alternative to high risk face-to-face political discussion. [•] Programs offer fans community, validation & confidence that they are in the right. [•] Especially valuable to conservatives, who are more fearful of public political talk. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article explores the relationship between political and civic participation and the pursuit of sustainability in American cities. Some have argued that cities that exhibit more participation, engagement, and bridging social capital are more likely to pursue policies and programs designed to achieve greater sustainability. Others have posited alternative explanations, especially explanations related to resources, socioeconomic status, and economic growth. Using the Social Capital Benchmark Survey cities-10 of which have extensive sustainability programs, 5 of which have modest programs, and 12 of which have virtually no sustainability programs at all-as the source of comparison, this research finds that cities that are most committed to pursuing sustainability policies do tend to be more participatory places with respect to signing petitions, participating in demonstrations, belonging to local reform groups, and joining neighborhood associations, even controlling for personal income and other factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the factors that mobilize minorities in city politics. Focus on neighborhood associations; Face to face political participation as central element of democracy; Comparison of citizen involvement in different voluntary organizations; Difficulty in the measurement of sense of community; Effectiveness of neighborhood associations for mobilization.

Investigates alternative regulatory reform proposals which could lead to greater citizens group control over regulatory policy making. Citizens groups' problems of maintaining largescale lobbying efforts; Long-term rewards for accomplishing deregulation; Unwillingness to play the Congressional logrolling game; Cost and benefits of citizen group organizations; Expected expansion of citizen participation programs.

Presents information on public interest group entrepreneurs. History of public interest groups; Influences of these groups; Development; Examination findings by professors Nownes and Neeley; References.

Since political scientists were introduced to the concept of ‘the scope and bias of the pressure system’ by Schattschneider more than half a century ago, we have grappled with the lack of a standard against which to assess bias. Still, scholars have continued to address Schattschneider's provocative claim. This means that they must have in their minds at least implicit images of the unknown state of an unbiased interest system. We uncover these implicit images in this analysis both for their own intrinsic interest and perhaps as a foundation for more progressive research on biases in interest representation. Ten scholars who have done considerable work on the politics of interest representation were asked to provide a brief description of what he or she would see as an unbiased interest system. After presenting each, we summarize the themes that emerged and discuss possible avenues for empirical research on bias. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To what extent do local administrators include business interests in their informal bargaining and negotiation on issues involving economic development and environmental and sustainability policies? In the absence of previous studies, we extend political market theory to decisions involving administrative officials by investigating differences across city agencies in the extent they provide business organizations access to the policy development processes. A multilevel analysis is applied to a unique set of survey responses from 413 local government administrators in 50 of the 54 largest U.S. cities. These design and data innovations provide new insights into local administrators’ willingness to grant access to economic development interests. Within individual cities, we account for differences in agency mission and administrators’ personal positions and experiences. Across cities, we account comparatively for variations in government size, demographic characteristics, ideology, and growth patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In Basic Interests: The Importance of Groups in Politics and in Political Science , Frank Baumgartner and Beth Leech characterized a series of problems in the interest group research published between 1950 and 1995. In this article, we assess whether recent research has become more theoretically coherent, more attentive to context, and broader in both scope and topical focus, all of which are crucial to advancing the systematic study of interest groups and their policy-making activities. Overall, we observe more large-scale and longitudinal studies between 1996 and 2011 than Baumgartner & Leech observed between 1950 and 1995. This newer literature also is much more likely to focus on key issues for students of politics, and to give attention to the context in which organizations operate to affect public policy. However, we see minimal evidence that scholars addressing similar questions within the subfield are operating from one or a few shared theoretical frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]