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"Les camps de regroupement en Algérie: Une histoire des déplacements forcés (1954–1962)" by Fabien Sacriste is a meticulously researched history of the forced relocation of Algeria's rural population by the French military between 1954 and 1962. The author examines the bureaucratic infighting and difficult relationships between French military and civil authorities during this period. The book also explores the negative connotations associated with the term "camp de regroupement" and the government's response to the displacement of Algerians. The author sheds light on the relationship between military tactics and modernization efforts in Algeria, as well as the long-lasting impact of the forced relocations. [Extracted from the article]

The article presents the second volume of the series "History of the Republican Exile Literature of 1939", which focuses on the cultural press of the Spanish republican exile during the decades of the 1950s and 1970s. The work addresses the cultural press of the exile in various countries, including France, the United States, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Colombia. The publications developed during the end of World War II, the development of the Cold War, and the Algerian War of Independence are highlighted. The study of the cultural press of the Spanish republican exile is essential to understand its importance in the historiography on the subject. [Extracted from the article]

This paper presents an account of Jaysh al-Tahrir (Liberation Army) in the Sahara, an anticolonial insurgency from the late 1950s. Occurring after Moroccan independence, the Liberation Army's aims were at once irredentist, in surpassing Morocco's borders, and anticolonial, in attacking French and Spanish military outposts dotting colonial borders across the western Sahara. While histories of this movement have largely been coopted, erased, or marginalised by nationalist narratives and processes of Sahrawi, Moroccan, Mauritanian and Algerian state formation, the afterlives of the Liberation Army continue to haunt the region's political present. This paper argues that the history of the Liberation Army reveals multiple dynamics of Maghrebi decolonisation. The first involves the complex relations of autonomy and dependence between Maghrebi and Saharan peoples that challenge the border-making processes of nation-state formation. The second shows the nonsynchronous dimension to decolonisation in the Maghreb and Sahara, raising questions about when decolonisation ended. With these insights, the MLA defies methodological nationalism and also complicates the global turn in decolonisation historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the 'guerre des mémoires' that has defined the memorial landscape surrounding the Algerian War and seen it mired it in a competitive memory dynamic that Benjamin Stora terms 'une surenchère victimaire'. It argues that since the fiftieth anniversary of independence in 2012 there are signs of attempts to move beyond the impasse. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe and Anna Cento Bull, the article examines two recent plays that adopt contrasting approaches to the aim of representing conflicting experiences of the war. Et le cœur fume encore features elements of Rancerian thought, emphasising the multiplicity of conflicting experiences, and interrupting viewer empathy through distancing techniques that disengage actor from character to defer empathetic engagement until the full complexity of post-war experience is made available. In contrast, Les Pieds tanqués works to create an entente between audience and characters that emphasises not only division but also the culture and humour that unites protagonists from different backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 18 December 1965, a little over a month after Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence, Algeria broke off diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, in protest at the Labour Government's decision not to use force against the white minority government in Salisbury. On one level, the diplomatic break seemed of secondary importance, and by the time relations resumed in April 1968, there had been no significant change in Britain's or Algeria's position on Rhodesia. However, as this article argues, the management of Britain's relations with Algeria between 1965 and 1968 sheds important light on the place and views of Africa in Labour and diplomatic circles, at a time of decolonisation, of a second, unsuccessful, application to the EEC and of the creation of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The article focuses on four areas of policy in turn: the place of Rhodesia in Anglo-Algerian relations; the influence of Labour contacts on the management of relations with Algeria; the influence of the crisis on Britain's relations with the French in Africa and the impact of Franco-British exchanges on the evolution of British views and interests; and finally, the shifting place of Algeria in British diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Albert Camus has been at the centre of a long and bitter controversy for his positions on the Algerian war. Accused of being a colonialist, marked by Eurocentrism and/or a de facto supporter of imperialism, he in fact joined the struggle for decolonization from his earliest steps in politics, untethering it, however, from any nationalist perspective. This essay delineates the formation of Camusian position on the Algerian crisis, its turning points and the path followed in this regard from the late 1930s to the late 1950s, seeking to reveal his perspective of a decolonial federalism that would simultaneously transform Europe and Africa in order to establish a political community in which there would be neither dominant nor dominated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, most research on the long '68 has underlined the importance of connections between the First World and the Third World. This article takes one of these intertwined histories into account: the one that ties ETA to the Algerian FLN. More specifically, it focuses on the strategy of political defence used in some of the trials against ETA members and their inspiration in previous FLN processes. The research pays particular attention to the Burgos Trial of December 1970, which was one of the most notable events in Europe's long '68. In Spain, the protests against this court martial marked a turning point in the pathway of the Franco regime. At the same time, the trial inspired an exceptional expression of international solidarity. The article stresses the key role played during the Burgos Trial – and before – by several left-wing lawyers from Spain and France. Their collective experiences and personal trajectories show the relevance of transnational interconnections and illustrate the different genealogies of the idea of political defence, based mainly on communist and anticolonial struggles. Despite pointing out the importance of these exchanges, the research also emphasizes some of their limits and contradictions, something that previous studies have insufficiently addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Algerian War (1954–62) has had a lasting impact on Arabs living in France since the First World War, whether they are Algerians or not. This article focuses on North African immigrants and ethnic minority lived experiences using Les Mohamed by Jérôme Ruillier (2011) and Une Famille nombreuse by Chadia Chaibi Loueslati (2017), two graphic narratives that depict the North African immigrants' contribution to a more diverse French history and the family/communities' memories. Throughout this article, I analyse the various framing strategies used in Les Mohamed and Une Famille nombreuse that seek to change French readers' perception of the North African identity and ultimately speak against the myth of cultural assimilation. By telling personal stories, Ruillier and Loueslati succeed at creating a collective memory that promotes a discourse in favour of integration. By designing his characters in a minimalist fashion, Ruillier combats existing stereotypes and invites his readers from diverse backgrounds to identify with the characters. By using humour and metatextual comments from her siblings, Loueslati emphasizes the diversity of immigrant and second-generation experiences. Using those framing strategies, both authors expose the normalcy of mistreatments and discrimination towards immigrants and their descendants in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

János Bardocz, a talented young priest of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Transylvania, after a short period as a chaplain in Cluj/Kolozsvár, moved to Alba Iulia/Gyulafehérvár in 1848, where he taught at the main grammar school. A sermon he preached in the cathedral of Gyulafehérvár on 8 October 1848, expressing radical political views, led to the castle commander Ferenc Horák demanding his removal from the city. After the castle was placed under siege, Bardocz was ordered by his bishop to go to Târgu Mureş/Marosvásárhely, but he left for Budapest instead. In several newspaper articles he demanded the armed defence of the country against the counter-revolution and called on the Szeklers to rise up. In early January 1849, he fled to Debrecen and then to Oradea/Nagyvárad, where he gave speeches promoting the ideas of the revolution. At the end of March, he was in Kolozsvár, where he not only agitated for a republican form of government, but also presented the Hungarians as a chosen people, similar to the Jewish people. He was arrested after the suppression of the War of Independence, but escaped from his prison in Marosvásárhely and emigrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study reviews the national myths and legends that are linked to the history of the 1848-49 Revolution and War of Independence. These include the legend that Sándor Petõfi recited the National Song on the steps of the National Museum on 15 March 1848; that Croatian ban Josip Jellačić broke the terms of the three-day armistice following the Battle of Pákozd on 29 September 1848. It is also unjustifiable to attribute the success of the Battle of Pákozd to the activities of the National Defence Committee, which was set up in September 1848. According to the study, the Battle of Kápolna on 26-27 February 1849 had no influence on the issue of the Olmütz Constitution of 4 March 1849, nor did Franz Joseph I kiss the hand of the Russian Tsar Nicholas I in Warsaw on 21 May 1849. It also briefly touches on the assumptions surrounding Petőfi's deportation to Siberia and the interpretation of 1848-49 as a Masonic world conspiracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lajos Tüköry (1830-1860) completed his regrettably short but successful military career as a hero of three nations. When the Hungarian War of Independence broke out in the summer of 1848, he first became a volunteer National Guard, then served in the 55th Honvéd Battalion on the Transylvanian battlefields, first against the Austrian Imperial and then the Russian Tsarist troops. In the summer of 1849, he emigrated to Turkey and entered the Ottoman army as a first lieutenant. After military service in Syria, he faced the Russian tsarist army again on the Caucasus front of the Crimean War (1853-56), and although he was wounded in the arm, he fought with such valor that he was appointed major and awarded by the Medjidije medal. When the war broke out in Northern Italy between the FrenchPiedmontese and Austrian forces in 1859, Tüköry returned to Europe and joined the Hungarian Legion established in Genova, but his unit was demobilized due to the Armistice of Villafranca. He then joined Garibaldi's thousand red shirts, took part in the legendary Sicilian battles as a lieu-tenant colonel and finally received a fatal wound on 27 May 1860, at the entrance of Palermo. He was appointed postumus colonel by the dictator of Sicily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Imagofagia is the property of Imagofagia - AsAECA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There would be a suggestion of a "white saviour narrative" in this development if Gildas had not already been introduced in Part I of the narrative and if the character had not been as well-rounded as all of Khadra's characters tend to be in I Les Vertueux i . I Les Vertueux i is not a novel about the Algerian War of Independence, but in moments such as this, Khadra foreshadows the rebellion that is still to come. I Les Vertueux i is the latest novel by the prolific and highly acclaimed author Yasmina Khadra ( I nom de plume i of Mohammed Moulessehoul). [Extracted from the article]

This analysis applies theories of recognition explicated by Frantz Fanon, Nancy Fraser, and Pierre Bourdieu towards the semiotic analysis of Le Joli Mai (1963), The Battle of Algiers (1966), and La Haine (1995). This article argues that embodied affective histories (constituting the habitus) seek to be validated and recognised at the level of the individual, the collective group identity, and the nation-state. The films analysed constitute attempts at recognition within the global Bourdieusian field of cinema through means of semiotic communication. In doing so, this project hopes to analyse film from a social action perspective, focusing on the effects of the film with audience interaction in mind, and how toexplain the role audiences and publics have within the conceptualisation and execution of semiotic communication within the context of a postcolonial film. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France's colonial history in Algeria has been the subject of "Memory Wars" since the end of the 1990s. Culminating in 2012 at the fiftieth anniversary of the Algerian War (1954–1962), these Memory Wars contributed to numerous publications about every aspect of Algeria. Large format coffee-table photographic books (beaux livres), as well as paperbacks full of collected memories of the colonial years and the war, from both French and Algerians, flooded French bookshops. In this article, I engage with the concepts of competitive, hoarded, and multidirectional memory to demonstrate how French memorial books that are especially photo driven appear to place war on display, but, at the same time, bury difficult and traumatic memory. The research examines three French memorial books published between 2010 and 2012, leading up to the fiftieth anniversary of Algerian independence, and addresses how traumatic memories are recuperated and still hidden within texts that attempt to fill a memorial void. Despite book titles that claim to examine the memories of war, within the books, Algeria often remains a beautiful, peaceful, and nostalgic backdrop. War is not clearly depicted in the images but emerges in accompanying descriptive texts. In light of France's establishment of the Truth and Memory Commission on the Algerian War in 2022, I examine how diverse versions of the past come into dialogue with each other, while individual memorial books continue to crowd out unspeakable violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The well-known Algerian intellectual Mohammed Harbi has famously said that while most states have an army, in Algeria the army has a state. What Arezki shows in great detail is that the armed forces were already intent on building a professional army that would become the core institution of the Algerian state. When Saphia Arezki began her research into the Algerian army, many people told her that her task was impossible, so secretive and opaque was the institution in question. [Extracted from the article]

In the territories of the Russian Empire populated by the Latvians, the years of the First World War (1914–1918) and the ensuing Latvian War of Independence (1918–1920) witnessed a significant transformation in the discourse on family planning and birth control. Because men were mobilized, there was a marked fall in the number of registered marriages, which meant that women had only a slim chance of marrying and planning a family. The nation's ideologues faced a challenge: how to restrain Latvian women from marriages and casual relationships with soldiers of the multi-ethnic Russian army and the occupying German army, who had been stationed in the Latvian-populated provinces since 1915, these having been separated by the battlefront. Women's demographic behavior was changing, with sexual life beginning before marriage, giving rise to a phenomenon of casual liaisons. Latvian nationalists, seeking to prevent such casual relationships in the name of the future they imagined for their people, promoted sexual restraint, which became at this time one of the strategies of the nation-building process. This article examines the wartime possibilities for marriage and the family planning associated with it and investigates the discourse of the propaganda of sexual restraint that was maintained and developed by Latvian nationalists, looking at their assessment of the situation and the principles they formulated for the appropriate (non-) use of sexuality, which in that context acted as a birth control instrument. The article looks at the role of abortion as a traditional means of birth control, and how the wartime conditions affected the number of children born outside of marriage. The research is based mainly on analyses of press materials, statistical data, and archival documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carnets: Revue Electronique d'Etudes Françaises / Revista Electrónica de Estudos Franceses is the property of Associacao Portuguesa de Estudos Franceses (APEF) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Basing on primary sources from Italian and French archives, this article analyses the complex relationship between Italian migration policies and French colonialism in Africa in the crucial period between the mid-1940s and late 1950s. The first part deals with the Italian attempts to send a significant part of its surplus manpower to French colonies in Africa. Against the backdrop of mass unemployment and return from former colonies, the Italian government thought that British and especially French colonies could provide a major outlet for national migrants. The French government, too, took into serious consideration this possibility; at the end, however, colonial interests prevailed over the parallel aims to contribute to Western stabilisation and strengthen bilateral relations with Italy. The second part discusses the Italian preoccupations with the Algerian migration to France: while failing to allow mass migration to French colonies, the government in Rome realized that the French colonial policy could even challenge Italian migration to metropolitan France. The third part, finally, examines the expectations raised in Italy by the Algerian War; after some initial positive effects, the conflict did not help to significantly relaunch Italian migration to France and even led to a further deterioration of the already precarious conditions of Italian migrants. Italian workers were in fact constrained to face animosity from Algerian migrants at a time when the latter were exposed to increasing hostility from the French. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the University of Latvia. History / Latvijas Universitātes Žurnāls. Vēsture is the property of University of Latvia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asia Minor Studies is the property of Asia Minor Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the 16th century, relations between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire were complex and often influenced by Algerian pashas. The interactions involved a diverse range of actors, including Iberian monarchs and local sheikhs. These interactions went beyond mere political rivalries and encompassed struggles for spiritual authority in the Maghreb. This article examines the rise of the Saʿdian dynasty within both internal and international contexts, followed by an analysis of the rivalry between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire in the mid-century. This approach aims to provide insights into the complex dynamics among the Saʿdians, Wattasids, Zayyanids, Hapsburg Spain, Portugal, the Ottoman Empire, and Algeria during the 1550s. The text pays particular attention to the enigmatic assassination of al-Mahdī, the Saʿdian sultan, shedding light on overlooked aspects that are crucial for comprehending broader geopolitical frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with an analysis of Georges Perec's short story Un homme qui dort, the article aims to address three issues that interrogate our society: indifference, distancing and violence. Indifference, the focus of the short story, presented as a real alternative to nihilism. Distancing, by referring to the cultural context in which Perec wrote, allows us to understand Perec's attempt to keep himself distant from "fashionable ideologies" in the era in which certain currents of thought imposed themselves as true inescapable horizons. The reflection on violence will build on Perec's analysis of the Algerian War and will continue by highlighting the way some French intellectuals distanced themselves from the system of oppression imposed by colonial power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle of Algiers (1966) is often considered one of the most important films in the history of cinema produced during the 1960s as well as a quintessential anticolonial film. This article analyzes the making of Gillo Pontecorvo's film and the cultural and political conditions that made The Battle of Algiers possible. It focuses on the interactions between Italy and Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s, other projects dealing with the Algerian war, and subsequent Algerian-Italian films produced as a consequence of the successful industrial model used for The Battle of Algiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the massacre of peaceful Algerian demonstrators by French police on October 17, 1961, has been thoroughly studied by historians and is well known to the general public thanks to a sprawling corpus of novels, plays, songs, films, bandes dessinées, and other retrospective representations, to date there has been no careful archaeology of the event's original audiovisual archive from 1961. This article takes up that challenge in two stages: first, by identifying the photos and newsreel footage shot on the night of October 17, specifying the circumstances of their production, (non)distribution, and impact in the immediate aftermath of the massacre; second, by surveying how key elements of the original archive were recycled over the following sixty years to serve in turn as surrogates for and complements to other sources of knowledge about this infamous and long‐dissimulated crime d'état. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study provides an insight into foreign language policy endeavour in Algeria. It responds to the concept of an English 'tidal wave' (Spolsky [2004]. Language policy. Cambridge University Press), and uses Spolsky's ([2009]. Language management. Cambridge University Press) social approach and Djité's ([1994]. From language policy to language planning. National Languages and Literacy Institute of Australia) definition of language policy. The study is a qualitative research which relies on the contribution of 20 Algerian university students who are affiliated with eight Algerian universities, and on the researchers' observations, social media pictures, videos, social media comments, and news outlet reports. The study concludes that there is a 'seismic wave' of English language (in terms of beliefs, practices and demands) amid the smile revolution protests (hirak) that will give rise to a future tidal wave of English based on the bottom-up involvement of participants in the policy-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contemporary French Civilization is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on a quantitative study of 3000 young French people aged 18 to 25 and qualitative interviews conducted with grandchildren of families affected by the Algerian war, this research proposes an exploration of young people's memory of this very controversial past in French society. It demonstrates that family history and politicization are both vectors of knowledge and interest in this history. However, if family history simply explains a greater interest in this history, the judgement on the past and its actors remains determined by young people's political orientations. Issues of otherness and negative perceptions of Algerians, Muslims, and Arabs are at the heart of this contemporary political cleavage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the memoirs of three former militants who, in the later years of their lives, reflect on the significance of their participation in the anticolonial struggle: Louisette Ighilahriz at 64, Zohra Drif at 79, Yamina Cherrad Bennaceur at 81. I choose these three memoirs because each recounts a remarkable journey to empowerment and when brought together they emphasize the collective nature of the liberation struggle. Drif played a prominent role in the war as a 'poseuse de bombes' during the Battle of Algiers, Ighilahriz was a courier for the FLN, Bennaceur a nurse in the maquis. My intent in this article is to study their memoirs as historical artefacts that depict a collective anticolonial struggle and as chronicles of personal struggle in time of war. I test the premise that the three chroniclers looking back on the past confirm that their participation in the liberation struggle was transformative. Their courage and resilience tested, the young women emerged empowered. Yet, the war experience was traumatic, and each memoir reveals the trauma endured, and by articulating that trauma, hopefully helps heal psychological wounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the ethics of representation in Franco-Algerian filmmaker Rachid Bouchareb's short 2019 documentaries Louisette and Annie, which highlight the participation of mujahidat (female militants) Louisette Ighilahriz and Annie Fiorio-Steiner in the 1954–1962 war of independence from the French. Given how much these women suffered (including under torture) during the war, how to convey their experiences in an ethical manner is a central concern. Bouchareb achieves an ethical balance between avoiding voyeurism and bearing testimony to these women's suffering and active agency through using film techniques that approach his protagonists with respect, a central feature of his ethical cinema. He also relies on techniques that enhance spectatorial identification with the protagonists through triggering emotional responses. I identify and detail specific formal and thematic choices he made to highlight the past's continuing relevance to the present and to centre women's experiences, voices, and bodies. The films finally honour mujahidat (almost a decade after Bouchareb's male-centred epic film Hors la loi). Seeking to both stage and remedy the difficult anamnesis of the war, they bring memories together and carry messages about the need to always fight against injustice that are relevant on both sides of the Mediterranean, sixty years later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the approach of the sixtieth anniversary of the Evian Accords that brought an end to the Algerian War, France's president, Emmanuel Macron, commissioned the historian, Benjamin Stora, to prepare a report on the evolution of relations between the two countries since the independence of Algeria. Stora, born in Algeria in 1950, is one of the most productive French historians of the Algerian nationalist movement, author of many studies of the wartime period and its aftermath. Relations between the two countries have often been strained, and observers note that there has been little reconciliation of the traumas of colonisation and the exodus of the European pied-noir population in 1962. Predictably the Stora Report has proved controversial. The paper will analyse the context, the content, and the reception of the report on the two shores of the Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Avec Algérie ! Algérie ! (2007), Éric Michel retrace des évènements de la guerre d'Algérie, en Algérie comme en France, de 1954 jusqu'aux massacres d'octobre 1961 à Paris. Cette naturalisation de l'Histoire collective par la fiction rejoint le roman historique où « l'événement est objet de récit » (Ricœur) et l'écriture « raconte » l'Histoire en transformant la fiction en discours liminal, un discours ambigu qui « brouille la ligne de partage » entre fiction et Histoire (Rancière). L'analyse recense les différentes formes d'archives qui constituent la base de l'écriture et permettent au lecteur d'historiciser les éléments du récit qui sont liés à l'Histoire de l'Algérie. Pour Alice Zeniter, L'art de perdre (2017a) n'a pas pour motivation de raconter la guerre d'Algérie mais d'« écrire un roman qui soit une trajectoire de migration » (2017b) sur trois générations. L'enquête de Naïma sur ses origines algériennes sur Internet, en bibliothèque, chez les historiens, fait de la fiction une « anarchive » (« une alternative aux archives officielles », Brozgal) où l'alliance entre mémoire, postmémoire et écriture de fiction « renvoie[nt] à une manière de 'faire l'histoire' » (Certeau). Les deux romans se conjuguent pour faire de l'anarchive un complément de l'archive dans l'écriture d'une Histoire « vivante ». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines geopolitical responses to postcolonial films on the Internet Movie Database (IMDb). Maghrebi-French films Days of Glory (French: Indigenes) (2006), Outside the Law (French: Hors la loi) (2010) and Free Men (French: Les hommes libres) (2011) collectively re-tell Algerian histories of resistance and anti-colonialism in the Second World War and the Algerian War of Independence, using Hollywood combat and gangster genre to do so. This paper finds that the specific temporal and spatial narratives of (post)colonial France and Algeria are transformed and read geopolitically as allegories of more familiar conflict, namely the War on Terror, the Arab Spring and Israel-Palestine. Drawing on the fields of postcolonial theory and popular geopolitics, this article extends the scope of popular geopolitics to consider postcolonial film and its reception as a site of geopolitical contestation. In doing so, this article highlights how the reception of 'foreign-language' postcolonial stories in the Anglosphere is mediated by popular geopolitical frames of reference, and is dependent on the context of reception and (post)colonial power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how photographs of women taken by Marc Garanger during his army service in Algeria (1960–1962) have become sites of multiple, often competing mnemonic projections. At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, Garanger produced nearly two thousand identity photographs of those displaced by the French army from villages to detention camps. The photographs of women are some of the most cited images from the war, having been popularised through Garanger's own photobooks. They are either read as strictly exploitative or, following Garanger's narrative, as bearing witness to Algerian suffering. The article departs from attempts to fix the 'true' meaning of these images and examines their afterlives, while reflecting upon the hyper-visibility of women as images. It discusses newly recovered archival material, alongside Garanger's decision to return to Algeria in 2004, revealing inconsistencies in Garanger's carefully crafted narrative and reflecting upon the speculative futures of these contested images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city of Algiers experienced during the Algerian war a disproportionate increase of bidonvilles. This term, which was firstly used in the Maghreb in the late 30’s (Descloitres, 1961), represented the living conditions of the poorest indigenous populations. At CIAM 9 of 1953, ClAM-Algiers group made a remarkable presentation of the bidonville Mahieddine. By representing Algerian silhouettes through the Modulor, the goal was to seek in the vernacular and popular culture a way to renew modernity (Abram, 1999). This meticulous work gave birth to a sketch of the Muslim home cell. The latter was tested and experimented in various applications but had its climax through the housing programs of the “Plan of Constantine”. In this paper, we will try to understand how urban processes shape the territory and how this Plan dating from 1958 participated in the mutation of the Algerian landscape through the social housing experimentation carried out principally by the modern movement architects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of European Integration History is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anales de Filología Francesa is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Republic of Türkiye gave up the ideal of establishing a national defense industry, which it had set as a target since the War of Independence, due to the failure of the investments made since 1923 for different reasons and the military aid that came after 1947. The emergence of the USSR threat pushed Türkiye to become an ally with the USA after the war, and in 1952, Türkiye came under the protection umbrella of NATO. In this period, the conditional weapons aid from the US, in particular, caused Türkiye to experience an illusion of security. After the decision to intervene in Cyprus in 1964, with the letter sent by US President Johnson, Türkiye became aware of its illusory state. One of the reasons for delaying the Cyprus intervention for 10 years was the notification to Türkiye that the use of US-origin weapons would not be tolerated to intervene in Cyprus. Türkiye understood that it was impossible to rely on foreign weapons to realize national interests in this period, and the national defense industry, which has continued its development until today, re-adopted its founding goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how the concept of 'conscience' emerged as a battleground within the French Catholic Church and as a politicized concept with implications for ideas about human rights. State-sponsored torture during the Algerian War (1954–62) prompted dissident Christians to pioneer the use of 'individual conscience' as a tool of resistance. The Christians of the anti-torture movement embraced the theologically informed language of conscience alongside a French, secular tradition of rights drawn from the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. The way that Catholic dissidents thought about rights transcended the secular–religious divide; while recognizing a liberal concept of rights coming out of the French Revolution, these Catholics also insisted upon the spiritual function of individual conscience as a check upon the state. Intra-Catholic debates about conscience thus reveal the political and theological diversity within mid-twentieth-century Christianity, long assumed to have been dominated by actors on the political right, as well as the multiplicity of coexisting ways of speaking about and interpreting human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes as its starting point the use of fire as a political metaphor by Algerians who participated in the Screening Violence research project; it emerged in these discussions as a trope of struggle and conflict in Algeria. In part, this political imaginary has been influenced by France, where fire has historically represented freedom and resistance to unjust powers. However, this inheritance has not been received passively in Algeria, and its irony in a colonial context contributes to a complex relationship with tropes of resistance in Algerian cultural and social discourse. We therefore trace a genealogy of the trope of fire which acknowledges the inevitable and significant contribution of the French political imaginary to the Algerian, but which also recognises the distinct cultural modes of resistance taken up by Algerian artists and political activists themselves, from the Algerian Revolution of 1954 to the Hirak protests of 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue Académique des Études Sociales et Humaines is the property of Hassif Benbouali University of Chlef and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)