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Copyright of Íkala: Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La présente étude se propose de démontrer les nouvelles motivations diplomatiques de la RDC face à certaines puissances émergentes de l’Extrême-Orient. Ces motivations sont en premier lieu d’ordre géostratégique, car elles sont liées à la vision diplomatique inhérente à la gouvernance qui, elles, sont aussi géopolitiques, géoéconomiques et culturelles dès lors qu’elles relèvent de l’espace territorial congolais, de ses ressources naturelles, de la culture congolaise. De telles motivations nécessitent qu’elles soient mises à la portée des partenaires africains et extra-africains qui prennent parti et cause pour la RD. Congo. Ce sont ces motivations qui seraient à la base et au centre de l’actuel déterminisme diplomatique congolais. Elles stimulent et doivent stimuler les autorités congolaises à opter pour un renforcement des liens diplomatiques préexistant avec ces Etats de l’Extrême-Orient dont beaucoup seraient en situation d’émergence.

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In Quebec, geopolitics has not given rise, as a research field, to lively epistemological debates as was the case in France and elsewhere. At the crossroads of the French and Anglo‐Saxon schools of thought, Quebec's geopolitics developed progressively, with a few pioneers in the 1960s, to become an integral part of the geography discipline in the 1980s, driven by geopolitical issues related to the issue of Quebec within Canada. From the 2000s onwards, geopolitics diversified and became more international, becoming a commonly accepted sub‐field of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L'objectif de cet article consiste à présenter, analyser et comprendre la manière dont la politique nationale de défense contribue à la montée en puissance des forces armées congolaises en particulier et des autres institutions de l’architecture de défense et sécurité en général. A l’issue d’une analyse critique, la présente étude conclue que cette remontée exige tout d’abord une meilleure compréhension des facteurs qui ont conduit à l’effritement de la puissance de ce système, ensuite une définition claire des grandes options et principes politiques, militaires, et stratégiques basée sur une parfaite maitrise des enjeux et défis géopolitiques et géostratégiques contemporains. Elle dresse une série de propositions qui, une fois mises en application, pourront contribuer à renforcer les capacités techniques et opérationnelles de l’armée et des services de sécurité, et, par conséquent, sortir la RDC de l’état d’impuissance et de vulnérabilité.

Copyright of Water & Landscape (WAL) / Agua & Territorio (AYT) is the property of Editorial de la Universidad de Jaen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Materiales para la Historia del Deporte is the property of Polytechnic University of Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Huit ans après le dernier découpage territorial connu en République Démocratique du Congo en 2015, les entités découpées souffrent encore cruellement du démarrage de leur processus de développement. Alors qu’en réalité, le but ultime a été d’une part, de rapprocher les administrés des services étatiques et d’autre part, favoriser le développement du pays à partir des entités locales. Ce découpage tire son origine dans la constitution congolaise de 2006 respectivement dans son exposé de motifs et dans ses articles 2 et 4. En effet, elle consacre la décentralisation comme mode de gestion des affaires publiques et le découpage comme stratégie de consolidation du choix opéré. Six provinces en étaient concernées : le Bandundu, l’Equateur, le Katanga, la province Orientale, le Kasaï-Occidental et enfin le Kasaï-Oriental. Cette dernière citée, objet de cette étude, a été sectionnée en trois nouvelles provinces à savoir la Lomami, le Sankuru et le Kasaï-Oriental. La logique étant évaluative, cette étude démontre qu’au regard de la réalité de terrain dans les trois nouvelles provinces, il ne s’observe aucun véritable engrenage de développement jusque-là.

La République Démocratique du Congo est un pays semi-enclavé du fait qu’il ne possède qu’une façade maritime réduite de 37 km, donnant directement accès à l’Océan Atlantique, en dépit de sa grande superficie de 2.345.410 km2. Etant fortement dépendante de l’exportation des produits primaires et des minerais, de l’importation des biens manufacturés et d’équipements, on comprend alors que les corridors de transport se posent à elle comme une préoccupation fondamentale, non seulement pour son désenclavement, mais aussi pour l’évacuation et l’approvisionnement en biens. Voilà ce qui justifie l’implication et la présence active de la RDC dans les différentes organisations des corridors sous- régionaux. A ce titre, nous formulons l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’enjeu du corridor Nord pour la RDC aurait une implication géopolitique, logistique et économique pour la facilitation de son commerce maritime international sans laquelle la partie Est de ce territoire n’aurait pas une ouverture vers le littoral. Pour cela, ce travail analyse les facteurs géopolitique, logistique et économique qui permettent à ce pays d’intégrer l’organisation de corridor Nord.

De nos jours, le pétrole est la principale source stratégique de l’économie de plusieurs nations. Il est même l’une des matières premières les plus convoitées de la planète au regard de son intérêt économique et sa dimension géopolitique et stratégique. La République Démocratique du Congo est un pays qui dispose d’importantes potentialités en ressources de pétrole notamment dans ces trois bassins sédimentaires. L’exploitation de ces potentialités se passe à travers des contrats pétroliers qui sont administratifs, synallagmatiques, solennels, en considération de la personne et ils sont aussi à titre onéreux. Face à ces caractéristiques du contrat pétrolier, le législateur congolais doit s’appesantir sur la question d’adaptation des règles juridiques pour imposer le respect strict aux différentes clauses contractuelles.

Copyright of Asian & African Studies (13351257) is the property of Asian & African Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Études Caribéennes is the property of Etudes Caribeennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nul n'est sans ignorer que le mouvement d'intégration qui tire son origine en Europe occidentale avec les accords constitutifs de Benelux dans les années 1945, s'est étendu progressivement dans toute l'Europe, en Amérique et Afrique. En effet, l'intégration favorise les relations dans une variété des domaines et de façon plus ou moins intense entre les Etats. Elle conduit ces derniers à l'interdépendance qui suscite une complémentarité, laquelle appelle la coopération favorisant le développement. C'est dans cette logique que notre analyse sur les enjeux de l'adhésion régionale au sein de l'organisation sous régionale de la communauté des Etats de l'Est est pertinente. Ces enjeux sont d'ordres géopolitique, géostratégiques et géo économiques.

L’analyse de deux organes de presse arabes, Al Jazeera et Al Arabiya, nous amène à faire un constat différent de la reconnaissance des États-Unis de Jérusalem comme capitale d’Israël. Cette reconnaissance est le conflit sur la ville entre Israéliens et palestiniens se muent en tension d’ordre géopolitique à l’échelle régionale en plus de sa dimension interne qui concerne la pratique de la politique aux États-Unis.

Geopolitical, territorial and memory issues related to colonial heritage: The Case of Sidi Ifni, former Spanish enclave. The city of Sidi Ifni in Morocco is a typical example of the extraordinary complexity of the links between heritage, territory, memory, identity and politics and where heritage is unfairly held hostage to the different conflicting interests of several actors; some approaches place these conflicts of interest at the heart of the heritage issue. Through this article we want to show that the territorial approach to heritage is not the only basis for the process of creating heritage, there is also the political and geopolitical approach which considers heritage as a political and geopolitical instrument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le principal objectif de cet article est d’évaluer dix méthodes et outils de gestion entrepreneuriaux liés aux processus décisionnels sur leur niveau de prise en compte directe, puis indirecte des informations liées aux aspects géostratégiques et géopolitiques. Le second objectif réside ainsi dans la conceptualisation théorique d’une grille de pilotage et d’intégration de la géopolitique dans les processus décisionnels et opérationnels de l’organisation. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous avons procédé à la sélection et au classement d’un panel de dix modèles théoriques pour étudier le niveau d’intégration de la géopolitique et du quadriptyque H.2T.C.

Copyright of Berliner Journal für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pour faire face aux nouvelles logiques géoéconomiques mondiales émergentes, ce papier tente d'expliciter en quoi l'avènement d'un échiquier global nécessite une réponse adéquate de la part de notre pays. S'appuyant sur une approche théorique et méthodique, il propose une réflexion sur les éléments d'une politique nationale d'intelligence économique dont les desseins s'apparentent ouvertement à une quête de suprématie stratégique. Ainsi redimensionnées, la définition de cette politique et sa mise en place nécessitent l'exploration des fondements et lignes de force d'une stratégie d'Intelligence économique (IE) où l'influence et le stratagème se complètent à bon escient. Penser les ambiguïtés de la compétition dans une perspective géoéconomique et développer une intelligence de l'incertitude constituent dès lors l'étape élémentaire vers la concrétisation d'un avantage concurrentiel durable. Pour y participer, quelle attitude le Maroc doit-il adopter ? Il est nécessaire pour notre pays de se doter d'une ligne géostratégique, c'est-à-dire de définir une gestion stratégique de ses intérêts géopolitiques et géoéconomiques. La politique économique du Maroc doit viser des objectifs ciblés et visionnaires. Elle doit favoriser la maîtrise des nouveaux instruments de puissance économique, faire du soutien de ses entreprises et la conquête des marchés extérieurs l'un de ses objectifs prioritaires. Pour autant, sa politique étrangère doit prendre en 54 Mohammed Senoussi compte la dimension géopolitique et utiliser tous ses moyens d'influence, notamment les MRE et une stratégie de proximité, pour créer une dynamique durable et y jouer un rôle d'acteur géostratégique influent. Au service de cet objectif, il faut mettre en place et sans retard une instance nationale d'intelligence économique originale à forger autant pour orienter et dynamiser notre politique économique que pour mettre en œuvre une stratégie de puissance économique.

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Geopolitics has become a key site for articulating the limits of existing theories of international relations and exploring possibilities for alternative political formations that respond to the challenges posed by massive ecological change and global patterns of violence and inequality. This essay addresses three recent books on geopolitics in the age of the Anthropocene: Simon Dalby's Anthropocene Geopolitics: Globalization, Security, Sustainability (2020), Jairus Victor Grove's Savage Ecology: War and Geopolitics at the End of the World (2019), and Bruno Latour's Down to Earth: Politics in the New Climactic Regime (2018). The review outlines and compares how these authors pose contemporary geopolitics as a problem and offer political ecology as the ground for an alternative geopolitics. The essay considers these books in the context of critiques of world politics in international relations to shed light on both the contributions and the limits of political ecological theories of global politics. I argue that the books under review encounter problems and solutions posed in Kant's critical and political writings in relation to the concepts of epigenesis and teleology. These provoke questions about the ontological conceptions of order that enable claims to world political authority in the form of a global international system coextensive with the earth's surface. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Le Venezuela connaît depuis plusieurs années désormais une crise multiforme, à la fois politique, géopolitique, économique, sociale, et migratoire, d’une ampleur inédite. Le déclenchement d’une épidémie dans une société aussi fragilisée constitue un défi pour le pouvoir politique. Cet article explique comment le gouvernement Maduro a géré cette crise sanitaire dans le cadre de cette crise multiforme à travers trois axes : un retour chronologique sur la diffusion de la pandémie, plus limitée que dans les pays voisins ; l’administration autoritaire de celle-ci, surtout à l’égard des migrants vénézuéliens revenant au pays et des scientifiques émettant une étude qui ne convient pas à l’exécutif et enfin, la dépendance géopolitique en termes de stratégie sanitaire, surtout sur le retard pris sur la campagne vaccinale. Cette contention de la pandémie n’est pourtant pas forcément durable, tant la diffusion du variant gamma que les retards de la campagne de vaccination pourraient mettre en péril cet équilibre fragile. Une diffusion du Covid-19 dans un pays comme le Venezuela où les services de santé sont si affaiblis pourrait avoir des conséquences dramatiques.

Copyright of Observatorio Medioambiental is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anthropologica is the property of CASCA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Argentina since its establishment as Nation-state (1816) claimed the Falkland Islands as part of its national territory, approaching the situation in different ways depending on different governments. The main objective of this article is to describe the political positioning of the Kirchner (2002-2015) and Macri (2015-2019) governments, together with a comparison of the evolution of the geopolitical approach of the dispute of the Malvinas. Based on the indirect strategy and the behaviour of the Argentine government, a possible cooperation on the use of wealth is built, despite the Modus vivendi of direct sovereignty. The Kirchner governments adopted a multilateral stance, calling on the South American community. Maurício Macri, as the new president of Argentina, presents another stance, which we can identify as a bilateral approach. In this way, we can identify, by means of the characteristics of these two positions a similarity with the concept of capital and territorial logic of Arrighi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Caravelle: Cahiers du Monde Hispanique et Luso-Bresilien is the property of Presses Universitaires du Mirail and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Management international / International Management / Gestiòn Internacional is the property of Management International and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on an unpublished topic, the 2022 World Cup stadiums. The somewhat unusual research subject will tend to question their role as real protagonists of this sporting event. Through this article the main purpose is to understand how Qatar thinks its new sports venues. These stadiums turn out to be central elements of its world communication by a staging of its territory, but also symbolic places in the construction of the representation of its power within the Gulf and its society. As future centers of attention, in 2022, these stadiums are also a reflection of many barriers that the emirate faces in the recent direction of its foreign policy on a global scale. Reflections of the acceleration of the political time of the emirate on the world stage, the stadiums also testify to the gap which persists between the global image that the power tries to project from Qatar and the internal realities to its society. Finally, by their centrality during the next World Cup these stadiums concentrate the struggles for leadership that are playing out on the Gulf political scene and so around this major event. Beyond these new sports venues, the goal is to put in an historical and geopolitical perspective the development of sport in Qatar to be able to understand the issues and the subtle logic of the recent integration of the emirate within the spheres of the sport show industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Née d’une volonté de pacifier les relations entre les différentes nations du vieux continent, l’Union Européenne a voulu réinventer la notion de puissance. L’influence de l’Union Européenne s’est longtemps exercée grâce à sa puissance normative.Nous prenons ici l’exemple de la Moldavie en pleine crise politique, sociale et morale pour montrer que cette approche a aujourd’hui atteint ses limites.

Cet article analyse la question de la langue française au Brésil sous l’angle des relations internationales et de la géopolitique. Il considère d’abord la situation géoculturelle du Brésil dans l’Atlantique Sud puis développe deux exemples, celui du français comme langue militaire et celui de la coopération universitaire. L’analyse permet de conclure sur le rôle de pivot Nord/Sud et Sud/Sud et d’articulateur francophonie/lusophonie/hispanophonie que joue le Brésil.

The African continent is known by various metaphors and geographies, but for many there are also unknowns about the continent. Geopolitically, Africa is a continent that is considered remote—an economically emerging continent seen as entangled in persistent challenges of wars, political dictatorship, poverty, disease, and more recently migration. Given these predispositions it is typical to stereotype events, practice, and behaviour as "African." There is, however, now recognition of the continent as emerging economic power house. But unpacking the diversity of Africa reveals a huge potential with respect to resource endowments, diversity of ecology, socio‐cultural economic advancement, politics, language, and demographics. Colonial history coupled with traditional Africa shaped the geopolitical boundaries that have added to the confusion about this massive and diverse continent. Intellectual discourses either amplify the differences due to specificities of geographical focus or generalizations such as the contested notion of "African." However, using socio‐ecological lenses, Africa is unified by these very differences in addition to being a massive landmass with several big and small island states. Appreciating these differences is useful to understanding the observed patterns of social, economic, and political systems that unify the continent. This paper illustrates the notion of "African" to describe the heterogeneous nature of a "unified" continent. Some illustrative examples between Africa and other continents are used. Key Messages: Africa is not one country; it is a massive continent with often forgotten islands and is culturally, ecologically, and economically diverse.Despite low agricultural productivity, Africa largely feeds itself, is rich in biodiversity, and people utilize nature for well‐being and nature conservation.Innovative scholarship that recognizes change and/or development of alternate systems enabling creativity based on existential knowledge will be a key vehicle for transformation of the continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on Geopolitics have been characterized by state-centered constructions that limit scope to rigid conditions in the classical configuration between space and power. Although there has been a critical advance around the concept with new epistemological contributions, notions about it in peripheral areas such as the Caribbean are conceived as terminological legacies and do not correspond to the particular essence of the contexts and realities. In this sense, there is a need to generate own knowledge regarding Geopolitics from the Caribbean instead of the Caribbean. Additionally, the construction of a concept of south-alternate on said area to achieve an epistemological foundation of its own and that detaches itself from categorical legacies. For this reason, this article seeks to answer the question about how have the concepts of south-alternity and geopolitics been built in the Caribbean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espiga is the property of Revista Espiga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mondes en Developpement is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Key Messages: Canadian nationalist rhetoric is still premised on resource extraction despite discussions of climate change by the Liberal government since 2015.Taking earth system science seriously requires rethinking national identity and the conventional geopolitical premises on which it is based.Meeting Paris Agreement on Climate Change commitments requires much more fundamental changes than Canadian Federal government rhetoric so far acknowledges. Considering recent formulations of geopolitical culture in combination with concerns that environmental change be included in contemporary geopolitical analysis, this paper examines the implicit geopolitical formulations in recent Canadian federal political discourse both in Stephen Harper's Conservative government and the subsequent Liberal administration. Contrasting earth system science ideas about global transformations with Canadian nationalist rhetoric concerning petroleum production and notions of unlimited resource extraction as parts of national identity sharply highlights the contours of Canadian identity. If sustainability is to be taken seriously, the official nationalist formulation will have to be drastically changed, but as the widespread rejection of the LEAP manifesto suggests, such ideas of a sustainable mode of globalization have yet to substantially influence Canadian political discourse, despite the rhetorical support offered to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change by the Liberal government of Justin Trudeau. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pôle Sud is the property of Centre Comparatif d'Etudes sur les Politiques Publiques et les Espaces Locaux and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Culture & Local Governance / Culture et Gouvernance Locale is the property of Culture & Local Governance, Centre on Governance and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main point of this paper is to examine the relationships between literature, on the one hand, and terror and terrorism, on the other hand. The aim is first to assess the theoretical aspects of the question by defining the concepts, by organizing a classification of terror narratives, by considering the links between literature and terrorism (can we speak about a “terrorist novel” as Margaret Scanlan does ?) and by identifying affinities between novelist and terrorist under Don De Lillo’s proposal. Then the paper delivers an analysis of two novels, Yasmina Khadra’s L’Attentat (2005) and John Updike’s Terrorist (2006), in which narrative construction of terrorist act is examined, as well as the representation of victims and perpetrators and the varying interpretations according to novelists’ identities and nationalities. The paper intends to devote an in-depth reflection about the agency of literature in such a context and the possibility of representation of a traumatic event in a globalized background of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Al-Alama / Al-ՙalāmaẗ is the property of University of Kasdi Merbah Ouargla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The historical development of States has conditioned its borders, but also in the clash of geopolitical representations, such as the Nicaragua - Colombia dispute submitted to the International Court of Justice. The archipelagos of San Andres, Providencia and Santa Catalina, were in Colombian hands since 1928, but Nicaragua claimed to define a new line that included his property, the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone. We intend to analyse the main aspects of historical and geopolitical, using a qualitative methodology, with a time frame between 1928 and 2012 that seeks to understand the ICJ decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]