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Como reivindicó Andrés Muriel en 1820, el afrancesamiento fue "una cuestión política": primero, la Asamblea Bayona supuso el paso del concepto de constitución como conjunto más o menos evidente de leyes fundamentales del reino al de pacto entre el pueblo y el soberano, lo que, de por sí, constituyó una auténtica revolución. Luego nunca había conocido España reformas tan importantes como las que decretó el gobierno de José I en 1809. Todo ello permitió a Juan Antonio Llorente afirmar que todas las Luces de España estaban reunidas en Madrid y en Cádiz y que, al fin y al cabo, no había diferencias entre los liberales y los afrancesados. Se olvidaba de lo esencial: la propia estructura de la sociedad, plasmada en Cádiz en la sustitución del concepto de sujeto sustituido por el de ciudadano, cuando en Bayona se mantuvieron los tres brazos tradicionales y los privilegios del clero y de la nobleza.

Sin resumen

Selon Mme de Rémusat, Julie Clary, épouse de Joseph Bonaparte reine de Naples du 30 mars 1806 au 4 mai 1808, date à laquelle elle fut officiellement reine d’Espagne ne joua aucun rôle politique ni dans ces deux royaumes, ni auprès de Napoléon. Cet article démontre qu’au contraire, si elle fut longtemps tenue à l’écart du trône de Naples et ne s’assit jamais sur celui d’Espagne, elle joua un rôle extrêmement important comme conseillère et ambassadrice de son mari auprès de l’Empereur.

Reseña: DÍEZ MORRAS, Francisco Javier, De la guerra a la revolución. El primer Liberalismo en la Rioja (1813-1823). Logroño, Gobierno de la Rioja –Instituto de Estudios Riojanos, 2021, 678 pp.

Reseña de: RAMÍREZ ALEDÓN, Germán, La Ilustración católica ante la crisis del Antiguo Régimen en España: Joaquín Lorenzo Villanueva y Astergo. Valencia, Real Colegio-Semanario de Corpus Cristi, colección Humanismo e Ilustración, 2021, 699 pp.

For Napoleon, Fernando was an enemy by the simple fact of being a Bourbon king. Moreover, Napoleon hardly knew about Fernando until the incidents of El Escorial revealed to him he was a coward and an easy to deceive. The ease with which Fernando fell in the trap of Bayona and his little resistance to his requirements confirmed the Emperor of his opinion. In this way, Napoleon in disdain, kept humiliating him by exasperated by the servility he demonstrated. The military situation in 1813 obligated Napoleon to negotiate with Fernando and even to suggest a marriage with his niece, Zenaide. However, his hatred was such that, as soon as the circumstances permitted, he was determined to dethrone the king. | Para Napoleón, Fernando era un enemigo por el mero hecho de ser un Borbón. Además, no sabía casi nada de él cuando los acontecimientos de El Escorial le revelaron que era cobarde y fácil de engañar. La facilidad con la que le atrajo a Bayona y la poca resistencia a sus exigencias, le confirmaron en su opinión, negándose a reconocerlo como rey. Con lo cual, lleno de menosprecio, no cesó de humillarle, exasperándose del servilismo que Fernando le manifestó. La situación militar de 1813 obligó al Emperador a negociar con Fernando e incluso a proponerle la mano de su sobrina Zénaïde. Pero su odio era tal que estaba decidido, en cuanto lo permitieran las circunstancias, a volver a arrebatarle el trono que se veía obligado a devolverle.

The funeral eulogies that followed the decease of Floridablanca stressed the recognition that Spain owed him, particularly for his activity as president of the Junta Central. Indeed, from the time of the creation of the Junta Suprema of Murcia to that of the Junta Central, the Count spared no effort to rein in the anarchy, which he believed could fuel popular movements hostile to the French presence. His experience equipped him to overcome the resistance of those who claimed that the Junta Central would usurp the legitimate authority of the sovereign, and under his presidency this new body pursued an extremely conservative policy, characterised particularly by measures favourable to the interests of the Church. The panic that he experienced on hearing of Napoleon's advance on Madrid and his ensuing flight did not prevent his triumphal reception in Seville, the city where he would eventually die.

This article analyses the effects of the Spanish War of Independence on Napoleon’s France and the figure of the emperor form several points of view: military, economic, cultural and political.Este trabajo analiza los efectos que sobre la Francia napoleónica y la figura del Emperador provocó la Guerra de la Independencia desde varios puntos de vista: militar, económico, cultural y político.

Este trabajo analiza los efectos que sobre la Francia napoleónica y la figura del Emperador provocó la Guerra de la Independencia desde varios puntos de vista: militar, económico, cultural y político.

To his supporters, Joseph I was the personification of the «philosopher king». Patriots took up the expression, but as a term of derision, claiming that his forte was not philosophy but epicureanism. Looking beyond the stoicism which he evinced in the face of adversity, this article analyses the essential traits of that philosophy, that is the ethical principles according to which Joseph, on the Spanish throne, modelled his conduct and sought to behave as a «friend of men», in keeping with the novel that he had published in 1799, Moïna, and it attempts to distinguish the influences (Queen Julie, the Freemasons) that instilled such an attitude in the Emperor’s brother.

«Column of faith», according to Popes Pius VI and Pius VII and their Secretaries of State, or declared enemy of the Church, according to the majority of Spanish clerics, Godoy had an ambivalent attitude towards the Church. He showed the greatest respect towards the Holy See and offered it all his diplomatic support in return for its approval of the reforms he deemed essential in Spain: to put an end to the clergy's privileged status, and instead, to place it – and its riches – at the service of the monarchy, in line with the system envisaged by Calonne and introduced by Napoleon in France. | «Columna de la fe», según los papas Pío VI y Pío VII y sus secretarios de Estado, o enemigo declarado de la Iglesia, según la mayoría de los eclesiásticos españoles, Godoy tuvo una doble actitud con la Iglesia. Éste mostró el mayor respeto y prestó el mayor apoyo diplomático a la Santa Sede con el propósito de que aprobara las reformas que juzgaba imprescindibles en España: dejar de considerar al clero como un estado privilegiado, para ponerlo, con sus riquezas, al servicio de la monarquía según un sistema ya imaginado en Francia por Calonne y aplicado por Napoleón.

RESUMEN: Resultaría ocioso, en esta revista, subrayar la importancia de los seminarios conciliares como centros docentes encargados de la educación de futuros eclesiásticos, o sea, de la élite social e intelectual que habría de formar e informar a las masas incultas. Sin embargo, situándonos en la línea de trabajos recientes —los de Antonio Viñao Frago y Cayetano Mas Galván, para el Seminario Conciliar de San Fulgencio, de Murcia, y de Luis Barbastro Gil, para el de Segorbe, que muestran claramente la relación existente entre la enseñanza dispensada en estos centros y la postura «jansenista», primero, y luego «constitucional» de sus alumnos durante el Trienio Liberal— quisiéramos llamar la atención sobre el Seminario de San Frutos y San Ildefonso, de Segovia (otro foco de jansenismo y liberalismo), cuyas constituciones, presentadas por el obispo don Alfonso Marcos de Lianes, fueron aprobadas en 1783.

RESUMEN: Resultaría ocioso, en esta revista, subrayar la importancia de los seminarios conciliares como centros docentes encargados de la educación de futuros eclesiásticos, o sea, de la élite social e intelectual que habría de formar e informar a las masas incultas. Sin embargo, situándonos en la línea de trabajos recientes —los de Antonio Viñao Frago y Cayetano Mas Galván, para el Seminario Conciliar de San Fulgencio, de Murcia, y de Luis Barbastro Gil, para el de Segorbe, que muestran claramente la relación existente entre la enseñanza dispensada en estos centros y la postura «jansenista», primero, y luego «constitucional» de sus alumnos durante el Trienio Liberal— quisiéramos llamar la atención sobre el Seminario de San Frutos y San Ildefonso, de Segovia (otro foco de jansenismo y liberalismo), cuyas constituciones, presentadas por el obispo don Alfonso Marcos de Lianes, fueron aprobadas en 1783.

¿Hubo alguna vez una guerra entre la Francia revolucionaria y España? Si se hiciera esta pregunta en Francia, en uno de estos juegos radiofónicos o televisivos basados en una cultura supuestamente enciclopédica, más de un concursante (por no decir la inmensa mayoría de ellos) no tendría más remedio que remitirse al azar y echarlo a cara o cruz. Incluso entre gente culta. Si consultamos, por ejemplo, un manual de enseñanza media utilizado en la inmediata post-guerra (cuando el bachillerato estaba todavía reservado a una ínfima minoría pretendidamente selecta, y cuando la enseñanza de la historia consistía únicamente en el conocimiento de los acontecimientos, con los mayores detalles posibles) constatamos que la llamada «Guerra gran» casi se presentaba como una escaramuza en medio del conflicto que oponía a Francia y la Primera Coalición, y cuyos acontecimientos importantes fueron la lucha contra Ingleses y Austríacos (en Flandes), Prusianos (en Lorena y Alsacia) y los rebeldes realistas (fundamentalmente en el Oeste, con la chouannerie, pero también ciudades como Lyon, Marsella y Tolón).

En los últimos años, en buena medida gracias a la celebración del bicentenario de la Revolución Francesa, se ha dado un paso cualitativo en el conocimiento sobre la guerra librada entre España y Francia en 1793-95. Sin negar el carácter de reacción entusiasta de los españoles contra la revolución, asunto colocado en primero y casi exclusivo plano por los estudios históricos de sesgo decimonónico, las nuevas investigaciones han ampliado el significado y las consecuencias de esta guerra, con lo cual el acontecimiento adquiere relevancia para explicar la crisis del Antiguo Régimen en España.

¿Hubo alguna vez una guerra entre la Francia revolucionaria y España? Si se hiciera esta pregunta en Francia, en uno de estos juegos radiofónicos o televisivos basados en una cultura supuestamente enciclopédica, más de un concursante (por no decir la inmensa mayoría de ellos) no tendría más remedio que remitirse al azar y echarlo a cara o cruz. Incluso entre gente culta. Si consultamos, por ejemplo, un manual de enseñanza media utilizado en la inmediata post-guerra (cuando el bachillerato estaba todavía reservado a una ínfima minoría pretendidamente selecta, y cuando la enseñanza de la historia consistía únicamente en el conocimiento de los acontecimientos, con los mayores detalles posibles) constatamos que la llamada «Guerra gran» casi se presentaba como una escaramuza en medio del conflicto que oponía a Francia y la Primera Coalición, y cuyos acontecimientos importantes fueron la lucha contra Ingleses y Austríacos (en Flandes), Prusianos (en Lorena y Alsacia) y los rebeldes realistas (fundamentalmente en el Oeste, con la chouannerie, pero también ciudades como Lyon, Marsella y Tolón).

En los últimos años, en buena medida gracias a la celebración del bicentenario de la Revolución Francesa, se ha dado un paso cualitativo en el conocimiento sobre la guerra librada entre España y Francia en 1793-95. Sin negar el carácter de reacción entusiasta de los españoles contra la revolución, asunto colocado en primero y casi exclusivo plano por los estudios históricos de sesgo decimonónico, las nuevas investigaciones han ampliado el significado y las consecuencias de esta guerra, con lo cual el acontecimiento adquiere relevancia para explicar la crisis del Antiguo Régimen en España.

RESUMEN: El rápido éxito de El Evangelio en triunfo impresionó a los contemporáneos. El estudio de los anuncios de librería de la Gaceta de Madrid nos revela que tal éxito fue fabricado con la mayor habilidad por el impresor Doblado, con evidente consentimiento de Olavide que hacía así pública, muy a honra suya, una contrición que el Inquisidor General había aceptado recibir en secreto.ABSTRACT: Contempories were impressed by the swiftness and importance of El Evangelio en triunfo. The study of advertisements from bookshops in the Gaceta de Madrid reveal that, in fact, this success was engineered by the printer Doblado, with Olavide’consent, who made public and free of disgrace the act of contrition which the Inquisitor General had, secretly, agreed to receive.

RESUMEN: El rápido éxito de El Evangelio en triunfo impresionó a los contemporáneos. El estudio de los anuncios de librería de la Gaceta de Madrid nos revela que tal éxito fue fabricado con la mayor habilidad por el impresor Doblado, con evidente consentimiento de Olavide que hacía así pública, muy a honra suya, una contrición que el Inquisidor General había aceptado recibir en secreto.ABSTRACT: Contempories were impressed by the swiftness and importance of El Evangelio en triunfo. The study of advertisements from bookshops in the Gaceta de Madrid reveal that, in fact, this success was engineered by the printer Doblado, with Olavide’consent, who made public and free of disgrace the act of contrition which the Inquisitor General had, secretly, agreed to receive.

In 1821, France followed with passion the outbreak of yellow fever in Barcelona, that was the main focus of the press. Surprisingly, the latter scarcely used Spanish newspapers as a source of information, as was common practice at a time when news agencies did not exist. Why was it the case? By analysing the way daily newspapers reported on the sanitary crisis in the Catalonian capital, this article tries to give an answer. Although the whole kingdom expressed compassion and solidarity toward the unfortunate inhabitants of Barcelona, media focus translated in very different ways depending on whether it appeared in newspapers of the Catalonian capital, in local or national Madrid-based newspapers, or in other regional media. Obviously, except for Catalonia itself, the yellow fever was not the main focus of Spaniards: worries about the political situation came before those about the dramatic consequences of the epidemic.

Although existence, in the library of the Diocesan Seminary of Vitoria-Gasteiz, of a complete series of Joseph I’s official newspaper published when he, and what remained of his Court, had to take refuge in the capital of Alava between august and november 1808, after fleeing Madrid, was revealed nearly 30 years ago, the Gazeta de la Corte, that was soon renamed Gazeta de Vitoria, has not been used or studied by researchers until today. In that paper, that intends to remedy that situation, the reader will find a description of that paper and of its rhythm of publication ; lights on who its publisher and editors may have been ; an analysis of its content that reveals that the Gazeta de Vitoria was also a Gazette off the Empire controlled by the Emperor of France and King of Italy ; the role played by Joseph I himself in the orientation of the newspaper ; the distribution of the latter in all of the kingdom (in territories occupied by imperial troops as well as in free Spain) ; its echo in the French press and its disappearing when Joseph, following his brother Napoleon, left Vitoria. Two appendixes complete this work: the first is made by the list of royal decrees and orders published in the newspaper, and the second by a full copy of issues preserved in the Diocesan Seminary of Vitoria-Gasteiz, issues that meant the birth of press in the city and, logically, in the Basque Country.

This paper is the first study on the four French language newspapers that were published in Spain during the Trienio Liberal: L’Écho de l’Europe, Le Régulateur, L’Observateur espagnol and La Boussole. Except for the latter, which existence is known only through two advertisings for its first issue in the Spanish and French press, conditions in which these publications were created, edited and distributed are analysed, as are the life and ideological path of their editors (Bousquet-Deschamps, Chapuis and Voidet, respectively), and their impact on French and British diplomatic circles, particularly for Le Régulateur and L’Observateur espagnol, that were considered as bribed spokesmen for ministers Bardají and San Miguel. An important Annex reproduces the seven issues of L’Écho de l’Europe saved at the Biblioteca Nacional de España, an issue of Le Régulateur from the library of Parliament, and extracts or abstracts (in French or translated in Spanish) that appeared in contemporary publications.

L’Ambigu ou Variétés politiques et littéraires, published in London by French royalist expatriate Jean-Gabriel Peltier, served, during the Peninsular War, from Cadix to Saint-Petersburgh, as a major source of information for all press editors who wanted to counter the propaganda spread by Le Moniteur and the Journal de l’Empire. But before being one of the « most illustrious and fearless defenders of the throne and the altar », and incitating Spaniards to raise up in defense of the rights of Ferdinand VII, Peltier had some difficulty in dealing with the events of Aranjuez and Bayonne that corresponded to the begining of the 1808 Revolution of Spain. Writing his political column step by step, based on the sole informations published by the imperial press, and accumulating important delays in publishing the issues of L’Ambigu, Peltier was of course extremely critical against Napoleon, accusing him including of cowardness. He was nevertheless less severe toward the Prince of Peace. But he was smooth neither for Charles IV, neither, mostly, for Ferdinand (« the Simpleton ») and his advisers (« children » and « donkeys »), and he condemned with no ambiguity a popular uprising that could only aggravate the fate of Spaniards. Only after the Parliament session closure speech of Georges III, on the 4th of July, 1808, did he become the advocate of the « holy uprising of Spain » and the enthusiastic defender of Ferdinand The Desired, giving up the use of informations given only by Le Moniteur and publishing many documents issued in London from the 10th of June by the delegates of the General Junta of Asturias near the British governement. Beyond the vacillations of a journalist who had to deal with unexpected events, Peltier’s attitude also gives us indications on that of his master, Louis XVIII, who considered himself as the « head of the Bourbon home », and who did not appreciate either the behaviour of the Prince of Asturias in Aranjuez and Bayonne.

The collection of the Gazeta de Valencia, published in 1812 under the control of Mariscal Suchet, stored in the Biblioteca Valenciana, provides important information on the relationship between Suchet and the King Joseph I. In addition to the traditional informationconcerning the condition of the subscription, the prologue, published on the 1st of February, 1812 (one month after the arrival of Frencharmy in Valencia), shows clearly that the Marshal of the Empire acted on behalf of Napoleon and paid less attention to his brother. The independence of Suchet with regard to Joseph also becomes apparent in the choice of news from Madrid, which were carefully chosen with the aim of not overshadowing Duke of Albufera. By the time when the « rey errante » retired in Valencia, the Gazeta de Valencia continued in the hands of Suchet, despite the fact that Llorente, one of the accredited propangandists of the new dynasty along with Moratin and Estala, collaborated in the Gazeta, Not being able to spread the journal in the former Kingdom of Valencia (Alicante was never occupied by the imperial army), Suchet managed to spread the correspondence of auxiliary bishop Miguel Suarez de Santander, which was published in the Gazeta in Zaragoza. Therefore, the Gazeta stand for the official organ of journal in the viceroyalty, that Aragon and Valencia represented for Suchet.

Juan Antonio Llorente was one of the numerous ecclesiastics who wrote for the press, a new means of communication in the Spain of the eighteenth century. He passed to posterity as the first historian of the Inquisition. Beside that, Juan Antonio Llorente is an interesting case as he collaborated both to French and Spanish newspapers and published in Paris, in 1820, a periodical intended for his compatriots : Conversaciones entre Cándido y Prudencio sobre el estado actual de España . This paper presents and analyzes his career as a journalist, something that has not been much studied up to now.

After presenting the official press published during the Peninsular War, by the afrancesado government as well as by the Junta Central and the Regency, the way intercepted letters (genuine or not) were used by both sides, and the efficiency of this use, are analyzed.

We know the importance of propaganda in the War of Spain. On the French side, the attempt to convince the Spanish public opinion of the uselessness of all resistance starts even before the beginning of the conflict with the seizure from the French military authorities of the Gaceta de Madrid which receives without any difficulty the translations of the proclamations of the Bulletin de l’Armée d’Espagne, especially in special issues which emphasize the will of the Emperor’s lieutenant, Murat, consisting in dramatizing the situation. The new sovereign, Ferdinand VII and his Secretary of State, Pedro Ceballos, did try to retake the control of the Gaceta, but in vain.

To convince their fellow countrymen to embrace the new dynasty, the afrancesados often used the press – most of the time in vain. One of these failed attempts is analyzed there: the creation by one of the most brilliant literary men of his time, Pedro Estala, of a biweekly, El Imparcial, which advertising, inserted in the Gazeta de Madrid, permits to understand the strategy of its editor, and the reasons of his failure.

This article analyses the participation of the two main ecclesiastical publications of the time (The Friend of Religion and the King and Tablets of the clergy and of the Friends of Religion, funded 1814 and 1822) to the real crusade that was waged by the Ultra press, as soon as the end of January, 1820, in favor of a French military intervention in Spain, to protect the « legitimate » rights of the Throne and the Altar.It shows how information provided to French clergymen, on the fate reserved to their Spanish colleagues by revolutionaries, awoke in them memories of the Terror and persecutions endured at that time, that they may have to face again if evil was left spreading. It shows how, based on (true or false) news such publicized, priests engaged in their sermons (with the utmost success) the faithful to demonstrate through public prayers, their wish to see France restore Ferdinand VII as an absolute monarch.

At a time when anything relevant had to be versified, the study of poems on Spanish events published between 1820 and 1823 in a straightly censored French press, permits to comprehend the dialectic between the power and the different factions of public opinion that would result, despite reluctance of Louis XVIII himself, in France's military intervention to re-establish Ferdinand VII as an absolute monarch.81 poems on the events of Spain published in the French press (1820-1823) can be found in the appendix to this study.

A "servil" newspaper established by P. Manuel Martinez in June, 1823, El Restaurador was the Spanish version of L'Ami de la Religion et du Roi, an ultraroyalist and ultramontanist newspaper created in France in 1814 by Mr Picot. The same goals appear in both, as well as the same themes - including exaltation of the victims of the Revolution, systematically, and sometimes difficultly, elevated to the status of Martyrs of Faith. Although a difference can be found on the treatment of information about the death of Riego, both publications are perfectly identical. Nevertheless, motivations of their editors were not : that of L’Ami de la Religion et du Roi is ultraroyalist because only absolute monarchy can ensure triumph of ultramontanism that he wants to bring to France ; that of El Restaurador is ultramontanist because it is the only way to justify the absolutism he stands for.

European nations were not the only ones to follow with interest - or even passion - the events of what was then called the Second Spanish Revolution, and the press (both official and unofficial) of the Republic of Haiti informed its readers as regularly as it could on the evolution of the situation in the Iberian Peninsula between 1820 and 1823. Although, at first, it cared about being perfectly neutral between the opposing sides, its sympathy for the Liberals who had ended the inquisition and expelled the Jesuits could be perceived. But when the Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis crossed the Bidassoa, despite indifference of some of its fellow countrymen, it clearly took sides in favour of the Constitutionalists, fearing that, in case of success, France, which had not yet recognised the island's independence, would turn its weapons against it.

The role of the clergy (given huge influence through predication and confession) was decisive in public opinion building during the Trienio Liberal. Therefore, absolutists and liberals used all means available to convince the privileged cultural influencers that priests were to embrace their cause, and to give them decisive arguments for convincing the faithful. This is how journals specifically aimed at them appeared, thus as El Amigo de la Religion, to which this paper is dedicated. After examining conditions of its establishment and the way it was distributed, analysis focuses on the very specific way in which the consitutional text was used to paralyse action of the liberals, and how an other journal in Barcelona, El verdadero amigo de la Religion, tried to counterbalance its influence.