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In a reflection upon Alexander's (2024. The Asian Gang Revisited: Changing Muslim Masculinities. London: Bloomsbury Publishers.) The Asian Gang Revisited, I highlight challenges with “revisits”. They rest on a colonialist anthropological assumption: that you can go back to your tribe, and as a primitive community you’re welcome to assume that they are largely stuck in place. It’s thereby easy enough to reevaluate your claims. Alexander provides us with a powerful solution to this troubling problem: “Salvage ethnography”. This approach suggests both treasures and wreckage. Salvage creates real challenges for explanation, but also evokes an archaeological approach fruitfully deployed in other epistemic communities. It opens the possibility for a broader archaeological ethnographic practice that can help us think through what we should do with data yielded from methods that might not get us to the truth but may achieve understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This methodological review starts one step before Small's classic account of how many cases a scholar needs. We ask, "Which cases do I need?" We argue that a core feature of most qualitative research is case construction, which we define as the delineation of a social category of inquiry. We outline how qualitative researchers construct cases and observations and discuss how these choices impact data collection, analysis, and argumentation. In particular, we examine how case construction and the subsequent logic of crafting observations within cases have consequences for conceptual generalizability, as distinct from empirical generalizability. Drawing from the practice of qualitative work, we outline seven questions qualitative researchers often answer to construct cases and observations. Better understanding and articulating the logic of constructing cases and observations is useful for both qualitative scholars embarking on research and those who read and evaluate their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most parents are keen to confer advantages on their children. Yet wealthy parents are particularly committed to doing so. It is not that they are a different breed. They just [...]

This paper uses data from the American Voices Project, an interview study based on a random population sample, to explore the relationship between assault experiences and how people narrate their lives. Using quantitative sentiment analysis, we find that survivors of assault express significantly greater negative sentiment when asked to tell their life stories. These negative sentiments are observable throughout the entire interview, including before questions of assault are asked. Survivors of assault narrate their experiences with more anger, disgust, fear, and sadness, and less anticipation, joy, and trust than those who do not report assault experiences. We provide evidence that the negative sentiment associated with sexual violence is greater than having lost a parent and less than having experienced a significant financial hardship within the last month. We contextualize these findings with a qualitative evaluation of the interview transcripts, further substantiating our finding. Overall, this paper suggests that sexual violence is part of what we have called, drawing inspiration from the work of Beth Richie, a "matrix of harm" that structures people's lives. While our finding is consistent with what we might expect given the negative life experiences and sequalae associated with sexual assault, it has important implications. Sentimental differences in narrating life experience are an important yet relatively understudied phenomenon, and experiences of assault are rarely asked about yet may be consequential to both quantitative and qualitative accounts of social processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects upon calls for "open data" in ethnography, drawing on our experiences doing research on sexual violence. The core claim of this paper is not that open data is undesirable; it is that there is a lot we must know before we presume its benefits apply to ethnographic research. The epistemic and ontological foundation of open data is grounded in a logic that is not always consistent with that of ethnographic practice. We begin by identifying three logics of open data--epistemic, political-economic, and regulatory--which each address a perceived problem with knowledge production and point to open science as the solution. We then evaluate these logics in the context of the practice of ethnographic research. Claims that open data would improve data quality are, in our assessment, potentially reversed: in our own ethnographic work, open data practices would likely have compromised our data quality. And protecting subject identities would have meant creating accessible data that would not allow for replication. For ethnographic work, open data would be like having the data set without the codebook. Before we adopt open data to improve the quality of science, we need to answer a series of questions about what open data does to data quality. Rather than blindly make a normative commitment to a principle, we need empirical work on the impact of such practices - work which must be done with respect to the different epistemic cultures' modes of inquiry. Ethnographers, as well as the institutions that fund and regulate ethnographic research, should only embrace open data after the subject has been researched and evaluated within our own epistemic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This response to Campbell et al. makes three points. First, the commitment to "know more" must examine the full ecology of relationship violence and sexual misconduct (RVSM); that knowledge is essential for creating multilevel prevention strategies. Second, a full realization of an intersectional perspective requires attention to a broader range of power-based harms, forging institutional links between RVSM prevention and work on diversity, equity, and inclusion. Third, while support for survivors is certainly vital, most people who experience harm do not report it, and so an ambitious approach to prevention is vital to building communities in which everyone can thrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary aim of the current study was to examine the prevalence and correlates of self-reported sexual assault (SA) perpetration, defined as nonconsensual sexualized touching or attempted or completed oral, vaginal, or anal penetration since starting college among men, women, and gender nonconforming (GNC) students. A secondary aim was to examine the prevalence and correlates of self-reported sexual encounters when the respondent was unsure that their partner consented (ambiguous consent). In spring 2016, 1,671 randomly sampled students (67% response rate) at two interconnected urban undergraduate institutions participated in an online survey about sexual experiences and personal and social contextual correlates. Prevalence estimates for SA perpetration and ambiguous consent were estimated and logistic regression was used to test bivariate associations between these two outcomes and a range of potential correlates. Approximately 2% of students self-reported any SA perpetration and 9% reported any ambiguous consent experiences since starting college. Pre-college SA perpetration, past-year SA victimization, belief in and use of nonverbal consent strategies, binge drinking, and depression symptoms were associated with higher odds of both SA perpetration and ambiguous consent while at college. Hookups were associated with higher odds of ambiguous consent; family social support was associated with lower odds of ambiguous consent. Findings of similar correlates for SA perpetration and ambiguous consent point to prevention programming focused on verbal consent strategies, alcohol harm reduction approaches, and pre-college interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the burden of sexual assault on college campuses, few effective prevention programs exist. Understanding the socio-ecological context in which sexual assaults occur may illuminate novel pathways to augment prevention. We examined data from 349 students at two inter-connected urban universities who completed a population-based survey (N = 1,671) and described at least one incident of sexual assault victimization. Using latent class analysis of 13 incident, relationship, and social context characteristics, we identified three types of sexual assaults: Incapacitation, Known Assailant, both Drinking; Verbal Coercion, Partner/Friend, Private; and Unwanted Touching, Stranger, Public. Incapacitation, Known Assailant, both Drinking incidents often involved survivor incapacitation with someone known to the victim following a party. Verbal Coercion, Partner/Friend, Private incidents often involved verbal coercion and intimate partners, with others rarely present prior to the assault. Unwanted Touching, Stranger, Public incidents often involved unwanted touching and strangers in a public place. Findings suggest three distinct sexual assault types, defined by different incident, relational, and socio-contextual factors, and reinforce the importance of disaggregating sexual assault to tailor prevention programs more effectively. Campus policy-makers and providers should be aware that each type of assault may require different prevention approaches. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684320964452 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research examining sex among college students has frequently focused on negative sexual experiences. This study aimed to understand situational predictors of various dimensions of students' sexual experiences. Methods: 427 college students participated in a 60-day daily survey; 213 reported sex and were asked questions about each sexual encounter. Results: 1,664 sexual encounters were reported. 72.5% were described as very pleasurable, 26.6% as lacking communication, and 9.1% as lacking control. Factors associated with pleasure, control, and communication included partner type and emotional closeness. Substance use and partner age were associated with outcomes differently by gender. Conclusions: Sexual health interventions for college students should focus on communication and pleasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undergraduate binge drinking, a well-documented problem at U.S. institutions of higher education, has been associated with a host of negative behavioral health outcomes. Scholars have extensively examined individual- and institutional-level risk factors for college binge drinking. However, these data have not been effectively translated into binge-drinking interventions. To inform the development of additional evidence-based prevention programs, this article documents the varied social practices that constitute "binge drinking," drawing on primarily ethnographic data. By disaggregating what survey research has largely examined as a unified outcome, we offer a descriptive account of the different reasons for and contexts in which students consume alcohol in amounts that constitute binge drinking. Our discussion points to modifiable social factors in university life as strategy for prevention. The implication of our argument is that acknowledging and responding to the varied motivations underlying students' alcohol use is one strategy to enhance campus binge-drinking prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Research has documented multilevel risk factors associated with experiencing incapacitated sexual assault among undergraduate women. Less is known about multilevel risk factors associated with nonincapacitated sexual assault. This study examines and compares the different settings, coercion methods, and relationships in which incapacitated and nonincapacitated sexual assaults occur among undergraduate women. Materials and Methods: Our sample included 253 undergraduate women who reported experiencing sexual assault during college on a population-based survey of randomly selected students at two colleges in New York City in 2016 (N = 1671, response rate = 67%). We examined event-level data on their most significant sexual assault incident since entering college. Using multivariable statistical analysis, we identified situational contexts associated with incapacitated and nonincapacitated assault incidents adjusting for binge drinking, illicit drug use, and other confounding sociodemographic and psychosocial variables. Results: Almost half (47%) of women who experienced sexual assault reported being incapacitated due to alcohol or drugs during the most significant incident. Being at a party before the event and "acquaintance" perpetrators were associated with incapacitated sexual assault after adjusting for binge drinking and other confounders. Meeting a perpetrator through an Internet dating app or indicating the perpetrator was an intimate partner were each associated with nonincapacitated assault incidents. Perpetrator use of physical force and verbal coercion were also associated with nonincapacitated assault incident. Conclusions: The different situational contexts associated with incapacitated and nonincapacitated sexual assaults have important implications for the design of prevention strategies that will effectively target the diverse risk environments in which campus sexual assault occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual assault is a part of many students’ experiences in higher education. In U.S. universities, one in four women and one in ten men report being sexually assaulted before graduation. Bystander training programmes have been shown to modestly reduce campus sexual assault. Like all public health interventions, however, they have unintended social consequences; this research examines how undergraduate men on one campus understand bystander interventions and how those understandings shape their actual practices. We draw on ethnographic data collected between August 2015 and January 2017 at Columbia University and Barnard College. Our findings show that university training and an earnest desire to be responsible lead many men to intervene in possible sexual assaults. However, students’ gendered methods target more socially vulnerable and socially distant men while protecting popular men and those to whom they are socially connected. Students’ actual bystander practices thus reproduce social hierarchies in which low prestige may or may not be connected to actual risks of sexual assault. These results suggest that understanding intragroup dynamics and social hierarchies is essential to assault prevention in universities and that students’ actions as bystanders may be effective at preventing assaults in some circumstances but may lead to new risks of sexual assault. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: College-bound young people experience sexual assault, both before and after they enter college. This study examines historical risk factors (experiences and exposures that occurred prior to college) for penetrative sexual assault (PSA) victimization since entering college. Methods: A cross-sectional study, including an online population-based quantitiative survey with undergraduate students was conducted in spring 2016. Bivariate analyses and multivariable regressions examined risk and protective factors associated with ever experiencing PSA since entering college. Concurrently-collected in-depth ethnographic interviews with 151 students were reviewed for information related to factors identified in the survey. Results: In bivariate analyses, multiple historical factors were significantly associated with PSA in college including adverse childhood experiences and having experienced unwanted sexual contact before college (for women) and initiation of alcohol, marijuana, and sexual behaviors before age 18. Significant independent risk factors for college PSA included female gender, experiencing unwanted sexual contact before college, first oral sex before age 18, and “hooking up” (e.g., causual sex or sex outside a committed partnership) in high school. Receipt of school-based sex education promoting refusal skills before age 18 was an independent protective factor; abstinence-only instruction was not. In the ethnographic interviews, students reported variable experiences with sex education before college; many reported it was awkward and poorly delivered. Conclusions: Multiple experiences and exposures prior to college influenced the risk of penetrative sexual assault in college. Pre-college comprehensive sexuality education, including skills-based training in refusing unwanted sex, may be an effective strategy for preventing sexual assault in college. Sexual assault prevention needs to begin earlier; successful prevention before college should complement prevention efforts once students enter college. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1 Editor's Letter Shamus Khan It is with a combination of sadness and relief that I write my final editorial letter for Public Culture. Mariner Public Culture 32:1 doi 10.1215/08992363-7816257 Copyright 2020 by Duke University Press Public Culture 2 shares her haunting, of our living "in a white nation built on Black disposability." Lisa Richaud and Ash Amin moderate some of the brutal despondency we see in the experiences of Ribot, Faye, and Turner's subjects. [Extracted from the article]

In this introductory essay to our special issue on elites, we outline some of the major challenges to research in this area and propose a series of theoretical and methodological pathways to address them. Theoretically we make four recommendations: (a) greater attentiveness to and specificity about the relationship between elites and power; (b) a clearer articulation of the relationships between elites and the varieties of capitalism; (c) far more attention to diversity within elites and the use of elites to understand forms of domination like white supremacy and masculine domination and (d) expanding beyond the orthodox form of Bourdieusian theoretical frameworks. Methodologically we outline how research using survey instruments, social network analysis (SNA) (and multiple correspondence analysis), interviews, ethnographic observation, experiments, archival research, administrative data and content analysis can each be deployed, built upon or redirected to help bring elites into greater focus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual assault on college campuses is a public health issue. However varying research methodologies (e.g., different sexual assault definitions, measures, assessment timeframes) and low response rates hamper efforts to define the scope of the problem. To illuminate the complexity of campus sexual assault, we collected survey data from a large population-based random sample of undergraduate students from Columbia University and Barnard College in New York City, using evidence based methods to maximize response rates and sample representativeness, and behaviorally specific measures of sexual assault to accurately capture victimization rates. This paper focuses on student experiences of different types of sexual assault victimization, as well as sociodemographic, social, and risk environment correlates. Descriptive statistics, chi-square tests, and logistic regression were used to estimate prevalences and test associations. Since college entry, 22% of students reported experiencing at least one incident of sexual assault (defined as sexualized touching, attempted penetration [oral, anal, vaginal, other], or completed penetration). Women and gender nonconforming students reported the highest rates (28% and 38%, respectively), although men also reported sexual assault (12.5%). Across types of assault and gender groups, incapacitation due to alcohol and drug use and/or other factors was the perpetration method reported most frequently (> 50%); physical force (particularly for completed penetration in women) and verbal coercion were also commonly reported. Factors associated with increased risk for sexual assault included non-heterosexual identity, difficulty paying for basic necessities, fraternity/sorority membership, participation in more casual sexual encounters (“hook ups”) vs. exclusive/monogamous or no sexual relationships, binge drinking, and experiencing sexual assault before college. High rates of re-victimization during college were reported across gender groups. Our study is consistent with prevalence findings previously reported. Variation in types of assault and methods of perpetration experienced across gender groups highlight the need to develop prevention strategies tailored to specific risk groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented which discusses articles within the issue on topics including race in contemporary France, racist motifs at festivals and parades throughout Colombia, and penetrating spaces of mass transit by Crimean Tatar radio.

This paper begins by outlining the basic altitudinal differences between the elite and the rest of society. Understanding these divergent views does not require resorting to arguments that reply upon error, ignorance, manipulation, or differences in individual character. Instead, both elites and others are correct in their understanding of these processes because they overgeneralize from their own experience. The major proposition of this paper is that if we compare the economic conditions of the average American and to that of the elite, we find that they are, in important ways, the inverse of one another. During times when Americans as a whole were experiencing economic advancement and mobility, elites were comparatively stagnant. And today, as most Americans are locked in place, elites observe tremendous mobility. The counter-cyclical character of the elite has important implications for our understanding of elite culture, and elite response to inequality and redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to a series of essays published within the issue is presented on topics including men who are conscripted to the military in Turkey, citizenship and the bond of marriage in Taiwan, and relationship between the fight against ant-Semitism and national identity in pluralist France.

The authors respond to the comments made in their article about the issue of attitudinal and accounting fallacies. Topics discussed include the relationship between attitudes and behaviors, the accuracy of surveys and the reliability of personal interviews. Also mentioned is the challenge of attitudinal fallacy for a variety of social science disciplines.

This article examines the methodological implications of the fact that what people say is often a poor predictor of what they do. We argue that many interview and survey researchers routinely conflate self-reports with behavior and assume a consistency between attitudes and action. We call this erroneous inference of situated behavior from verbal accounts the attitudinal fallacy. Though interviewing and ethnography are often lumped together as “qualitative methods,” by juxtaposing studies of “culture in action” based on verbal accounts with ethnographic investigations, we show that the latter routinely attempts to explain the “attitude–behavior problem” while the former regularly ignores it. Because meaning and action are collectively negotiated and context-dependent, we contend that self-reports of attitudes and behaviors are of limited value in explaining what people actually do because they are overly individualistic and abstracted from lived experience. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]