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Limited research is available in the literature for exploring the axial compressive behavior of circular concrete columns confined by both external CFRP wraps and internal transverse steel reinforcement (SCC columns). The main objective of the present work is to develop an empirical model and an analytical model for predicting the axial compressive strength of SCC columns by considering the interaction between the CFRP composite and steel reinforcement confinement action. An extensive experimental database of 76 SCC columns has been developed from the literature work. A general regression analysis method and curve-fitting techniques on the experimental test results of SCC columns are used for developing the new empirical model. The confinement mechanics-based analytical model has also been suggested by considering the influence of CFRP and transverse steel confinement. The comparative study solidly substantiated the superiority of the proposed empirical model over the proposed analytical model and the previous models with R 2 =0.892, RMSE =12.83, and MAE =9.78. A parametric study is also performed using the proposed empirical strength model to examine the effect of different parameters of SCC columns confined by both CFRP and transverse steel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can natural resources facilitate regional cooperation? Recent discoveries of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean have led many to ask whether natural resources can bring peace and prosperity to the region. This article draws upon the contrast between liberal and realist perspectives on interdependence to explicate the extent to which shared economic interests can facilitate political cooperation in a conflict-ridden region. The analysis of Turkey's Eastern Mediterranean strategy corroborates the proposition that when states prioritize security over prosperity, they will likely continue to escalate political tensions even if this jeopardizes economic gains from cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current article delineates the qualified nature of citizenship in the Turkish Republic. Its primary argument is that the content of citizenship in Turkey has been shaped and reshaped since its establishment by a continuous struggle for social and political hegemony. Throughout this struggle the incumbent regimes, Kemalist, populist, and Islamist, subjected the full range of citizenship rights to conceived – internal and external, real and imagined – security threats, which further legitimized restrictions on Turkish citizenship. The recent downturn in Turkish citizenship, which started in 2011 and peaked following the failed coup attempt in summer 2016 and the referendum of April 2017, should be understood in relation to the contemporary turmoil in the Middle East which confronted the Turkish state with a plethora of security challenges and justified further infringement of citizenship rights in Turkish society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the political aspect of public protests against the issue of extractivism in Turkey amidst the Green Road Project at the Black Sea coast. Topics discussed include an overview of the Green Road Project, the domestic and foreign private investment of the country, environmentalism's transformative potential, and the establishment of companies by foreign companies and persons.

The current global political economy is characterised by the intensifying economic interaction of BRICS and ‘near BRICS’ economies, with emerging powers increasing their influence in neighbouring regions. The growing partnership between Turkey and Russia constitutes a useful case study for examining this transformation, in which Western supremacy and US hegemony are under increasing challenge. Turkish–Russian relations shed light on broader themes in global political economy. First, significant economic interdependence may be generated among states with different political outlooks, in the form of loose regional integration schemes driven by bilateral relations between key states and supporting private actors or interests. Second, growing economic interdependence may coexist with continued political conflict and geopolitical rivalry, as indicated by the Syrian and Ukrainian crises. An important strategy that emerges is the tendency to compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid negative spill-over effects. This facilitates the coexistence of extensive competition with deepening cooperation, as reflected in relations in the field of energy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The enlargement policy is important for the EU not only to extend its zone of peace, stability and prosperity, but also to increase its global competitiveness. Among the potential EU candidates, Turkey has a special place. As the only candidate that belongs to the group of newly emerging economic powers, Turkey may contribute significantly to the economic prosperity of Europe. Since its creation in 1923, Turkey showed an eager wish to belong to the European nations. Turkey adopted deep reforms in its constitutional, political and economic structure, and was finally able to start accession negotiations with the EU in 2005. Due to policies from both the Turkish and some EU countries' side, however, the accession process slowed down and came to a stalemate. Since neither the EU, nor Turkey is interested in a breakup of the accession process, they started negotiation on some key issues, to keep the accession process alive. In the study we examine some of the most important issues of mutual interest - common foreign policy challenges (such as Syria); energy transport issues; mobility and visa free travel, customs union and other trade issues - and try to analyze their effects on the dynamics of EU-Turkey relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Turkey only partly fits the mold that describes the rising BRICS countries, and so it is useful to designate Turkey as a special case in the rising powers literature. On the one hand, Turkey has gained from the post-Cold War international structure by expanding its outreach to a broader international audience. However, contrary to many common characterizations of other rising powers such as the BRICS, this new position has not recast Turkey as a revisionist actor bent on distancing itself from the West and challenging the Western order, or standalone actor in regional politics. Indeed, it would be incorrect to conflate Turkey's increasing international prominence with growing strategic independence from the West. In fact, Turkey's economic and political ascent remains deeply contingent upon preserving its bonds with the Western world. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]