Search

Copyright of Alauddin Law Development Journal is the property of Alauddin Law Development Journal (ALDEV) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this study is to explain the extent of the influence of socioeconomic status and political participation on the political orientation of women voters in the 2019 General Election in the Thousand Islands Regency, DKI Jakarta Province. The method used in this study is a quantitative approach, namely with one of the characteristics commonly found in quantitative research with causality, which tries to explain the question "why" to examine the cause of an empirical event or phenomenon. The results showed that employment, involvement in community organizations, and participation in elections partially had a significant effect on the political orientation of women voters, while income, education, and involvement in political parties did not. These findings highlight the importance of considering the various aspects that affect voter participation in each region, although the study also highlights limitations, such as the geographical characteristics of the archipelago and weather factors that affect data collection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1971, at the international FID conference in Ottawa, then DGD President Prof Dr Helmut Arntz offered to host the 37th FID conference in Germany in 1974. The planned venue of Berlin became a political issue. Berlin (West) was under the four-power status. Preparations in the Federal Republic were soon in full swing despite warning voices. Due to criticism of the conference venue, alternative solutions such as the geographical separation of the congress – general assembly in Bonn, congress in Berlin – were considered. In the end, the conference in Germany was cancelled and moved to the FID headquarters in the Netherlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Die Deutsche Schule is the property of Waxmann Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Methexis is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of European Journal of Social Work is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

INTISARI Inti Demokrasi adalah Kedaulatan Rakyat sebagai Hak Azasi Universal dari sebuah Negara yang berdaulat, hal ini tentu harus berbayar mahal untuk memperoleh atau mencapainya. Baik secara independent atau berkolaberasi/afiliansi melalui suatu wadah organisasi, partai politik, dll. Pembuktian seputar “ Biaya Politik Tinggi Sebab Akibat Tingginya Biaya Pemilu di Indonesia, dikaji melalui ; 1. Penguatan Landasan Teori. 2. Tabel-tabel Laporan-laporan sumbangan dana kampanye pemilu perseorangan/kelompok/afiliansi perusahan dan badan usaha, pemasukan /pengeluaran dana kampanye pemilu parpol serta belanja iklan partai politik pada masa kampanye pemilu, yang trasnparansi dan akuntabel secara tepat waktu, tepat guna dan dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara material dan hukum keadilan. Dengan tujuan dapat mendeskripsikan dan menjabarkan isu topik suatu masalah pada kondisi faktual bersumber regulasi peraturan dan kebijakan Negara untuk mencapai kesejahteraan rakyat. Hasil penulisan diharapkan dapat memberikan kontribusi bagi terselenggaranya ketertiban dan stabilitas keamanan nasional melalui wadah pendewasaan berpolitik WNI dalam ber-PEMILU di Indonesia.

This study assesses the performance of the Regional Disaster Management Agency (BPBD) in Pangandaran Regency by analyzing its policies and reviewing disaster reduction reports. Utilizing a literature review method, with a focus on BPBD Pangandaran Regency's policy documents, the evaluation links the Strategic Plan (Renstra) to outcomes in the Performance Accountability Report (LAKIP). The Renstra outlines disaster prevention, emergency response, and post-disaster policies, translated into programs to enhance the region's disaster management capacity, measured by the Regional Resilience Index. Despite an improved index attributed to successful handling of 125 disasters in 2022, including fires, tornadoes, landslides, floods, and earthquakes, the study notes challenges such as a lack of updates in crucial documents and insufficient human resources impacting BPBD Pangandaran's performance. While the agency has achieved a 100% performance realization in various programs, attention to document updates and resource allocation is essential for more efficient disaster management in Pangandaran Regency.

Concerns about the influence of capitalism on society, as expressed by Adorno and Horkheimer in the Dialectic of Enlightenment. The aim is to understand how the culture industry and digitization affect contemporary culture and politics. The research method involves analyzing literature and data from various sources to illustrate the impact of digitization, particularly in the spread of fake news and the formation of public opinion. The results indicate that technology, such as social media and artificial intelligence, has become a primary tool in influencing the perceptions and political behavior of society. This is reflected in the increasingly widespread dissemination of fake news and the use of technology to manipulate public opinion. In conclusion, serious attention is needed to address this issue by strengthening digital literacy and critical thinking among the public and enforcing regulations to limit the spread of fake news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the relationship between corporate governance and firm financial performance in Malaysia is inconclusive, and only covers the period before the implementation of Malaysian Code on Corporate Governance (MCCG) 2017. Therefore, this study examines the relationship between corporate governance and the financial performance of 80 non-financial firms listed on the Financial Times Stock Exchange (FTSE)Bursa Malaysia Top 100 Index between the years of 2018 and 2020. The descriptive statistics reveal that on average, the 23% composition of female directors on the board is still below the recommended MCCG 2017 and 2021 threshold of 30%. The small percentage of politically-connected directors (19%) and military-experienced directors (5%) reported in this study can be viewed favourably in line with the recent MCCG 2021 recommendation that the appointment of the directors should be apolitical or politically neutral without having any executive powers in politics. In addition, the multiple regression results indicate that board size and board meeting frequency are negatively related to firm financial performance. Female directors show a positive and significant relationship with firm financial performance. However, the effects of board independence, board alumni, board financial expertise, politically-connected directors, and military-experienced directors on firm financial performance, are insignificant. This study is beneficial to academicians, policymaker/regulators, and firm managers, in considering the contributions of corporate governance mechanisms to large listed companies’ financial performance, particularly in an emerging market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perspektive Mediation is the property of Verlag Oesterreich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dynastic politic is the biggest challangein building a valuable democracy in a government order. Which the dynastic politic can be seen from the occurrence of a power held by family and kinship group. This phenomenon can be a material for common thoughts, especially the elites and stakeholders by putting forward alternative solution that refer to the rules. In the persvective of democracy, general election and local election are one of the answer that will be able to give birth to people’s desire to get qualified candidates for leaders. The dynasty’s political strategy was used as a tool to secure power by placing family or relative in certain posts in the formal (government) or informal (projects or business) fields. If this continues, the dynastic politic will develop rapidly and the pros contras will emerge in the midst of implementing a government based on Pancasila democracy. this study aims to determine the influence of political dynasties on the development of Pancasila in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Umkehrung einer These des frühen Carl Schmitt, der zufolgedie grundlegenden politischen Begriffe ursprünglich theologische Begriffe sind, vertrittder Beitrag die profunde politische Prägung der ethischen Grundbegriffe im Allgemeinenund derjenigen der Kantischen Ethik im Besonderen. Es ist die These des Beitrags, dass die fundamentalen Konzepte von Kants moralphilosophischen Hauptschriften(Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten, 1785; Kritik der praktischen Vernunft,1788; Die Metaphysik der Sitten, 1797) ursprünglich rechtlich-politische Begriffe sind, die von ihm mutatis mutandis in die Sphäre der Ethik übertragen werden. Dabei werden aus den für intersubjektive Sozialverhältnisse konzipierten Grundbegriffendes Rechtlich-Politischen – allen voran Freiheit, Gesetz, Gesetzgebung, Herrschaftund Zwang – ethische Grundbegriffe für intrasubjektive Selbstverhältnisse. Der Beitrag rekonstruiert den Republikanismus von Kants politischem, rechtlichem und ethischem Denken in historischer Perspektive und in systematischer Absicht. Imeinzelnen interpretiert der Beitrag Kants kritische Ethik als nach innen gewendetes Gegenstück zu dem von ihm in seinen rechtlich-politischen Druckschriften der zweitenHälfte der 1790er Jahre (Zum ewigen Frieden, 1795; Metaphysische Anfangsgründeder Rechtslehre, 1797) vertretenen Republikanismus, dessen Grundzüge bereits in der einzigen erhaltenen Nachschrift von Kants Naturrechtsvorlesung, die aus dem Jahr 1784 stammt (Naturrecht Feyerabend), enthalten sind. Die drei Abschnitte des Beitrags behandeln den politischen Republikanismus nach und vor Kant, den juridischen Republikanismus bei Kant und den ethischen Republikanismus bei Kant. Im Zentrum des ersten Abschnitts steht die Differenz zwischen dem historischen (römischen und neorömischen) Republikanismus und dem rezenten (abstrakten und analytischen) Republikanismus. Der zweite Abschnitt verfolgt die Verrechtlichung des ursprünglich politischen Republikanismus in der Frühmoderne im Allgemeinen und bei Kant im Besonderen. Der dritte Abschnitt ist zentriert um die republikanisch inspirierte Doppelkonzeption der ethischen Selbstgesetzgebung („Autonomie“) und der ethischen Selbstherrschaft („Autokratie“) bei Kant.

Im Doppel-Titelinterview zum Jahresstart 2024 mit „Monitor Versorgungsforschung“ diskutieren Prof. Josef Hecken, der unparteiische Vorsitzende des Gemeinsamen Bundesausschusses (G-BA), und Univ.-Prof. Dr. med. Wolfgang Hoffmann, der Vorsitzende des Deutschen Netzwerks Versorgungsforschung (DNVF), über die künftige Rolle, den Stellenwert und auch die Stellung der inzwischen erwachsen gewordenen Versorgungsforschung. Der weht, je häufiger ihre Ergebnisse in weitreichende politische Entscheidungsprozesse – wie derzeit in die Bundeskrankenhausreform – einfließen, mehr und mehr Gegenwind entgegen. Damit muss die Versorgungsforschung umgehen lernen.

Copyright of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab is the property of Politica: Tidsskrift for Politisk Videnskab and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The diversity of human beliefs becomes a fertile ground for building a strong voice in political competition. The fusion of religion and politics to achieve a goal creates various conflicts because these two elements should not be combined while carrying the idea of secularism. Secularism focuses on separating political interests from religious interests. In this research, we focus on R20, which is an activity that invites various heads of state and religious leaders, not only focusing on religious issues, but also on global conflicts such as environmental, economic, social, and political issues. This research adopts a qualitative method with data collection from online literature. Through this method, the research aims to explain the R20 activities that have been carried out as an effort to criticize the idea of secularism, which seeks to exclude religion from the political aspect. The implementation of R20 proves that no matter how strong the desire is to separate religion and politics, it should not be forgotten that these two aspects will always coexist, whether it is politics based on religious teachings or religion that drives politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Buletin Al-Turas is the property of Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Psychotherapy is an art: for many practitioners this claim has considerable appeal. My intention here is not to merely defend the claim, but to see how far it can go. To vaguely endorse it feels apologetic; it also implies a facile polarization between art and science – between a (preferred) subjective, qualitative dimension, and a seemingly objective and quantitative domain. It would be wrong to bring art into the equation without some appreciation of the aesthetic experience. In relation to therapy, this requires developing a better grasp of the craft of therapy – of its imaginative response to the sheer elusiveness of mental distress. aesthetics. Psychotherapy is also a form of political praxis. Some practitioners – myself included – would support that claim. Can psychotherapy become a praxis? Can it be, in other words, linked to action, and as such become a political force in the wider, transformational sense of the term? These are among the questions explored in the second part of the current paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politische Vierteljahresschrift is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In einer Gesellschaft, die sich über alles Mögliche mit zunehmender Aggressivität streitet, scheint das Grundgesetz, dessen 75. Geburtstag jetzt allenthalben begangen wird, eine Art letzter Fixpunkt des Konsenses zu sein. Man hält sich an ihm fest und ist dafür dankbar. Dies ist auch deswegen erstaunlich, weil dieses Grundgesetz ja nicht sonderlich weit entfernt vom politischen Streit operiert. Es ist kein viel geliebtes Kulturgut wie die Bilder Caspar David Friedrichs oder die deutsche Nationalmannschaft in ihren besseren Zeiten, sondern das Medium in dem und um das gestritten wird. Tatsächlich gibt es viele Indizien dafür, dass es mit dem Konsens um das Grundgesetz nicht weit her ist.

Improvisation, Unvernunft und provokante Grausamkeit.

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengelaborasi pemahaman Hannah Arendt tentang politik sebagai ruang ‘di-antara’ manusia dan pengaruhnya pada upaya menciptakan model politik bermartabat. Lewat analisis kualitatif ditemukan bahwa bagi Arendt, politik bukanlah realisasi kodrat bawaan manusia, tetapi sesuatu yang diciptakan oleh manusia dan karena itu dia berada di luar atau ‘di-antara’ manusia. Ketika pluralitas manusia melakukan sesuatu atau bertindak secara bersama-sama, tercipta sebuah ruang publik politis di antara mereka dan ketika orang berkomunikasi satu sama lain sebagai pribadi yang bebas dan setara, tercipta sebuah jaringan relasi. Itu berarti, inti politik adalah tindakan dan pembicaraan. Kedua elemen ini, penulis beragumen, merupakan persyarat utama untuk sebuah politik bermartabat, yang dari perspektif Arendt, dapat diciptakan kalau ada pengakuan akan perbedaan di antara warga negara atau kelompok masyarakat dan adanya komunikasi konstan di antara warga negara. Terkait dengan pentingnya komunikasi, pada bagian akhir, akan ditunjukkan relevansi pemikiran Arendt dalam membaca fenomena oligarki, buzzer politik, dan pembungkaman suara-suara kritis lewat penerapan UU ITE di Indonesia.

Abstract This study aims to see political patronage in the concept of citizenship in the Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan pesantren. Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah is one of the modern pesantren that has kiai as an important figure. However, the relationship between kiai and santri tends to be emotional, cultural, and forms patronage. Kiai is a patron who has power and influence. While santri is a client group that has a sami'na wa atho'na attitude. This patronage is not only in religious matters but also in political matters. Referring to the concept of citizenship, the patronage established between Kiai and Santri is considered contrary to democratic principles. This is because the political behaviour of students is still influenced by kiai figures. The research method used is descriptive qualitative with an ethnographic approach. Primary data is deep interviews. While secondary data is sourced from books and journals. Data collection techniques were carried out by observation, interviews and FGDs. While the data validation technique uses the triangulation method. The results of the study found that political patronage in the Ponpes Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah took the form of half-hearted political patronage. The obedience of santri to kiai is limited to religious matters only, not in political matters. ------------------- Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat patronase politik dalam konsep kewarganegaraan di pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah Medan. Pesantren Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah merupakan salah satu pesantren modern yang memiliki kiai sebagai figur penting. Akan tetapi hubungan yang terjalin antara kiai dan santri cenderung bersifat emosional kultural dan membentuk patronase. Kiai merupakan patron yang memiliki power dan pengaruh. Sedangkan santri adalah kelompok client yang memiliki sikap sami’na wa atho’na. Patronase ini tidak hanya dalam urusan agama saja, melainkan juga dalam persoalan politik. Merujuk pada konsep kewarganegaraan, patronase yang terjalin antara kiai dan santri dianggap berlawanan dengan prinsip demokrasi. Hal ini dikarenakan perilaku politik santri masih dipengaruhi oleh figure kiai. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan yaitu kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan etnografi. Data primer berupa deep interview. Sedangkan data sekunder bersumber dari buku dan jurnal. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara dan FGD. Sedangkan teknik validasi data menggunakan metode triangulasi. Adapun hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa patronase politik di ponpes Ar-Raudlatul Hasanah berbentuk patronase politik setengah hati. Kepatuhan santri kepada kiai terbatas hanya dalam persoalan agama saja tidak dalam urusan politik.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Psychodrama und Soziometrie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: Patients with the diagnosis heart failure are frequently frail and have a poor prognosis. Now medicine is confronting them with new digital technology in the form of telemedicine with the aim of a never-ending prolongation of live, in smaller and smaller amounts. Objectives: Evaluation of the introduction of telemedicine for patients with heart failure fromthe perspective of primary care. Materials andmethods: Summary of the scientific and non-scientific literature of the topic in a narrative review. Results: The evidence of telemedicine for heart failure is very extensive and heterogeneous. The benefit is hard to assess. The scientific basis of its introduction in Germany was reduced to a few studies which seem insufficient as a justification for it. Conclusion: An uncritical belief in technology combined with a political will based on it seems to be the real driver of this introduction. Instead of dissipating resources with more and more technology in ever smaller areas, the digitally assisted improvement of documentation and communication between patients and their primary care providers and in turn the telemedical connection and support of these by specialists might be the more appropriate answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human desire to engage in politics is an integral part of their nature. However, in order to conduct politics well and in line with desired goals, a strong understanding of politics is required. Therefore, it is important to understand the concept of politics in Islam through modernist figures such as Hamka, who created a new conception of Islam and politics. The purpose of this research is to analyze Hamka's views on the rules of politics in Islam and the goals of Islamic politics. This research is the result of a qualitative literature study using Hamka's work entitled "Lembaga Hidup" as the main source. The results of the study show that, according to Hamka, the rules of Islamic politics should be based on natural law, moral law, and the law of human nature, and serve the interests of individuals, not groups or the state. The purpose of Islamic politics is to create justice for society, provide individual freedom, and create unity, brotherhood, and equality among human beings. Abstrak: Keinginan manusia untuk berpolitik adalah bagian integral dari kodrat kemanusiaannya. Namun, untuk menjalankan politik dengan baik dan sejalan dengan tujuan yang diinginkan, diperlukan pemahaman yang kuat tentang perpolitikan. Oleh karena itu, penting untuk memahami konsep perpolitikan dalam Islam melalui tokoh modernis seperti Hamka, yang menciptakan konsepsi baru tentang Islam dan politik. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis pandangan Hamka tentang aturan perpolitikan dalam Islam serta tujuan politik Islam. Penelitian ini merupakan hasil kajian kepustakaan menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan sumber utama yaitu karya Hamka yang berjudul "Lembaga Hidup. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa menurut Hamka, aturan perpolitikan Islam harus didasarkan pada hukum alam, hukum moral, dan hukum fitrah manusia serta melayani kepentingan individu, bukan kepentingan kelompok atau negara. Tujuan dari politik Islam adalah untuk menciptakan keadilan bagi masyarakat, memberikan kebebasan individu, serta menciptakan persatuan, persaudaraan, dan kesetaraan antar-manusia.

Um es gleich am Anfang zu sagen: Virologie und Seuchenbekämpfung sind wie Klingel und Fahrradfahren: Ersteres ist jeweils notwendig, dafür aber nicht ausreichend. Und um in dem Bild zu bleiben: Wer klingeln kann, kann noch lange kein Fahrrad fahren oder bauen. Deshalb lautet der erste Teil der kurzen Antwort: Schuster, bleib das nächste Mal bei deinem Leisten. Bei den Virologen geht es mehr um die Viren als um angewandte Infektiologie. Hier unterscheiden sich viele der prominent agierenden Virologen jedoch nicht von ihren Berufskollegen aus anderen hochspezialisierten medizinischen Disziplinen: Nur wenige in Deutschland haben praktisches Wissen und Erfahrungen in der Seuchenbekämpfung im Allgemeinen (und noch weniger in der Pandemiebekämpfung im Speziellen). Trotzdem hatten viele der von der Politik gefragten auf (fast) jede Frage zum großen Spektrum der Seuchenbekämpfung, egal wie weit entfernt zur eigenen Kernkompetenz, eine Antwort. Am erstaunlichsten dabei war jedoch, dass dabei der Großteil des vorhandenen Wissens zur Pandemiebekämpfung und sogar der eigene deutsche Pandemieplan schlichtweg ignoriert oder im noch schlimmeren Fall, nicht einmal bekannt war.

Religion, culture, and politics are one unit in society that cannot be separated. These three things cause human life as a social being and as a citizen to take place. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between religion, culture and politics in the Toba Batak community in Samosir Regency. This research was conducted using qualitative research methods to understand the phenomenon of what was experienced by the research subjects as a whole. The results of the study show that the relationship between religion, culture and politics can be seen in the implementation of the dalihan na tolu kinship system. The Toba Batak community with other people outside the Toba Batak tribe; this openness is carried out by adding the clan as the basis for the Toba Batak tribe to determine the kinship system. The culture of solidarity guides the Batak Toba community in behaving politically. The community will help their families who run in general elections. This solidarity is social capital as well as economic capital for the Toba Batak people who carry out political activities, especially members of the community who are advancing to become candidates for regional heads and members of the council. The selection of leaders in the Batak Toba community is still taking into account the background of a candidate. The background is not only from education or other capital from qualified prospective leaders but rather from sociological aspects.

Eine Kernaufgabe von Schule ist es, alle Schüler*innen in die schriftkulturelle Praxis einzuführen, die sie selbst meist stillschweigend für das Lernen im Fachunterricht voraussetzt und die daher unverzichtbar für Schulerfolg und die spätere berufliche Integration ist. Angehende Lehrkräfte müssen daher für den in ihrem Unterricht zu leistenden Ausbau der informellen sprachlichen Fähigkeiten der Schüler*innen in die am schriftsprachlichen Gebrauch orientierten formellen Sprachregister ihrer Fächer sensibilisiert werden. Im Beitrag werden Materialien aus einer Einführungsvorlesung im Modul Deutsch als Zweitsprache des Master of Education an der Universität Bielefeld vorgestellt, mit denen am Beispiel eines fachlichen Gegenstandes aus dem Politikunterricht für die Jahrgangsstufen 7/8 sprachliche Herausforderungen thematisiert und abgestufte, registersensible Aufgabenstellungen diskutiert werden. Im Beitrag wird zudem der theoretische Hintergrund zum Konzept des Sprachausbaus im Fachunterricht umrissen, und es werden eigene Erfahrungen mit dem Material diskutiert. Das Material selbst wird in Form von Präsentationsfolien zur Nach- und Umnutzung zur Verfügung gestellt.

Abstract: Background and Aims: This article summarizes the findings and conclusions of the third edition of Alcohol: No Ordinary Commodity. The latest revision of this book is part of a series of monographs designed to provide a critical review of the scientific evidence related to alcohol control policy from a public health perspective. Design: A narrative summary of the contents of the book according to five major issues. Findings: An extensive amount of epidemiological evidence shows that alcohol is a major contributor to the global burden of disease, disability and death in high-, middle- and low-income countries. Trends in alcohol products and marketing are described, indicating that a large part of the global industry has been consolidated into a small number of transnational corporations that are expanding their operations in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The main part of the book is devoted to a review of strategies and interventions designed to prevent or minimize alcohol-related harm. Overall, the most effective strategies to protect public health are taxation that decreases affordability and restrictions on the physical availability of alcohol. A total ban on alcohol marketing is also an effective strategy to reduce consumption. In addition, drink-driving counter-measures, brief interventions with at-risk drinkers and treatment of drinkers with alcohol dependence are effective in preventing harm in high-risk contexts and groups of hazardous drinkers. Conclusion: Alcohol policy is often the product of competing interests, values and ideologies, with the evidence suggesting that the conflicting interests between profit and health mean that working in partnership with the alcohol industry is likely to lead to ineffective policy. Opportunities for implementation of evidence-based alcohol policies that better serve the public good are clearer than ever before as a result of accumulating knowledge on which strategies work best. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Neue Politische Literatur is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Ottoman rule in the Balkan Peninsula began in the 14th century and lasted until the 19th century. However, there are also small provinces such as Serbia that demanded independence earlier while there are also other provinces that are still under the reign after the 19th century. Among the important elements in carrying out development in their territories is by implementing waqf practices in every aspect such as economy and socio-culture. Initially, these endowment institutions were mostly founded by the ruling class and those with high status in the local community. Through this establishment gave a great impact in the politics and government of the Ottoman government either from a positive or negative perspective. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the impact of waqf practices on the politics and rule of the ‘Ottomans in Bosnia & Herzegovina during the golden centuries of the kingdom, namely the 15th century to the 17th century. This study was conducted using qualitative methods in the form of historical research and collecting data using document analysis methods from various authoritative sources. The results of the study found that there were impacts on the practice of waqf in Bosnia & Herzegovina during that period. For example, it helped strengthen the power of the Ottoman even though not directly. This situation can be seen from the beginning of the practice of waqf through the involvement of Ottoman dignitaries who were from Bosnia, at the same time applying and integrating the Ottoman education system into the local community through waqf institutions that were built such as medrese. In addition, through the continuous development of waqf, it was able to stabilize the Ottoman rule in the region. This is because, the people see the government were able to prosper the economy for them while the Islamization process is becoming more and more vigorous due to the assistance from the cash waqf fund allocated for this activity. This led to an increase in the number of Muslims, making Islam the dominant religion in the region. In conclusion, the practice of waqf which is based on welfare and free services is not only considered to have an impact on community support but also can give a bad impression if it is not well managed by the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Komunikaty Mazursko-Warminskie is the property of Komunikaty Mazursko-Warminskie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lembaran Antropologi is the property of Universitas Gadjah Mada, Department of Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Memperbincangkan masalah negara dan pemerintahan dalam pandangan Islam merupakan suatu yang menarik. Dikatakan menarik, karena setiap komunitas Islam mempunyai latar belakang sosial, ekonomi, budaya dan politik serta kemampuan menafsirkan teks yang berbeda. Perbedaan latar belakang telah melahirkan cara pandang atas teks yang juga berbeda. Meskipun teks yang dirujuk oleh masing-masing kelompok Islam itu sama al-Qur’an dan Sunnah, namun cara menafsirkan teks itu bergantung pada orientasi sosial politik dari pihak yang melakukan penafsiran. Hal ini juga terjadi kepada tokoh tatanegara Mohammad Natsir yang dengan gigih memperjuangan agar negara dan pemerintahan dapat menerapkan konsep pemerintahan Islam. Berdasarkan hasil dari penelitian, Mohammad Natsir memandang bahwa umat Islam boleh mencontoh sistem-sistem pemerintahan yang ada di negara- negara lain seperti Inggris, Finlandia, Jepang bahkan Rusia, selama sistem-sistem itu dapat mencapai tujuan-tujuan yang dikehendaki oleh Islam. Jadi dalam demokrasi Islam, perumusan kebijakan politik, ekonomi, dan lain-lainnya haruslah mengacu kepada aturan yang telah ditetapkan oleh al-Qur’an dan Sunnah Nabi.

This study aims to determine the history of the Batjan sultanate in political and trade competition in North Maluku in 1601-1940. The method used in this research is the historical method. The steps of the historical method are heuristics, source criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography (historical writing). The results of this study are; The Bacan Sultanate or Kie ma-Kolano, (ruler of the cape), is a sultanate that was originally domiciled in East Makian, then moved to Kasiruta. In fact, the initial procession of the formation of the Bacan kingdom cannot be known with certainty. However, based on chronicle reports, it can be interpreted that this kingdom emerged along with other Islamic kingdoms in North Maluku. Based on the political perspective, the Bacan Sultanate, which is part of the world of Central Maluku, has very broad political influence and power. It can be argued that the clove commodity has projected the economic strength of the Bacan Sultanate Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui sejarah kesultanan Batjan dalam persaingan politik dan perdagangan di Maluku Utara tahun 1601-1940. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian yaitu metode sejarah (historical method). Adapun langkah-langkah metode sejarah, yaitu heuristik, kritik sumber atau verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi (penulisan sejarah). Hasil penelitian ini adalah; Kesultanan Bacan atau Kie ma-Kolano, (penguasa tanjung), merupakan kesultanan yang semula berkedudukan di Makian Timur, kemudian dipindahkan ke Kasiruta. Secara faktual prosesi awal pembentukan kerajaan Bacan tidak dapat diketahui secara pasti. Tetapi berdasarkan pemberitaan kroniek dapat diinterpretasikan bahwa kerajaan ini muncul seiring dengan kerajaan-kerajaan Islam lainnya di Maluku Utara. Berdasarkan perspektif politik Kesultanan Bacan yang merupakan bagian dari dunia Maluku Pusat, memiliki pengaruh politik dan kekuasaan yang sangat luas. Secara argumentatif dapat dikemukakan bahwa komoditas cengkih telah memproyeksikan kekuatan ekonomi kesultanan Bacan.

Studi ini didasarkan pada argumen bahwa agama adalah instrument yang sangat berpengaruh dalam membentuk suatu tindakan masyarakat. Agama adalah hal yang sangat sensitif dalam kehidupan masyarakat, apalagi masyarakat Indonesia yang sebagian besar adalah umat beragama. Hampir tidak ada ranah kehidupan yang absen dari pengaruh agama, termasuk dunia politik seperti pelaksanaan suksesi kepemimpinan baik pada tingkat legislatif maupun eksekutif, dari pusat hingga daerah (Provinsi dan Kabupaten/Kota). Ali Maschan Moesa, dalam bukunya berjudul Nasionalisme Kiai: Konstruksi Sosial Berbasis Agama, mengatakan, politisasi agama berarti menggunakan simbol-simbol agama untuk menggerakkan massa, mengaduk-aduk emosi keagamaan, menjalin kekuatan di parlemen, dan seterusnya, tetapi tujuannya untuk kepentingan politik, bukan kepentingan agama. Metode penelitan ini menggunakan kualitatif deskriptif, menggambarkan proses penelitian ini bedarkan dari hasil studi pustaka berupa buku, hasil riset lembaga survey dan konsultan politik. Ekspresi agama dalam politik tampaknya sangat menarik dalam diskursus ilmiah, karena terbukti ikut memainkan peran di dalam pertarungan poltik nasional di Indonesia. Islam bahkan menjadi anak emas (masa keemasan) pasca reformasi dan terlihat kelompok islam memiliki kesempatan besar untuk mengekspresikan kekuatan politik mereka dengan mengartikulasikan agama di ruang publik (politik) di negeri yang berpenduduk muslim terbesar di dunia. Demokrasi dan Agama (Islam) di Indonesia tentu tidak berjalan secara instan tanpa proses yang panjang. Tentu banyak tokoh yang ikut serta memberi kontribusi terhadap penegakan demokrasi di Indonesia, dan membingkai Indonesia sebagai Negara yang tidak anti demokrasi meskipun memiliki populasi Muslim yang terbesar.

ABSTRAK Artikel ini membahas tentang citra seksualitas dan politik di Indonesia dalam puisi mbeling pada antologi Puisi Mbeling karya Remy Sylado dengan pendekatan eklektik, yaitu pendekatan yang menggabungkan dua pendekatan. Dalam penelitian ini, dua pendekatan yang dipilih adalah ekspresivisme dan pragmatik. Dari pendekatan ekspresivisme menggunakan teori Keluhuram perspektif Longinus melalui lima sumber keluhuran dan dari pendekatan pragmatik menggunakan teori Efek Relief perspektif Simon O. Lesser yang memanfaatkan terminologi psikoanalisis. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan dua pendekatam yang digunakan, secara umum menunjukkan bahwa citra seksualitas ditampilkan sangat sempit dan terfokus pada kaum heteroseksual, marginalisasi kaum homoseksual (LGBT+), dan citra perempuan dengan berbagai kondisi yang dianggap tidak ideal; sedangkan citra politik sebagian besar menunjukkan rezim Orde Baru (Orba) yang korup, menciptakan trust issue, ilusif, dan hipokrit. Kata Kunci: puisi mbeling, citra, seksualitas, politik, eklektik ABSTRACT This paper discussed the image of sexuality and politics in Indonesia in the mbeling poems on Remy Sylado's anthology Puisi Mbeling with an eclectic approach, that's an approach that combines two approaches. In this study, the two approaches were chosen expressivism and pragmatics. The expressivism approach was chosen with Longinus' theory of sublime perspective through five sources of sublime and the selection a pragmatic approach was chosen with Simon O. Lesser's perspective relief effect theory which utilizes psychoanalytic terminology. The results of this study are concluded from two perspectives used which in general shows that the image of sexuality displayed is very narrow in focus on heterosexuals, marginalizes homosexuals (LGBT+), and women with various conditions that are considered not ideal, while the political image is broadly most of them show the corrupt Orde Baru (Orba) regime, creating trust issues, fraud, and hypocrisy. Keywords: mbeling poetry, image, sexuality, politics, eclectic

Copyright of Islamijah: Journal of Islamic Social Sciences is the property of Islamijah: Journal of Islamic Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jurnal Riset Akuntansi dan Bisnis Airlangga (JRABA) is the property of Universitas Airlangga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How does decentralization provide good public services among traditional fisherfolk and diminish the exploitation of marine resources? This article discusses the positive impact of decentralization on the patron-client relationship of the fishing community by depicting the articulation of social relations and power relations tied among the fisherfolk Sangkarrang Islands, City of Makassar. By employing the theory of access, this study revealed that the proliferation of the Sub District of Sangkarrang had configured the landscape of socio-political interaction. This condition was restructured by the relation of production among producers and successfully eliminated the over-exploitation of marine resources in Sangkarrang Islands. Social hierarchy became more opened and allowed the vulnerable group to access the services provided by the government. They could also channel their political aspiration without being interfered with by a higher social class. At the same time, the political landscape had been rearranged and control from elites tended to be declined. In conclusion, decentralization had increased democratization for local people and had brought public services to be more efficient, including the decreasing of marine exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Krieg, Konflikt, Solidarität: In der Psychologie sind das allesamt herausfordernde Themen – nicht nur dort. Dass Konflikte zu Kriegen eskalieren können, kommt vor – andere Konflikte deeskalieren. Woran liegt das? Auch wenn der Schwerpunkt dieses Kapitels auf Krieg und Konflikt liegt, soll wenigstens kurz das Thema „Solidarität“ gestreift werden, denn Kampf und Kooperation liegen in der Natur des Menschen nah beieinander.