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Este artículo analiza la actuación del Tribunal Constitucional en relación a la protección del derecho a la vivienda en el ámbito concreto de la ejecución hipotecaria durante los años posteriores a la crisis financiera. Un litigio significativo en la medida que representa un conflicto específico y acotado entre entidades de crédito y población vulnerable, pudiendo ser considerado un test de la salud del conjunto del sistema político y de garantías del Estado Español. Los gobiernos autonómicos, competentes exclusivos en materia de vivienda, encontraran en la ejecución hipotecaria y el crecimiento económico, un límite infranqueable en sus intentos de cumplir con las obligaciones mínimas derivadas del derecho internacional público. This article analyzes the performance of the Spanish Constitutional Court concerning right to housing protection in the context of mortgage executions during the years after the financial crisis. It is a significant lawsuit since it represents a specific and limited conflict between financial entities and vulnerable population. In this sense, it can be considered a test or indicator of the health of the Spanish State's entire political and guarantees system. Regional governments, exclusively competent in housing policies, will find in mortgage executions and economic growth an insurmountable limit in their attempts to comply with human rights minimum core obligations.

AbstractEthiopia is one of the ancient states in the Horn of Africa. It has a long history of statehood and uninterrupted administrative history. The objective of the study was to explore administrative boundary related conflicts and their challenges in Ethiopia since 1991.A qualitative research approach was employed to meet the objectives of the study. Primary and secondary data were collected through document analysis, key informants and in-depth interview tools. A snowball sampling technique was used to get 5 key informants in the 20 administrative centres. For the in-depth interview, purposive sampling was used to get information from chief judges, investors, elders, religious fathers, security officials, university professors, youths, women and members of opposition political parties. A total of 13 in-depth interviews were conducted in each 20 major administrative seats of the country, which were/are used as administrative seats for Governorate Generals and/or Provinces and/or Regions. The study found that since 1991 boundary related conflicts have become rampant throughout the country. Each region has experienced boundary problems against one or more neighboring regions. The existing ethno-linguistic administrative boundaries are divisive factors for the smooth implementations of the federal system, the socio-economic development, and the state building endeavors of the country. The system daunted peoples’ freedom of movement across regions and become a barrier for investment and development. The situation is significantly deteriorating the socio-economic development and state building endeavors of the country. Therefore, the existing legal and institutional gaps must be filled and resolved through national dialogue.

Ethiopia is one of the ancient states in the Horn of Africa. It has a long history of statehood and uninterrupted administrative history. The objective of the study was to explore administrative boundary related conflicts and their challenges in Ethiopia since 1991.A qualitative research approach was employed to meet the objectives of the study. Primary and secondary data were collected through document analysis, key informants and in-depth interview tools. A snowball sampling technique was used to get 5 key informants in the 20 administrative centres. For the in-depth interview, purposive sampling was used to get information from chief judges, investors, elders, religious fathers, security officials, university professors, youths, women and members of opposition political parties. A total of 13 in-depth interviews were conducted in each 20 major administrative seats of the country, which were/are used as administrative seats for Governorate Generals and/or Provinces and/or Regions. The study found that since 1991 boundary related conflicts have become rampant throughout the country. Each region has experienced boundary problems against one or more neighboring regions. The existing ethno-linguistic administrative boundaries are divisive factors for the smooth implementations of the federal system, the socio-economic development, and the state building endeavors of the country. The system daunted peoples' freedom of movement across regions and become a barrier for investment and development. The situation is significantly deteriorating the socio-economic development and state building endeavors of the country. Therefore, the existing legal and institutional gaps must be filled and resolved through national dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cultura Latinoamericana is the property of Universidad Catolica de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Digital de Derecho Administrativo is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 faced the traditional Spanish territorial problem through the recognition of a political autonomy that could be reached by nationalities and regions. The result has been a political system with a high level of decentralization. At the root cause were the special needs of some territories who were looking for a bilateral relationship with the central administration, but finally decentralization spread and the whole of the country was split into 17 autonomous territories. As an effect, multilateralism became the priority, and the system was leading to a federalizing development. Several federal instruments were adopted, and the political model seemed to turn into a functional federalism. However, this evolution has not prospered, and and in these pages an explanation is sought. The Sectorial Conferences, considered as the main tool for intergovernmental cooperation, are analyzed through the dynamic of their meetings and the evaluation of their tasks. This analysis provide two ideas about the problems the system generates: How a centralized power is going to adapt itself to a new decentralized system forgetting its previous position of superiority, and in parallel to how the Autonomous Communities are going to assume their full responsibility overcoming their political dependence on the central power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reti Medievali is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reti Medievali is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Verba Iuris is the property of Universidad Libre Bogota, Centre de Investigaciones Socio Juridicas de la Facultad de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the opus of Academician Miodrag Jovičić, the idea of Serbia as a regional state (the type of state regime that is tertium genus, between a unitarily organized state and a federation) appears after the crisis of the Yugoslav constitutional system, which culminated in the events of 1990-1992 (the secession of four constituent units and the adoption of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, whereby an attempt was made to create a harmonious federation of two constituent units - Serbia and Montenegro). In order for the accumulated problems to be overcome, and as the only rational solution to the territorial organization of the country, after careful and thorough consultation of the most relevant comparative models Jovičić offered the concept of a unified, strong, democratic and state of law, based on the rule of law and equality of citizens.

The authors analyze and summarize the history of the development of the region, meaning of the term region and types. The paper analyzes the regions as basic territorial units which are important for regional development, the area in which establishes and implements regional development policy. The concept of the region is seen dynamically, in a historical context. The subject of the work is focused on the study of the phenomenon of the region as a territorial unit for the preparation and implementation of regional development policy for the purpose of equitable development. The authors analyzed different concepts and underlined the most important characteristics of the idea region and its types. Based on the analysis, definitively that the region is starting and basic territorial unit for planning and implementation of sustainable policies for regional development.

In this paper we study the constitutional possibilities and limits of local and regional referendums in the Spanish regional state. We keep conclusions that deviate from Constitutional Court doctrine in its essential aspects. We introduce a more precise distinction between popular consultation, as participatory democracy institute, and referendum, as semi-direct democracy institute. The constitutional bases of local and regional referendum are in the organizational autonomy of municipalities and autonomous regions. The regional referendum has constitutional limits on the power of the State to authorize the call for popular consultations through referendum, which must be interpreted strictly. Another limit is the empowerment of the organic Act to develop the fundamental right to participate in public affairs. That limit should also be interpreted restrictively. By contrast, the local referendum has the following constitutional limits: the empowerment of article 81.1 CE in conjunction with art. 23.1 CE, the state power to regulate the bases of local government (art. 149.1.18 EC) and the regional power on local government. Moreover, the Constitution does not predetermine the model of semi-direct democracy at regional and local level. But this model has proved to be very similar to the state level because the legislator so decided.

Traditionally, authors focus on the speech of political actors and how these define themselves in order to identify the presence of nationalist political trends. This paper aims to present a wider analytical grid so as to include how nationalism is manifested. In line with this multidimensional proposal, we aim to identify differences as to how nationalisms are made manifest according to their relation with power.

The author explores distinctiveness of the regional state mostly in Spain as third model of territorial organization. Unlike unitary and federal, regional state is not wide-spread and broad accepted concept of vertical organization although modern Spain and Italy represents examples of good practice. Having in mind diversity of regional identities and strong cultural distinctiveness in Catalonia, the Basque Country, Galicia and other areas, author is wondering if any other model of territorial organization could be sustainable in such socio-cultural environment. After the period of Franco’s dictatorship, which had been trying to exterminate cultural and historical particularities among Spanish nations, decentralization demands have become more stronger resulting with the new constitution adopted in 1978. This act has set the corner-stone of modern Spanish democracy based on Autonomous Communities as specific forms of decentralized state and territorial autonomy.

Copyright of Journal of Judgments by the Court of Jurisdictional Disputes / Uyusmazlik Mahkemesi Dergisi is the property of Court of Jurisdictional Disputes of the Republic of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In last decades the concept of asymmetric arrangement of the state administration, that endeavours to reflect historical, ethnic, religious, linguistic or geographic features of defined regions, has become popular in many countries. This study deals with one of the most discussed representatives of the above mentioned type of political-administrative division of a state, namely with the Spanish model of regionalism, anchored in legal and political system of the Kingdom of Spain by the Constitution of 1978. Brief theoretical introduction, classifying Spanish model into the typology of states according to its inner arrangement, is followed by a description of historical development of the Iberian Peninsula. The emphasis is first of all on the position of regions in each described epoch, respectively, since it is here where the origins of current administrative division of Spain can be found. In the crucial part of the study not just the Constitution of 1978, that enabled the creation of autonomous communities, is analyzed from legal perspective, but also basic documents of these territorial units, i.e. the statutes of autonomy, based on which the degree of competencies of a given community can be determined. The study also pays attention to important political agreements that since 1980s have influenced the shape of Spanish regional state, giving it today's form. In its conclusion the study attempts to sum up the advantages and disadvantages of Spanish regionalism and to estimate its future development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, authors focus on the speech of political actors and how these define themselves in order to identify the presence of nationalist political trends. This paper aims to present a wider analytical grid so as to include how nationalism is manifested. In line with this multidimensional proposal, we aim to identify differences as to how nationalisms are made manifest according to their relation with power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constitution of 1991, result of various political forces, returned to the unitary model; encoding in this again the tense relationship between center State and periphery. The territorial model and the role of the intermediate level were slightly changed with regard to its predecessor, the Constitution of 1886. The National Constitutional Convention, despite the fact that had federal and regional proposals, opted for the unitary model, arguing severe fears of fragmentation and leadership of illegal armed groups in then territories. Undoubtedly, a great moment wasted on account of fears. Five ideas were reiterated in the constitutional debates: autonomy of the territorial organizations, intensification of decentralization, economic strengthening of territorial entities, setting up of the municipality as a fundamental core of the state, and participatory democracy; this of course, in the context and under the limitations of the unitary State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regionalization process in Colombia has several similarities with the process of regionalization in France. Based on a comparative study, the paper presents the development of the process, taking into account the origins from the colonial time, the constitutional reforms up to the LOOT. In each step, I analyze the influence of the revolutionary and Napoleonic model and the current status of the regions in France. It ends with a conclusion which remarks the long path we have yet to go through before we accomplish the real purpose of the regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Indian Ocean, France is both a regional state, at least on behalf of its islands, and an external great power significantly involved in the region. On the one hand, France exercises sovereignty over several small island entities and consequently claims a vast economic exclusive zone and some extended continental shelf in the Southwest and Southern Indian Ocean. Together, these island territories form what is now emerging as ‘France of the Indian Ocean’ (in French: France de l'océan Indien). On the other hand, France's interests and actions in the region extend far beyond those of its island peoples and territories, and therefore France can also be seen as an external great power pursuing its own strategic, economic and cultural goals in the Indian Ocean. In the Southwest Indian Ocean, France strives to maintain a leading political, economic and cultural influence and position. At sea, France is closely involved in maritime regional cooperation, maritime surveillance, and in securing the vital sea lanes of communication. With the other littoral states, France maintains economic relations and is particularly active in the fields of military and cultural cooperation. Thus, France is clearly a player that cannot be ignored in the Indian Ocean, especially given the geopolitical and economic landscapes associated with and products of modern globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article shows the existing tendencies, ideas and approaches on the subject of Territorial Model for Colombia. A research elaborated from the analysis of legal literature focused on the territorial issue, and some authors from other disciplines which have been influencing the world of law in the matters of forms of state; as well as the rapprochement to politicians, academics and territorial authorities whose imaginaries and ideas allowed the construction of the three big tendencies surviving in Colombia about the relationship between territory and power: the first one that defends the autonomous or regional state for Colombia, the second one entitled - Federal Colombia?; and at last, a third one which identifies an important group defending the Unitary State as a legacy from the Constitution of 1991. In other words, the bets of the National Constituent Assembly remain the same as the centralist concept of the Political Constitution of 1886. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: Soil fertility depletion in smallholder farms is one of the fundamental biophysical causes for declining per capita food production in Ethiopia. In the present study, we assess soil nutrient depletion and its spatial variability for Ethiopia and its regional states, using nutrient balances as a tool. Data on crop production, fertilizer use and land management practices were collected from the Agricultural sample survey, which was carried out by the Central Statistics Authority (CSA) for the production year 1999/2000. We used a Geographic Information System (GIS) to process, and analyze spatially referenced information like soil properties, precipitation and land use types. We calculated nutrient balances for N, P and K from five nutrient fluxes entering and five nutrient fluxes leaving cultivated lands of smallholders. Some of the fluxes (e.g. leaching, denitrification and wet deposition) were estimated using transfer functions. Erosion was estimated by universal soil loss equation (USLE) and landscape process modelling at multi-dimensions and scales (LAPSUS). At the national level, full nutrient balance results indicate a depletion rate of 122kgNha−1 yr−1, 13kgPha−1 yr−1 and 82kgKha−1 yr−1. Soil nutrient stocks in all regional states were decreasing with the exception of areas under permanent and vegetable crops. In the analysis, soil erosion was the major cause for nutrients depletion, but this flux shows significant variability between different estimates and was highly uncertain. We calculated that the contribution of erosion to N losses was 70%, while its contribution to P and K losses were 80% and 63%, respectively. Nutrient losses under permanent and vegetable cropping were caused mainly by residues removal, harvested products and leaching, while losses under cereals and other annuals were dominated by erosion. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]