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This article examines the legislation of foreign countries regarding mechanisms of direct democracy, particularly the institution of popular veto. A historical analysis of the development of this instrument in European law has been conducted. The methodological basis of the publication consists of scientific methods based on the requirements of objective and comprehensive analysis of socio-political and legal phenomena, which include direct democracy in foreign countries. The research methodology is founded on general theoretical principles and approaches to determining the initial parameters of the formation and development of popular veto as a form of direct democracy. To achieve scientific objectivity in the results, the author used a full range of general scientific and special research methods widely applied in the modern science of constitutional law. It has been established that although modern forms of direct democracy emerged relatively recently, the concept of popular veto has roots in ancient civilizations as a means of limiting the abuse of power. Initially, the right of veto was exercised not directly by citizens, but by authorized persons on behalf of the people, who could reject laws that contradicted fundamental norms. It is argued that although popular veto was first enshrined in French constitutional law, Switzerland is considered its birthplace, where this institution received genuine development and was first implemented in practice in 1831. The evolution of popular veto is closely linked to the development of Swiss statehood; however, the immediate impetus for its implementation was granting citizens direct voting rights and the right to participate in referendums. Initially, popular veto was applied at the level of individual cantons, and in 1874 it was enshrined in the Swiss Constitution at the national level. According to the constitutional procedure, a specified number of voters can officially express disagreement with an adopted law within a set period, after which it must be submitted to a nationwide referendum for approval or repeal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the surety called “Udel”: an amount of money paid (or pledged) by noble citizens of towns in upper Germany upon their admission to the citizenry (13th–16th c.). The sum was agreed contractually and replaced the condition of home ownership within the city walls partly or entirely. It was kept by the cities as a guarantee for good conduct. In periods of conflict, nobles (as well as abbeys) often wanted to give up citizenship for political reasons before the agreed minimum term. In this case, the amount was forfeited. After wars, Burgrechte as contracted naturalisations sometimes involving huge surety payments formed part of the peace treaties and represented an encumbrance on future agreements and relationships. The main questions of the paper are: What is an Udel and where can it be found? How does it fit into the political, financial and fiscal structures of the city and its partners? Were there alternatives to citizenship with an Udel? How did an Udel change pre-existing connections, feudal relations, alliances and the political landscape or how was it superimpose upon them? The article focusses on the political effects of the surety payments in medieval towns. Examples from Bern and the surrounding area underline the relevance of the widespread phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation. It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called "magic formula". A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People's Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people's initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people's court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country's constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland. Switzerland's relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia's war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the Swiss-Belarusian bilateral relations in the political, economic, humanitarian and cultural area from 1991 until nowadays. It provides a brief overview of the studies on this topic published in both countries as well as official reports by the Federal Council, where Belarus was mentioned. The article focuses on the former and current issues of intergovernmental relations between Switzerland and Belarus. It analyses the periods of deterioration caused by divergence of views on democracy and human rights, and the periods of improvement, when sanctions were lifted, the number of high-level visits increased, and new diplomatic and consular representations were established. The article traces the dynamics and structure of foreign trade between the two countries and notes its rapid growth since the mid-2000s, which was facilitated by major Swiss investors, joint ventures and other entities as well as business forums. It also gives data on the financial assistance and humanitarian aid that the Confederation has provided to Belarus, especially to the areas most affected by the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, within its programmes of cooperation with Eastern Europe and via the Swiss Cooperation Office in Minsk (now the Embassy of Switzerland in Belarus). The article also describes the activities of the Belarusian diaspora in Switzerland as well as the cooperation between the educational, scientific and cultural institutions of the two countries. The author concludes that while Belarus is not one of Switzerland’s priority partners, in recent years the bilateral relations between them have been gradually improving.

The experience of Swiss Confederation in the field of integration of immigrants – one of the most economically developed countries of the world, occupying the leading position in Europe on the rate of foreign population in general demographic structure, – has been examined in the article. Evolution of the notions of “integration”, “social assimilation”, “acculturation” and others has been considered and different scientific approaches of Western researches to these notions have been adduced. Swiss immigration policy for the past decades has been traced and the modern integration policy of the country in the field of integration of foreign citizens into receiving society has been analyzed. A detailed analysis of the Swiss normative and legal framework in the field of migration, asylum and integration has been made also, and active development of migration laws over the last decade has been noted. Swiss migration politics, like in other developed Western countries-recipients of foreign labor, contains both: immigration policy (control over entry and stay of foreigners in the country) and policy of integration towards foreigners subject to integration processes.The process of integration of a foreign citizen into a new socio-economic, political and cultural environment is a complex, multidimensional phenomenon. There is a developed and scientifically grounded system of reception, accommodation and integration of foreigners and asylum seekers in Switzerland, which is based on constitutional values, respect and mutual tolerance. At the core of this system is a general strategy of integration, which constitutes a country’s core policy of integration and covers various areas: law, politics, labour issues, housing, education, culture and religion. In order to implement the policy of integration, in Switzerland there are being developed and implemented federal and cantonal integration programs. Integration processes management is administered through the developed system of state authorities at federal, cantonal and other levels, with active participation of different public organizations, including migrant organizations. Federal Council publishes reports on development of integration policy in the country, Federal Migration Office issues annual reports, numerous scientific researches on the theme are being conducted. At present each canton has its own Integration program, designed in accordance with the Modal cantonal program, that allows to implement different integration models, depending on regional requirements and priorities.

In February 1446 a group of about 1 100 confederate soldiers went on a short campaign to the neighbouring county of Sargans. The campaign can function as an example for the wide variety of texts produced alongside military actions in the 15th century. Therefore we find the protocols of the preparatory federal diets that agree the number of soldiers and discuss plans. As the campaign goes on, there are two letters of the Lucerne captain Cloos to his authority, giving short information on encounters and claiming money and reinforcements. On the Habsburg side, we have written evidence for the raising and equipment of troops in Vorarlberg as well as for the financial efforts for the counter-campaign. After the campaign and the victorious battle at Ragaz, confederate authors composed tales of the battle: one being the report of the Bernese captain to his authority, the other was the chancellor of Schwyz Hans Fründ with his quasi-offical chronicle of the Old Zürich war. Soon after, the annual commemoration of the battle of Ragaz (6 March 1446) was extended to all minor battles of the Confederates. The dead and mortally in all battles were registered in the parish-registers under the day of St Fridolin, the patron saint of Glarus (6 March). As a result of these texts, the campaign has subsequently been considered a success for the Confederates.

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Historica Brunensia is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text offers a careful description and sociological analysis of two legal innovations undertaken to govern religious diversity (in 2007 and 2019) in the neighboring Swiss cantons, Vaud and Geneva. Although the two cantons have very similar social and cultural conditions, they offer legally opposite solutions—one based on a notion of secularity implying separation, the other favoring recognition of religious diversity. The author argues that beyond an initial appreciation in terms of differences, the two cases are surprisingly similar in their logic of recognition, revealing a sense of deep suspicion towards religious diversity. Drawing on the concept of “recognition” as a multi-dimensional concept including legal, civic, and intimate/person levels and more importantly, on a Foucauldian perspective, this text concentrates on how control is involved at a practical level beyond the rhetoric of empowerment.

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the later Middle Ages the predominantly rural Frisian territories covering the coastal area between the Zuider Zee and the River Weser stood out by virtue of their anomalous position. One striking phenomenon in this area was the early breakdown of feudalism; another was the failure of sovereign rule to take root. A crucial development was how the resulting political vacuum was filled by communal institutions. This paper tries to explain this state of affairs, a situation the Frisians themselves referred to as ‘Frisian freedom’, in terms of the communalism thesis propounded by Peter Blickle. In summary, it can be said that the Frisian territories, at least while the communal institutions were in their prime, constitute an even more prototypical model of rural communalism than the founding cantons of the Swiss Confederation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper is an interdisciplinary analysis of Friedrich Schiller's play Wilhelm Tell (1804). An initial study of its dramatic structure suggests a change in the relationship between the Swiss peasants and nobles. A further analysis, based on Brown's and Levinson's politeness theory confirms the development of a social Utopia in the play, but also reveals that Wilhelm Tell plays a minor role in the social development described. The comparison of the play with earlier versions of the Tell legend highlights the roles of peasants and nobles in the establishment of the Swiss Confederation and suggests that Schiller elaborated extensively on the idea of a 'common ground' among the Swiss from different classes. The comparison between Schiller's play and the contemporary German philosopher Johann Benjamin Erhard's essay Uber das Recht des Volks zu einer Revolution illustrates that Schiller's social Utopia develops in accordance with contemporary social visions. However, Tell's act of murder separates him from the other Swiss protagonists in Schiller's attempt to outline a righteous revolution, different from the one in France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In summer 1444 the Dauphin Louis, son of Charles VII of France, appeared on the Upper Rhine with a large army. The purpose of his expedition was to reconquer the territories of his future brother-in-law, Sigismund of Austria-Tyrol, from the Swiss Confederates and their allies. However, after achieving just one victory, on 26 August, the Dauphin suddenly agreed to a series of truces and then a peace treaty with the Confederates, even though this made it impossible for him to fulfil his original objective. This article reassesses the contradictory course of the Dauphin's expedition in light of the geopolitical forces that shaped it in the political world of the Upper Rhine. It first analyses the political configuration of the region and the place of the ecclesiastical Council of Basel within it, and then demonstrates that these circumstances combined to force the Dauphin radically to alter his plans in late August 1444. The article also points to the wider implications of the episode for our understanding of later-medieval European politics. Highlighting the inadequacy of national or state-oriented paradigms, it suggests that a new vocabulary is needed to make full sense of the aspects of fifteenth-century political life manifested by the Dauphin's expedition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article sets out to explore how a local quarrel in the Grafschaft of Baden, a bi-confessional Swiss county, occasioned by efforts to install a separate font for Protestant parishioners, activated larger constitutional and confessional tensions between the Catholic and Protestant cantons of the Swiss Confederation. The article reconstructs the lengthy political negotiations caused by the rearrangement of church space since the Landfrieden of 1531: this treaty had enshrined bi-confessionalism in the Swiss Confederation and had established the duties and rights of both confessions, although to the disadvantage of the Reformed Protestants. It had also transformed the consecrated space of the church into a stage for political action by the cantons. From 1531 onwards, changes in religious belief and observance were subject to the will of the supreme governing authority. The article shows that local conflicts over the arrangement and furnishing of certain church spaces can give us fascinating insights into political practice, the establishment of social order and the handling of denominational differences within the Swiss Confederation. It attempts to contribute to our understanding of early modern political history by using concepts from cultural history and communication theory in which politics is closely linked to social and confessional processes generating meaning and order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text offers a careful description and sociological analysis of two legal innovations undertaken to govern religious diversity (in 2007 and 2019) in the neighboring Swiss cantons, Vaud and Geneva. Although the two cantons have very similar social and cultural conditions, they offer legally opposite solutions—one based on a notion of secularity implying separation, the other favoring recognition of religious diversity. The author argues that beyond an initial appreciation in terms of differences, the two cases are surprisingly similar in their logic of recognition, revealing a sense of deep suspicion towards religious diversity. Drawing on the concept of "recognition" as a multi-dimensional concept including legal, civic, and intimate/person levels and more importantly, on a Foucauldian perspective, this text concentrates on how control is involved at a practical level beyond the rhetoric of empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]