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Policies relevant to many key sociological processes are often subnational, enacted at the regional, state/provincial, and/or local levels. This applies notably in the politics of the environmental state, where public and private subnational environmental policies (SNEPs) have major consequences for managing climate change, addressing environmental injustices, regulating land uses, greening energy markets, limiting pollution, and much more. While sociologists focus more on national policies, diverse sociological contributions emphasize the importance of SNEPs and their origins, diffusion, implementation, and sources of backlash. We begin by providing a typology of SNEPs. Next, we highlight not only environmental sociology (with its particular attention to climate change and energy) but also the sociologies of social movements, politics, the economy, science, risk, and organizations, which have each offered unique perspectives. Finally, we outline an agenda for how sociologists can further elaborate a distinctive perspective that highlights inequality, valuation, diffusion, scale shifts, and venue-shopping up to national and global policy systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disease advocacy organisations (DAOs) are critical for raising awareness about illnesses and supporting research. While most studies of DAOs focus on personally affected patient‐activists, an underappreciated constituency are external allies. Building from social movement theory, we distinguish between beneficiary constituents (disease patients and their loved ones) and conscience constituents (allies) and investigate their relative fundraising effectiveness. While the former have credibility due to illness experience that should increase fundraising, the latter are more numerous. Our study is also the first to investigate where DAO supporters fundraise—through friendship‐ versus workplace‐based networks—and how this interacts with constituent types. Our large‐scale dataset includes 9372 groups (nearly 90,000 participants) active in the 'Movember' campaign, a men's health movement around testicular and prostate cancer. We find robust evidence that groups with more beneficiary constituents raise significantly greater funds per participant. Yet because conscience constituents are more numerous, they raise the majority of total aggregate funds. We also find an interaction effect: beneficiary constituents do better in friendship networks, conscience constituents in workplaces. Our findings bear implications for DAOs, indicating they may benefit by encouraging disease patient families to fundraise through friends, and for external allies to focus requests on workplace networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a surprising lack of evidence documenting the volumetric symmetry of the bony orbit. This paper establishes reference values for orbital volume (OV) and symmetry in the 25 - 40 year old caucasian population. Secondarily, this paper sets a landmark for the tolerances in OV that can be expected when reconstructing the bony defects which may occur from trauma. A standardised method of quantitative OV measurement was developed using CT sinus examinations acquired for indications unrelated to orbital trauma. Sex, ethnicity, age, right and left OV were recorded. Data for 100 patients was obtained (50 male, 50 female). Mean left OV was 23.1cm3 and mean right OV was 23.3cm3. Left and right OV were strongly positively correlated (correlation coefficient: 0.96). Mean female OV was 21.6cm3 and mean male OV was 24.8cm3. On average, male OV is 3.2cm3 larger than female OV. The mean difference between left and right OV was 0.5cm3 in females and 0.6cm3 in males. The intra-class coefficient score between the two assessors was 0.973 (excellent). There is strong positive correlation between left and right OV in this study population. Previous work suggests that orbital volume loss less than 1cm3 would not lead to significant clinical symptoms of orbital fracture. When orbital reconstruction is undertaken, this study suggests that a volume symmetry difference of <0.5cm3 in females and <0.6cm3 in males would be consistent with the variation seen in the study population of uninjured caucasian 25-40 year olds and is therefore a reasonable goal of surgical management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While considerable attention has been devoted to the repertoires of social movements, we know considerably less about how the repertoires of industry groups evolve as those industries face movement-driven contention. This is particularly important for environmental movements, which regularly target industries seen as contributing to environmental harms and risks. Focusing on contention surrounding hydraulic fracturing ("fracking"), we compare the repertoires of the two central industry associations promoting fracking in the Marcellus Shale region of the United States: one that is more transgressive and likely to counter-attack activists (Energy in Depth) and one that is more conventional and likely to tout the industry's economic benefits (Marcellus Shale Coalition). We examine the tone and topical content of each of these industry groups' communications between 2009 and 2019. We examine a number of specific features of industry groups' communications: whether they use a more positive or negative tone, and the extent to which their communications address activism, government regulation, jobs/economy, and climate change. We find that the more transgressive association focuses far more directly on countering activism, both in the timing and content of communications. Both engage with government roughly evenly, and each engages with the politics of climate change in unique ways. We develop insights for our understanding of how targets strategically respond to environmental activism, and how industry groups develop a meta-level division of labor to engage multiple audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Site Fights: Divisive Facilities and Civil Society in Japan and the West By Daniel P. Aldrich Cornell University Press. 2008. 254 pages. $39.95 cloth. If "bringing the state back in" [...]

Organizational theory and research has been enormously generative for political sociologists, if not always as fully centered as it might be, relative to broader notions of political power, economic resources, culture, and their interplay. This review both calls attention to the ways that organizational theory continues to inform political sociology and sets an agenda for how this interchange can be productively extended in various ways in scholarship on states, political parties, advocacy organizations, and business influences in politics. I highlight the genealogy of the new institutionalism and its variants (World Polity and institutional logics), population ecology (and the growing interest in both categories and audiences, alongside studies of the "ecology of ideology"), and research that follows in the broad tradition of resource dependence theory (and the link to more management‐oriented approaches such as "non‐market strategy" and stakeholder theories of organizational political activities). I also emphasize how novel theories of social movements and fields have offered innovative insights that incorporate organizational and political processes. I conclude by elaborating an agenda for how political sociologists can go further in maintaining and extending their highly productive and rewarding engagements with organizational theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of contentious politics expect that social movement organizations (SMOs) are valued according to their ability to craft resonant frames or to enact displays of worthiness. We offer an alternative, relational perspective highlighting the critical role of authenticity in shaping an SMO's perceived value. Unlike frames and intentional displays, calculated efforts to proclaim authenticity often backfire. We distill two orthogonal types: grassroots (in)authenticity, based on idealized notions of civil society, and institutional (in)authenticity, rooted in culturalcognitive schemas used to judge fit with established SMO categories. Grassroots authenticity benefits an SMO's fundamental legitimacy, while lacking it entirely (i.e., "astroturfing") severely harms public support. Institutional authenticity increases resources and survival chances, intelligibility to elite observers, and clarity of collective identities; still, lacking this (via hybridity) may assist in recruitment and outreach. We build propositions that elaborate these expectations and argue that authenticity should become a more central concept in social movement research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research has illuminated consistent patterns in the type of protests that receive media attention. Still, we know relatively little about the differential prominence editors assign to events deemed worthy of coverage. We argue that while media routines shape whether events are covered, mass media organizations, social institutions, and systemic changes are important factors in determinations of prominence. To examine patterns of prominence, this study analyzes the factors influencing page placement patterns of protests covered in the New York Times, 1960-1995. We find that (1) protests are less likely to appear prominently over time, but this effect is conditioned by the paper's editorial and publishing regime; (2) regime effects were especially consequential for civil rights and peace protests; (3) effects of event size and violence weakened over time; and (4) events embedded within larger cycles of protest coverage during less constricted news cycles were more likely to be featured prominently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sharing, caring, and profit with Juliet B. Schor, Edward T. Walker, Caroline W. Lee, and Paolo Parigi and Karen Cook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grassroots groups often find that they need to manage issues of diversity along racial/ethnic, class, gender, religious, and/or citizenship lines, among several other axes of difference. There are strong reasons to expect that diversity is a benefit to such groups, especially in terms of coalition breadth and the widely held expectation that internal heterogeneity helps organizations to resolve collective action dilemmas. Nonetheless, a long tradition within sociological research sets out the expectation that group heterogeneity thwarts the formation of collective identities and group solidarity, and therefore limits the potential for effective organizing. With a particular emphasis on groups active in local community-based organizing since the 1970s, we review studies on a variety of features of group diversity and their effects on mobilizing processes. We find that although researchers remain somewhat divided on these critical issues, the preponderance of evidence suggests that managing diversity poses significant challenges for grassroots organizing efforts. While these challenges may not easily be overcome, we point to a variety of cases in which group differences offered a significant asset to social change efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate foundations - entities established to regularize corporate giving at an arm's length removed from the firm - command substantial resources, root companies in the nonprofit sectors of their host communities, indirectly augment perceptions of corporate responsibility, and help firms to deflect controversies in an attentive global media environment. Despite these important roles, relatively little research has examined the institutional and strategic factors that influence such proximate charitable giving by firms. Using systematic data on foundations linked to S&P 3000 firms in the health sector - a growing domain in which public trust in high-stakes products and services is critical - fixed-effects models illustrate the primary role of network influences on giving: corporate foundations give substantially more in years' following higher contributions by other (noncorporate) foundations in the health sector in a firm's headquarters locality and also following increased contributions by industry peers through their corporate foundations. Giving also appears to reflect strategic reputational concerns, in that foundation contributions increase significantly following controversies associated with the corporate parent's products and/or services. By contrast, giving tends to decline as the presence of outside directors on a firm's board increases, as well as when firms carry heavier debt loads. Combined, these findings suggest that corporate foundations serve as a strategic proxy for the firm, reflecting both a company's position in community and interfirm networks while also mitigating the threat of reputational challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Business scholars pay increasing attention to the expanded influence of stakeholders on firm strategies, legitimacy, and competitiveness. At the same time, analysts have noted that the transformed regulatory and legislative environments of recent decades have encouraged firms to become much more politically active. Surprisingly, relatively little research has tied together these two trends. The present study integrates perspectives on stakeholder management with research on corporate political activity to develop an understanding of the structural sources of stakeholder mobilization in professional grassroots lobbying campaigns. This study employs a unique, original data source to consider how the adoption of grassroots lobbying by a firm relates to its industry, degree of inside lobbying, partisan PAC contributions, and more. This research shows that corporate grassroots lobbying is shaped most significantly by a firm’s degree of inside lobbying, as highly active firms take a diversified strategy for gaining influence. Firms in industries with a heavy public presence as well as those concerned with taxation, government appropriations, and economic development also adopt these strategies readily. PAC contributions to Republican, but not Democratic, candidates also heighten firms’ propensity to lobby the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade associations are an important topic of investigation for nonprofit and voluntary sector researchers because they serve civic purposes and help to support innovative areas of entrepreneurship. We examine how local trade associations in the emerging gourmet food truck industry help to reduce uncertainty and augment industry legitimacy by (a) representing collective interests when challenged by regulators and incumbents (e.g., restaurants), (b) generating collective identity and creating cultural capital, and (c) providing a regime to manage “tragedies of the commons,” procure club goods, and promote self-regulation. We draw on social media data and narrative accounts by industry activists to explicate the evolution of the field from 2008 to 2012 in 11 cities. Findings suggest that trade associations, as an often-overlooked type of mutual benefit association, are key players in the legitimation of creative industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]