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Economic vulnerability is often reported to underlie involvement in sex work among female sex workers (FSW), but may also create urgency in women's work, limiting women's negotiating power with clients and in turn, increasing their vulnerability for violence and HIV. This study assessed economic vulnerability in relation to violence and sexual risk behaviors for HIV among a sample of FSW in Tijuana, Mexico. FSW at least 18 years of age were recruited through venue-based sampling for a survey (n = 228) and in-depth interviews (n = 50) to investigate HIV risk factors in this region. Using crude and adjusted logistic regression models, we assessed lack of financial support from others as well as reports of financial hardship separately in relation to experiencing sexual violence (e.g. by clients, police, relationship partners, in the past 6 months), physical violence (past 6 months), STI diagnosis, and inconsistent condom use (past 30 days). Qualitative interviews (n = 50), conducted with a subsample of the survey participants, were also examined for related themes. FSW who reported no financial support were more likely to report sexual violence (OR = 2.1; 95% CI:1.1-4.2). FSW who reported financial hardship were more likely to experience sexual violence (OR = 1.9; 95% CI:1.1-3.6) and physical violence (OR = 1.9; 95% CI:1.1-3.6), as well as to report past 30-day inconsistent condom use (OR = 2.4; 95%CI: 1.3-4.6) and to test positive for an STI (OR = 1.9; 95% CI:1.1-3.4). Qualitative data substantiated these findings. Findings suggest that interventions to improve economic well-being may be useful to prevent the intersecting concerns of violence and HIV among FSW.

Decriminalization of sex work is increasingly promoted as a structural measure to improve the health of vulnerable groups. In México, sex work is not illegal, but knowledge of policies' street-level impact is limited. This study describes typologies of police violence against female sex workers who inject drugs (FSWID), identifying risk and protective factors for violence exposure to inform policy responses. Survey data were collected during 2008-2010 among HIV-negative FSWID in a behavioral intervention in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez (N = 584). Latent class analysis identified typologies of police violence in the past 6 months: asked for money, money taken, syringes taken, asked for sex, and sexually assaulted. Structural equation modeling (SEM) predicted latent class membership using sociodemographic, behavioral and risk environment factors, controlling for age, education, marital status, and city. Recent police violence was reported by 68% of FSWID, with three typologies emerging: Low (36.6%); Material (47.8%): having money/syringes taken or being asked for money; and Material/Sexual (15.7%): material violence and being asked for sex or sexually assaulted. In multivariable SEM, Material Violence was associated with: being jailed [adjusted Odds Ratio (aOR) = 4.34], HIV testing (aOR = 2.18), and trading sex indoors (aOR = 1.66). Factors associated with Material/Sexual Violence included: being jailed (aOR = 41.18), injecting with clients (aOR = 3.12), earning more money for sex without a condom (aOR = 2.88), being raped by a client (aOR = 2.13), drinking with clients (aOR = 2.03), receiving substance use treatment (aOR = 1.95), being

Introduction and aimsHIV and hepatitis C virus transmission among people who inject drugs (PWID) is fuelled by personal and environmental factors that vary by sex. We studied PWID in Mexico to identify sex differences in multilevel determinants of injection risk.Design and methodsFrom 2011 to 2013, 734 PWID (female: 277, male: 457) were enrolled into an observational cohort study in Tijuana. Participants completed interviews on injection and sexual risks. Utilising baseline data, we conducted multiple generalised linear models stratified by sex to identify factors associated with injection risk scores (e.g. frequency of injection risk behaviours).ResultsFor both sexes, difficult access to sterile syringes was associated with elevated injection risk (b = 1.24, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.16-1.33), using syringes from a safe source (e.g. needle exchange programs) was associated with lower injection risk (b = 0.87, 95% CI 0.82-0.94), and for every one-unit increase in safe injection self-efficacy we observed a 20% decrease in injection risk (b = 0.80, 95% CI 0.76-0.84). Females had a higher safe injection self-efficacy score compared to males (median 2.83, interquartile range 2.2-3 vs. median 2.83, interquartile range 2-3; P = 0.01). Among females, incarceration (b = 1.22, 95% CI 1.09-1.36) and police confiscation of syringes in the past 6 months (b = 1.16, 95% CI 1.01-1.33) were associated with elevated injection risk. Among males, sex work (b = 1.16, 95% CI 1.04-1.30) and polysubstance use in the past 6 months (b = 1.22, 95% CI 1.13-1.31) were associated with elevated injection risk.Discussion and conclusionsInterventions to reduce HIV and hepatitis C virus transmission among PWID in Tijuana should be sex-specific and consider multilevel determinants of injection risk to create safer drug use environments.

We studied mechanisms driving gender differences in HIV incidence among 651 women and men who inject drugs (PWID) in Tijuana, Mexico, hypothesizing that sex work will mediate the association between female gender and HIV incidence. Of 43 HIV seroconversions occurring between 2011 and 2018, 8.8% were among females and 5.2% among males. HIV incidence density was significantly higher among females versus males (1.75 per 100 person years [PY], 95% CI 1.16-2.66, vs. 0.95 per 100 PY, 95% CI 0.62-1.47). Factors significantly associated with HIV seroconversion were: sex work (adjusted hazard ratio [aHR] = 2.25, 95% CI 1.05-4.80); methamphetamine injection (aHR = 2.30, 95% CI 1.12-4.73); and methamphetamine and heroin co-injection in the past six months (aHR = 2.26, 95% CI 1.23-4.15). In mediation analyses, sex work mediated a substantial proportion (84.3%) of the association between female gender and HIV incidence. Interventions should target female PWID who engage in sex work to reduce gender-related disparities in HIV incidence.

This paper evaluates correlates of trichomoniasis among female sex workers who inject drugs (FSWIDs) in two Mexico-US border cities. HIV-negative FSWIDs aged 18 years or older were enrolled in a study between 2008 and 2010 in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez (Cd.), Mexico. All participants underwent a baseline interviewer-administered survey and did a rapid test for trichomoniasis. Using regression to estimate prevalence ratios, we examined sociodemographics, sex work characteristics, sexual health and behavior, substance use, and police and violence exposures as potential correlates of trichomoniasis. Of 584 women (284 in Tijuana, 300 in Cd. Juarez), prevalence of trichomoniasis was 33.6%. Factors associated with trichomoniasis in multivariable analysis were having money stolen by police in the past six months (adjusted prevalence ratio [aPR] =1.448, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.152-1.821), recent methamphetamine use (aPR = 1.432, CI = 1.055-1.944), lifetime syphilis infection (aPR = 1.360, CI = 1.061-1.743), ever use of a home remedy to treat vaginal symptoms (aPR = 1.301, CI = 1.027-1.649), and number of regular clients in the past month (aPR = 1.006 per client, CI = 1.004-1.009), while controlling for age and city of interview. Alongside the need for trichomoniasis surveillance and treatment programs, findings indicate that both structural and behavioral factors serve as primary correlates of trichomoniasis among FSWIDs in these cities.

BackgroundPeople who inject drugs (PWID) experience multiple risk factors for mortality; yet, we know little about causes of death among PWID in Tijuana, Mexico, an area with high levels of injecting and changes in policy/law enforcement responses to substance use. This study examines rates, causes, and predictors of mortality among Tijuana PWID.MethodsData come from a community-based cohort of PWID aged ≥18 who injected drugs in the past month. Mortality was confirmed by death certificate over 78 months during 2011-2018. Predictors of mortality were identified using time-updated Cox regression, controlling for age.ResultsAmong 734 participants, there were 130 deaths (54 confirmed, 76 unconfirmed), with an incidence rate of 17.74 deaths per 1000 person-years for confirmed deaths (95% Confidence Interval (CI)=13.01, 22.48) and 39.52 for unconfirmed deaths (CI=32.72, 46.31). Confirmed deaths resulted from homicide/trauma (26%), overdose (26%), septic shock (18%) and HIV-related causes (9%). In multivariable analysis of confirmed deaths, baseline HIV seropositivity (adjusted Hazard Ratio [aHR]=6.77, CI=1.98, 23.17), incident HIV infection (aHR=3.19, CI=1.02, 9.96), and number of times being beaten by police in the past 6 months at baseline (aHR=1.08 per time, CI=1.04, 1.12) were predictive of death; whereas, injection cessation for 6+ months during time at risk (aHR=0.25, CI=0.33, 0.79) was protective.ConclusionIn addition to overdose and HIV prevention efforts, attention to structural conditions that potentiate mortality is needed, including improved access to medication-assisted treatment to support injection cessation and a shift from police as a source of harm to harm reduction.

HIV testing is the point of entry for linkage to treatment and prevention and is critically important to ending the HIV epidemic. HIV self-testing (HST) is an acceptable, user-controlled tool that can address testing barriers, which is especially important for populations who need to test frequently, like women who exchange or trade sex for money or other needed resources (WES) and women who use drugs. HST is feasible and acceptable among WES, but research among WES who also use drugs is limited, particularly in places like Kazakhstan, where HIV rates remain high and where scale-up of HST and pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is in process. To develop effective programming, there is a need to develop tailored services for WES and/or use drugs that address key barriers. We discuss opportunities to increase HST and linkage to services among WES and/or use drugs in Kazakhstan, with a focus on stigma reduction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IntroductionLittle is known about the cessation of injecting drug use (IDU) among people who inject drugs (PWID) in low and middle-income settings, where access to effective interventions for reducing drug use (e.g., opioid substitution treatment; OST), may be limited. We measured the incidence and identified predictors of IDU cessation among a cohort of PWID in Tijuana, Mexico.MethodsData were drawn from 621 participants in Proyecto El Cuete IV, a prospective cohort of PWID recruited in 2011 and interviewed biannually to 2016. A multivariable Extended Cox model was constructed to identify socio-demographic, drug use, risk environment and health-related predictors of IDU cessation (no IDU for ≥six months).Results141 participants (23%) reported at least one IDU cessation event during follow-up. The crude IDU cessation rate was 7.3 per 100 person-years (95% Confidence Interval [CI]: 6.2-8.7). IDU cessation was negatively associated with injecting at least daily on average and heroin/methamphetamine co-injection in the past six months, and positively associated with testing HIV positive at baseline, being on methadone maintenance therapy in the past six months, and recent arrest. Concern for personal safety was also independently associated with IDU cessation.ConclusionsThe rate of IDU cessation among PWID in Tijuana was low. These findings underscore the importance of expansion of services including OST to help reduce drug use and facilitate IDU cessation for those who wish to do so. In this setting, interventions addressing individual-level economic barriers as well as broader social and structural barriers to harm reduction services are integral.

We know little about predictors of injection drug cessation and relapse among female sex workers who inject drugs (FSW-PWID) at the US-Mexico border. Among HIV-negative FSW-PWID taking part in a behavioral intervention study in Tijuana and Ciudad Juárez, Cox regression was used to identify predictors of time to first cessation of injection, which was defined as reporting not having injected drugs for a period of 4 months or longer, and among that subset, we examined predictors of time to injection relapse. Among 440 women, 84 (19%) reported ceasing injection during follow-up (median time to cessation = 9.3 months); of these, 30 (35%) reported relapse to injection (median time to relapse = 3.5 months). The rate of injection cessation was lower for women reporting trading sex prior to age 18 (adj. hazard ratio (HR) = 0.64, 95% confidence interval (CI) = 0.41-1.01), ever being sexually abused (adj. HR = 0.44, 95% CI = 0.27-0.71), and a higher number of vaginal sex acts with casual clients (adj. HR = 0.99 per transaction, 95% CI = 0.98-1.00). The rate of cessation was higher for women who spent more hours on the streets on a typical day (adj. HR = 1.04/h, 95% CI = 1.01-1.08) and who lived in Tijuana vs. Ciudad Juárez (adj. HR = 2.15, 95% CI = 1.14-4.07). The rate of relapse was higher among women reporting regular drug use with clients (adj. HR = 2.17, 95% CI = 0.96-4.89) and those scoring higher on a risk injection index (adj. HR = 2.04, 95% CI = 1.15-3.61). The rate of relapse was lower for FSW-PWID with higher than average incomes (adj. HR = 0.40, 95% CI = 0.18-0.89). These findings have important implications for the scale-up of methadone maintenance treatment programs (MMTPs) in Mexico and indicate a need for gender-specific programs that address sexual abuse experiences and economic vulnerabilities faced by FSW-PWID.

Female sex workers (FSWs) and female prisoners experience elevated HIV prevalence relative to the general population because of unprotected sex and unsafe drug use practices, but the antecedents of these behaviors are often structural in nature. We review the literature on HIV risk environments for FSWs and female prisoners, highlighting similarities and differences in the physical, social, economic, and policy/legal environments that need to be understood to optimize HIV prevention, treatment, and policy responses. Sex work venues, mobility, gender norms, stigma, debt, and the laws and policies governing sex work are important influences in the HIV risk environment among FSWs, affecting their exposure to violence and ability to practice safer sex and safer drug use behaviors. Female prisoners are much more likely to have a drug problem than do male prisoners and have higher HIV prevalence, yet are much less likely to have access to HIV prevention and treatment and access to drug treatment in prison. Women who trade sex or are imprisoned and engage in substance use should not be considered in separate silos because sex workers have high rates of incarceration and many female prisoners have a history of sex work. Repeated cycles of arrest, incarceration, and release can be socially and economically destabilizing for women, exacerbating their HIV risk. This dynamic interplay requires a multisectoral approach to HIV prevention and treatment that appreciates and respects that not all women are willing, able, or want to stop sex work or drug use. Women who engage in sex work, use drugs, or are imprisoned come from all communities and deserve sustained access to HIV prevention and treatment for substance use and HIV, helping them and their families to lead healthy and satisfying lives.

Female sex workers (FSWs) and female prisoners experience elevated HIV prevalence relative to the general population because of unprotected sex and unsafe drug use practices, but the antecedents of these behaviors are often structural in nature. We review the literature on HIV risk environments for FSWs and female prisoners, highlighting similarities and differences in the physical, social, economic, and policy/legal environments that need to be understood to optimize HIV prevention, treatment, and policy responses. Sex work venues, mobility, gender norms, stigma, debt, and the laws and policies governing sex work are important influences in the HIV risk environment among FSWs, affecting their exposure to violence and ability to practice safer sex and safer drug use behaviors. Female prisoners are much more likely to have a drug problem than do male prisoners and have higher HIV prevalence, yet are much less likely to have access to HIV prevention and treatment and access to drug treatment in prison. Women who trade sex or are imprisoned and engage in substance use should not be considered in separate silos because sex workers have high rates of incarceration and many female prisoners have a history of sex work. Repeated cycles of arrest, incarceration, and release can be socially and economically destabilizing for women, exacerbating their HIV risk. This dynamic interplay requires a multisectoral approach to HIV prevention and treatment that appreciates and respects that not all women are willing, able, or want to stop sex work or drug use. Women who engage in sex work, use drugs, or are imprisoned come from all communities and deserve sustained access to HIV prevention and treatment for substance use and HIV, helping them and their families to lead healthy and satisfying lives.

Purpose: Women engaged in sex work (WESW) who use drugs face barriers to HIV testing. HIV self-testing (HST) may empower sex workers to learn their HIV status; however, it is not scaled up among WESW in Kazakhstan. This study aimed to explore barriers and facilitators to traditional HIV testing and HST among this population. Method: We conducted 30 in-depth interviews (IDIs) and four focus groups (FGs) with Kazakhstani WESW who use drugs. Pragmatic analysis was used to explore key themes from qualitative data. Results: Participants welcomed HST due to its potential to overcome logistical challenges by accessing HIV testing, as well as the stigma that WESW faces in traditional HIV testing. Participants desired emotional and social support for HST, and for linkage to HIV care and other services. Discussion: HST among women who exchange sex and use drugs can be successfully implemented to mitigate stigma and barriers to HIV testing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Health care providers can play a key role in influencing clients to initiate and maintain use of the female condom, an underused method for HIV/STI and pregnancy prevention. In 2001-2002, based on semistructured interviews with 78 health care providers from four types of settings in New York City, we found that most providers had seen the female condom, but they had not used it and did not propose the method to clients. They lacked details about the method--when to insert it, where it can be obtained, and its cost. Gender of provider, provider level of training, and setting appeared to influence their attitudes. Unless and until provider training on the female condom is greatly improved, broader acceptance of this significant public health contribution to preventing HIV/AIDS and unwanted pregnancy will not be achieved.

While past studies have sought to capture how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted on the health and sexual lives of sex workers internationally, less attention has been paid to the reorganisation of sex markets as a result of COVID-19. We conducted a sequential exploratory mixed methods study using in-depth interviews, cyber ethnography and surveyor-administered structured surveys among sex workers. We report two key findings on how the pandemic has impacted sex markets in Singapore. First, the organisation of sex markets shifted as a result of lockdown and associated movement control measures. This shift was characterised by the out-migration of sex workers, the reduction in supply and demand for in-person sex work, and a shift towards online spaces. Second, we found that sex workers experienced greater economic hardship as a result of such changes. Given the potential shifts in sex markets as a result of the pandemic, we adopt a World Health Organisation Health Workplace Framework and Model to identify interventions to improve the occupational safety and health of sex workers in a post-COVID-19 era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]