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Chronological and stratigraphic frameworks are of the utmost importance for Upper Paleolithic archaeology, physical anthropology, and ecology. Wide ranging radiocarbon (14C) dates were previously obtained for the Sungir burial complex in the central part of European Russia, which is well-known as the richest funeral Paleolithic assemblage in the world yet recorded. The major problem was the contamination caused by consolidants used during the recovery of human bones in the 1960s. The stratigraphy and spatial structure of the Sungir site were also not well understood previously. New radiocarbon and stable isotope data are generated for the Sungir burials. While some dates were younger due to incomplete removal of contamination, the XAD 14C age on S-1 burial (ca. 29,780 BP) was found to be statistically the same as the previously performed HYP 14C age for this burial (ca. 28,890 BP). Four animal bones found in cultural layer below the burial date to ca. 28,800–30,140 BP, suggesting that both this layer and human burials date to roughly this age range. Narrowing these ages further is difficult considering the larger errors of the 14C dates. This shows that future research attempting to 14C date material excavated many years ago needs to eliminate potential contamination from consolidants through analyses such as FTIR, prior to 14C dating. The chronology and stratigraphy of Sungir do not contradict to correlation of its lithic artifacts with the Streletskian assemblage as the East European variant of the Final Szeletian technocomplex (Early Upper Paleolithic).

The obsidian mirror associated with the Elizabethan polymath and magus John Dee (1527–1608/1609) has been an object of fascination for centuries. The mirror, however, has a deeper history as an Aztec artefact brought to Europe soon after the Spanish conquest. The authors present the results of new geochemical analysis, and explore its history and changing cultural context to provide insights into its meaning during a period in which entirely new world views were emerging. The biography of the mirror demonstrates how a complex cultural history underpins an iconic object. The study highlights the value of new compositional analyses of museum objects for the reinterpretation of historically significant material culture.

For more than a half-century, obsidian provenancing has underpinned many archaeological investigations of peoples of the past. The pace of obsidian studies in this regard has gathered significantly since around 2007, and we review the literature to gain a sense of where this momentum has come from, and what it heralds. In part, there is a data revolution underway, arising thanks to the capabilities for rapid survey and analysis enabled by field-portable analytical equipment. Obsidian studies are also gaining a stronger foothold in regions of the world where the approach was previously under-exploited. Our survey spans progress made in obsidian studies in the Mediterranean, Central Europe, the Near East, the Caucasus, Northeast Asia and Tibet, the Eurasian Arctic and Alaska, Southeast Asia, the Americas, Oceania, and Africa and Arabia. We also consider methodological issues related to compatibility of differing geochemical analytical techniques, and the state of the art in obsidian geochemical classification. The proliferation of new observations brings opportunities in terms of development of regional and global databases, as well as challenges of calibration and validation of analyses made by different scientists and laboratories employing diverse instrumentation. Obsidian provenancing demonstrates the astonishing ranges of our ancestors’ interactions and networks, sometimes exceeding 1000 km and involving maritime transport.

The reliability of radiocarbon dates for Palaeolithic human burials is of utmost importance for prehistoric archaeologists. Recently obtained dates for several such burials in central Russia raise important interrelated issues concerning site taphonomy and the precise radiocarbon-dating technique employed, with implications for the ‘true’ age of the burials. A critical review of the dating of the Sungir and Kostenki burials calls into question the reliability of employing ultrafiltration or single amino acids for the radiocarbon dating of Upper Palaeolithic bones.

Since the 1990s, a characteristic obsidian geochemistry has linked widespread archaeological assemblages spanning the Russian Far East, Korean Peninsula, and Northeast China. Referred to as PNK1, the source of this material has yet to be identified. As a contribution to solving this enduring puzzle, we report here analyses of a commercial specimen of obsidian exported from Chongjin in DPR (North) Korea. A combination of Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) and Potassium Argon dating enable us to compare this piece with a large obsidian database for Northeast Asia. We find that the “Chongjin sample” is identical to PNK1 lithics from archaeological collections. While the exact source of the “Chongjin sample” remains unknown, we can more confidently locate the primary source for PNK1 lithics in DPR Korea. Based on an exhaustive literature review of the geology and geochemistry of volcanic glasses and other volcanic rocks in the northern part of the Korean Peninsula, and drawing on our own unpublished data, we suggest that the PNK1 source is most likely located south of Paektusan Volcano. This corroborates the existing evidence for the long-range transport of the material.

Zhokhov Island in the Siberian High Arctic has yielded evidence for some of the most remote prehistoric human occupation in the world, as well as the oldest-known dog-sled technology. Obsidian artefacts found on Zhokhov have been provenanced using XRF analysis to allow comparison with known sources of obsidian from north-eastern Siberia. The results indicate that the obsidian was sourced from Lake Krasnoe—approximately 1500km distant—and arrived on Zhokhov Island c. 8000 BP. The archaeological data from Zhokhov therefore indicate a super-long-distance Mesolithic exchange network.

We conducted inter-laboratory AMS 14C dating of bones of the Miesenheim IV elk (Rhineland, Germany), buried under Laacher See tephra dated to ca. 11,060 BP (13,000 cal BP). The weighted mean of A laboratory inter-comparison of AMS 14C dating of bones of the Miesenheim IV elk (Rhineland, Germany) and its implications for the date of the Laacher See eruptionthe new dates, which range from 10,920 to 11,270 BP, is 11,092 ± 19 BP. The consistent results from five AMS laboratories are important in two respects. First, they demonstrate that collagen processed by traditional methods can yield accurate ages; the newly obtained 14C dates are in accord with previous hydroxyproline 14C value generated at the Oxford AMS laboratory within the first round of inter-comparison (Fiedel et al., 2013). The results of the first inter-comparison are clearly flawed, except for hydroxyproline 14C date (see Fiedel et al., 2013), and must be affected by the waxy/dark, presumably humic/organic-based contaminant. Second, they provide a new suite of radiocarbon dates for the Laacher See volcanic eruption, a crucial anchor point for Late Glacial chronology in central Europe.

Geochemical analysis of 102 obsidian artifacts from the lower reaches of the Kolyma River was performed to understand the provenance of the raw material; previously, there were no such studies in this region. Sites under investigation belong to the Arctic Neolithic, generally dated to ca. 6000–1500 BP. Based on the data for potential obsidian sources in Northeastern Siberia and neighboring territories, available to us, it was found that all obsidian artifacts originated from the Lake Krasnoe source in Chukotka, with a straight-line distance of ca. 800–1100 km from archaeological sites of the Kolyma River. This is a remarkable example of long-distance exchange/transport of obsidian in Northeastern Siberia during the Stone Age. The Lake Krasnoe locale was the primary obsidian source for prehistoric populations in this vast region, including Chukotka, the Kolyma River basin, and Okhotsk Sea coast; this obsidian was also identified at some Alaskan sites near the Bering Strait.

Patterns for the emergence of pottery-making in greater East Asia based on radiocarbon dates associated with the earliest pottery assemblages are presented. According to a critical evaluation of the existing evidence, the oldest centers with pottery in East Asia are located in South China (dated to ca. 18,000 cal BP), the Japanese Islands (ca. 16,700 cal BP), and the Russian Far East (ca. 15,900 cal BP). The claim for earlier pottery in South China at the Xianrendong Cave, supposedly dated to ca. 20,000 cal BP, cannot be substantiated. The appearance of pottery in other parts of greater East Asia was a slow process, without clear diffusion from any of these centers toward the periphery. In neighboring Siberia, the oldest pottery dated to ca. 14,000 cal BP is known from the Transbaikal.

Several new finds of the Late Pleistocene porcupine (Hystrix brachyura vinogradovi) in the Altai Mountains of southern Siberia and the Urals occur far north of previously assigned range for porcupine. These finds have necessitated a renewed study of this species's chronology and spatial distribution. We conclude that the oldest records of this porcupine in the Ural Mountains date to MIS 5e, and its geographic range possibly included also the Altai at that time. Directly radiocarbon-dated porcupine bones in the Altai fall in MIS 3 (ca. 32,000–41,000 cal BP). It is the northernmost record of this species and the youngest find outside its current geographic range.

Asmerom et al. (2018) recently obtained U-series dates for the Obi-Rakhmat Grotto, a key Paleolithic site in Central Asia, with ages of up to ca. 107–109 ka. However, their paper contains numerous errors and inconsistencies which affect the conclusions, and they are discussed.

Yue et al. (2021) have proposed a model of two Upper Palaeolithic industries in Northeast China called the “Initial Microblade Industry” and the “Northern Microblade Industry”, with the latter originating from the former, and its spread to the neighbouring regions of Northeast Asia. We have found several inconsistencies in their factual data and methodology, and therefore the conclusions reached by Yue et al. (2021) cannot be accepted at face value. Using the most reliable evidence, the oldest true microblade assemblages are known from the Korean Peninsula. We suggest that this region is the more probable centre of diffusion of microblade technology in mainland Northeast Asia, including China and the Russian Far East.

Shuidonggou localities 1 and 2 provide key evidence for the Initial Upper Palaeolithic of north-east Asia. In a recent article inAntiquity(87 (2013), 368–383), Liet al.proposed a new chronology, building on the earlier results of Madsenet al.(Antiquity75 (2001), 705–716). Here Susan Keates and Yaroslav Kuzmin take issue with the new chronology. The article is followed by a response from Li and Gao.

An overview of current knowledge on the human paleodiet of the southern Russian Far East is presented. The earliest data are available for the Neolithic complexes of Primorye Province, dated to ~7000–5800 BP. For 10 humans from the coastal site of Boisman 2, a heavy reliance on marine fish and mammals (~70–80% of the total diet) has been established; this is similar to the Jomon and Chulmun complexes of Hokkaido Island and Korea. For two individuals from the inland site of Chertovy Vorota, a mixture of terrestrial and riverine (including anadromous species such as salmon, ~25% of the total diet) food resources is evident. In the Amur River basin, the diet of the Paleometal (i.e. Bronze/Early Iron Ages) population (dated to ~2500–1800 BP) was probably based on a mixture of C4 plants (millet, ~50–60% of the total diet), C3 plants, and terrestrial animals, while in the Middle Ages (~1500–300 BP) the contribution of C4 food was lower at ~20–25%. On Sakhalin Island, the maritime-oriented economy existed for a long time, at least since the Late Neolithic/Paleometal Age (dated to ~2500–1800 BP) and until the ethnographic time period (from the 17th–18th centuries AD onwards). Up to ~80–90% of the diet consisted of marine mammals and fish, and this is in accord with dietary patterns of the Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk cultural complexes on Hokkaido Island. Information on the paleodiet of the coastal populations of the Japan and Okhotsk Seas should be taken into account when calibration of 14C dates run on human bones from these regions is undertaken, because the predominant consumption of marine food caused a distortion of the true 14C age.

The updated chronology of the earliest pottery-containing complexes in Siberia and the Russian Far East is presented herein. The appearance of pottery (i.e. the process of Neolithization) in this vast region of Eurasia is discussed based on a model that represents a simple approximation of calendar ages between key sites as isolines. No clear spatiotemporal patterns for the origin and spread of pottery in northern Asia can be observed because pottery-making (unlike agriculture) could have emerged in different parts of the Old World at various times. Before modeling of pottery dispersal is conducted, careful evaluation of typology and technology of ceramics and stone artifacts should be done, in order to avoid the confusing situation when the results of modeling contradict the basic archaeological information. DOI: 10.2458/56.16938

The corpus of radiocarbon dates run directly on Pleistocene-age human remains in Eurasia (∼120 values, with ∼80 of them found to be reliable) is analyzed and interpreted. The latest Neanderthals are dated to ∼34,000–30,500 BP (∼38,800–35,400 cal BP). They probably coexisted with the first modern humans at ∼36,200–30,200 BP (∼42,500–32,800 cal BP) in the western and central parts of Europe. The earliest direct14C dates on modern humans in Eurasia are ∼34,950–33,300 BP (∼40,400–37,800 cal BP). A paucity of14C dates corresponding to the LGM is evident for Europe, but Asia perhaps had larger populations during this timespan. The main criteria for the selection of bone/tooth material for direct14C dating as now widely accepted are (1) the collagen yield (generally, 1% or more) and (2) the C:N ratio (within the 2.9–3.4 range).

A critical evaluation of the existing data corpus on the earliest pottery in East Asia and its chronology as of early 2013 is presented here. Pottery in the Old World emerged in three regions within greater East Asia, namely South China, the Japanese Islands and the Russian Far East, at c. 14,800–13,300 bp (or c. 18,500–15,500 cal. bp). Most probably, pottery-making appeared in these places independently; no solid evidence exists about migrations and/or diffusion of this technology from a supposed single centre in South China. Because the Upper Palaeolithic humans in Eurasia were familiar with clay (as a raw material for making figurines), the most probable driving force for the origin of pottery was the necessity to produce in large amounts durable, light containers for the processing (including boiling) and storing of food.

Four accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) facilities undertook an interlaboratory exercise designed to examine the reliability and reproducibility of radiocarbon determinations on bone by dating a sample of elk (Alces alces) from Miesenheim IV. This specimen is derived from a secure geological context directly beneath the Laacher See tephra, which provides a precise terminus ante quern of ∼11,060 yr BP (∼13,050 cal yr BP). Regrettably, the results of the intercomparison exercise were complicated by evident contamination of the bone sample by exogenous organic material. This contaminant, probably humic acid, resulted in a wide span of ages (10,010 ± 30 to 11,100 ± 45 BP). The only method that yielded an accurate determination, consistent with the age of the tephra, was Oxford's single amino acid technique, which targets hydroxyproline. An acid hydrolysis step seems to have been crucial in breaking the bonds between the bone collagen and the contaminant.

Data on the emergence of pottery and agriculture in Eurasia were analyzed from the view of their spatiotemporal relationship. It was found that there are 2 major types of association between pottery and agriculture: 1) East Asian, with pottery as the main criterion of the Neolithization; and 2) Levantine, with agriculture as the phenomenon most closely related to the emergence of the Neolithic. Some regions of Eurasia have intermediate characteristics. The concept of a single area for pottery origin in eastern Eurasia and its subsequent spread to the west, still used by some scholars, is the revival of the old diffusionist paradigm and does not seem to advance the analysis of the Neolithization process. If the wheat/barley agriculture definitely originated in the Levantine “core” and spread toward Anatolia and central/western Europe, it is impossible to apply the same approach to pottery. The latest developments in chronology of the earliest ceramics in China, one of the key regions in the world in terms of the origin of pottery-making, are critically evaluated. DOI: 10.2458/azu_js_rc.55.16201

Carbonised textiles were found in a burnt down building inside a cave 30km from the far eastern coast of Russia. The textiles were made from untwisted or hand-twisted blades of sedge grass to form ropes, nets and woven mats. Dated by AMS toc. 9400–8400 cal BP these are the earliest textiles so far known from East Asia.

In this article we present a review of the archaeology and chronology of the Neolithic (i.e., pottery-bearing) cultural complexes of the Kurile Islands. Previous studies revealed only general patterns of Neolithic pottery and lithic typologies in the archipelago within a tentative chronological framework. However, recent research has now firmly established an occupation of the southern part of the Kurile Islands dating to as early as ca. 7000 BP. Based on preliminary investigations it appears that major economic activities focused on hunting, fishing (with possible exploitation of coastal fishes), and the gathering of plants. Interestingly, there is as of yet no solid evidence for the widespread use of marine resources (shellfish and mammals) in the Kuriles during the Neolithic, though this issue requires further research due to a dearth of properly excavated sites. Several potentially important sites are also suggested for continuing investigation of Neolithic archaeology in the Kurile Islands w...

The recent progress in radiocarbon dating of the prehistoric cultural complexes in the Russian Far East is discussed against the background of ancient chronologies for greater East Asia. Since 1997, the wide use of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dating along with the continuation of conventional dating has allowed us to establish the age of several key Paleolithic, Neolithic, and Paleometal sites. It has also contributed to advancing a deeper understanding of the timing for the beginning of pottery production, maritime adaptation, and agriculture, and several other important issues in prehistoric chronology for the studied region. Reservoir age correction values for the Japan and Okhotsk seas are now used to adjust the age for samples of marine origin. Some of the cultural-chronological models for prehistoric far eastern Russian complexes put forward in the last 10 yr lack a solid basis, and are critically evaluated herein. DOI: 10.2458/azu_js_rc.v54i3–4.16125

A compilation of direct age determinations for Late Pleistocene human fossils in eastern Europe and Asia is presented in this paper, and current problems with the dating of hominids in these regions are discussed. Only 25 human finds (4 Neanderthals and 21 modern humans) have been directly dated from Pleistocene eastern Europe and Asia. Indirect dating of human remains (using presumably associated organics) often is insecure, especially when information about the exact provenance of human fossils is lacking. Continuation of direct dating of Late Pleistocene humans in Eurasia, primarily with the help of the accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) 14C method, is therefore an urgent task. DOI: 10.2458/azu_js_rc.v54i3–4.16167

The sources of high quality volcanic glass (obsidian) forarchaeologicalcomplexes in the Amur River basin of the Russian Far East have been established, based on geochemical analyses by neutron activation and X-ray fluorescenceofboth‘geological’(primarysources)and‘archaeological’(artifactsfromtheNeolithicandEarly Iron Age cultural complexes) specimens. A majorobsidian source identified as the Obluchie Plateau, located in the middle course of the Amur River, was found to be responsible for supplying the entire middle and lowerpartsoftheAmurRiverbasinduringprehistory.Thesourcehasbeencarefullystudiedandsampledfor the first time. Minor use of three other sources was established for the lower part of the Amur River basin. Obsidian from the Basaltic Plateau source, located in the neighboring Primorye (Maritime) Province, was found at two sites of the Initial Neolithic (dated to ca.11,000e12,500 BP). At two other sites from the same timeperiod, obsidian fromastillunknown sourcecalled“Samarga”wasestablished.At theSuchuIslandsite oftheEarlyNeolithic(datedtoca.7200e8600BP),obsidianfromthe‘remote’sourceofShirataki(Shirataki-A sub-source) on Hokkaido Island (Japan) was identified. The range of obsidian transport in the Amur River basinwas from 50 to 750 kmwithin the basin, and from 550 to 850 km in relation to the ‘remote’ sources at the Basaltic Plateau and Shirataki-A located outside the Amur River valley. The long-distance transport/ exchange of obsidian in the Amur River basin in prehistory has now been securely established.

The human–environment interaction in the southern part of the Russian Far East is considered, based on current archaeological, chronological, palaeoenvironmental, zooarchaeological, and archaeobotanical data. The major branches of the economy and its dynamics throughout the final Late Pleistocene and the Holocene are reconstructed on the basis of primary indicators (animal and plant remains from cultural complexes). The main stages in the process of human–environment interaction are distinguished, with principal boundaries at ca. 4500 BP (appearance of hoed agriculture), ca. 3000 BP (beginning of animal breeding), and ca. 1500 BP (emergence of plough agriculture and intensive cattle breeding). In some regions, such as Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands, communities of hunter-fisher-gatherers continued to exist for a long time, up to the 17–18th centuries AD. The relationship between cultural (maritime adaptation and agriculture) and natural (climatic coolings and warmings, and sea level changes) processes was not direct, and the palaeoeconomy in the Russian Far East was not environmental-driven; migrations and exchange played a certain role in the introduction of productive economy. The history of human–environment interaction in the region under study is closely related to more general features of this process in greater East Asia.

The palaeontological data on mammal remains from two Middle Palaeolithic (ca. 125 000 years ago – 27 200 BP) and 34 (ca. 34 000–12 000 BP) Upper Palaeolithic cultural complexes in the upper part of the Yenisei River basin (southern Siberia) are considered. General features of the faunal assemblages are established. Several issues are discussed, including (a) changes in species composition through time and palaeoenvironmental implications of the zooarchaeological records; (b) patterns of human exploitation (hunting) of mammals; (c) issue of mammoth hunting and (d) possibility of domestication of dog in the late Upper Palaeolithic in the Yenisei River basin. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The Russian Far East has always been considered one of the possible routes for Upper Paleolithic humans to migrate from North and East Asia to North America (e.g., Erlandson et al. 2007). Although ...

Kuzmin, Y. V. 2009: Extinction of the woolly mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius) and woolly rhinoceros (Coelodonta antiquitatis) in Eurasia: Review of chronological and environmental issues. Boreas, 10.1111/j.1502-3885.2009.00122.x. ISSN 0300-9483. The current evidence for date and environmental preferences of the extinction of two middle–late Pleistocene megafaunal species, the woolly mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius Blum.) and woolly rhinoceros (Coelodonta antiquitatis Blum.), is presented in this review. It is suggested that extinction of these large herbivores in Eurasia was closely related to landscape changes near the Pleistocene–Holocene boundary (c. 12 000–9000 uncalibrated radiocarbon years ago, yr BP), mainly involving the widespread forest formations in the temperate and arctic regions of northern Eurasia and the loss of grasslands crucial to the existence of woolly mammoth and rhinoceros. However, some woolly mammoth populations survived well into the Holocene (up to c. 3700 yr BP), showing that the process of final extinction was fairly complex, with delays in some regions of up to several millennia. The possible role of Palaeolithic humans in the extinction of Late Pleistocene megafauna is also considered.

Two sites were recently studied in the southern part of the Aral Sea. In borehole M1, several 14C dates were generated. Two major low stands of the Aral Sea, at ca. 1000–1500 BP (ca. 700–1200 cal BP) and ca. 4800–5400 BP (ca. 5300–5900 cal BP), and a higher level at ca. 1500–4800 BP (ca. 1200–5300 cal BP), were determined. Our data are generally consistent with previously received results, besides high level at ca. 4200–6600 cal BP contra to Boomer et al. (2000) [8] and extremely low level at ca. 1400–1900 cal BP contra to Tarasov et al. (1996) [16] and Boomer et al. (2000) [8] . Further 14C dating should clarify these discrepancies. In the mean time, it is obvious that catastrophes of the Aral Sea ecosystem, similar to the modern episode, which began in the 1960s, happened several times in the past.

The Obi-Rakhmat Grotto is one of the key Paleolithic sites in Central Asia. Archaeological excavations have revealed 22 strata containing archaeological materials. Lithic assemblages from all cultural layers display features similar to both late Middle Paleolithic blade industries and early Upper Paleolithic complexes in Southwest Asia and the Siberian Altai Mountains; this suggests a gradual Middle-to-Upper Paleolithic transition occurred in western Central Asia. Hominid remains found at Obi-Rakhmat (layer 16) show a mixture of archaic and modern traits. Different chronometric methods (radiocarbon, optically stimulated luminescence [OSL], U-series, and electron spin resonance [ESR]) were applied to the site's deposits. It appears that 14C dates are more reliable in terms of correspondence to the general framework of the Paleolithic of Central Asia and neighboring regions, and after critical analysis and the deletion of outliers, the upper part of the site's cultural sequence can be dated between 36,000–41,400 BP (layer 7) and ∼48,800 BP (layer 14.1). The U-series dating results are less secure due to the high uranium content and the presence of detritus, which contaminates dated sediments (travertine). The OSL dating gave uniform ages for all cultural succession (∼8 m of deposits), and confirms a very rapid sedimentation rate. Results of ESR dating depend greatly on the choice of uptake model. Dates calculated for the early uptake to some extent correspond to 14C data. The linear uptake chosen by Skinner et al. (2007) makes sediments very old (about 55,000–90,000 yr ago), which contradicts 14C dates and does not correspond well to the regional archaeological context.

Recent efforts to precisely date the florescence of the Clovis culture in North America have been hampered by both practical and theoretical problems: 1) The era of Clovis expansion (about 11,200–10,700 BP or 13,200–12,700 cal BP) coincides with the gap between the anchored central European tree-ring sequence (back to 12,400 cal BP) and the floating Bølling-Allerød sequence; 2) Clovis seems to immediately precede the onset of the Younger Dryas (YD) stadial. The “black mats” of the US Southwest appear to mark the regional occurrence of this climatic downturn. However, the timing and means of long-distance propagation of this climatic event are not yet well understood. Greenland ice cores (GISP2, GRIP, and NGRIP) remain poorly synchronized, with a discrepancy of 100 to 250 yr for the date of onset (as late as 12,700 cal BP, or as early as 12,950 cal BP); 3) The YD onset was accompanied by a rapid drop of radiocarbon ages from 11,000 to 10,600 BP in less than a century. The mechanism causing this was probably a change in overturning circulation in the North Atlantic. Do variable Clovis ages, often from what appear to be single-occupation contexts, reflect this “cliff” effect, slightly earlier minor reversals during the late Allerød, or simply the practical limitations of precision of the 14C method? 4) Dates for Fishtail or Fell I sites (with fluted, stemmed points) in southern South America are statistically indistinguishable from Clovis dates in North America. Does this imply very rapid population expansion, diffusion of tool-making techniques through long-established local populations (as argued by Waters and Stafford 2007), or abnormally large interhemispheric 14C offsets? 5) Are recent ostensibly high-precision collagen-derived dates for Paleoindian-associated fauna (e.g. horse and mammoth) reliable? Are interlaboratory blind tests of the new filtration processes necessary?

Changes of the Aral Sea level have been observed in 3 sediment boreholes, 2 outcrops, and associated archaeological sites. The obtained results are supported by 25 radiocarbon dates. Major trends of lake-level changes have been reconstructed in some detail for the last 2000 yr, and additional data provide an outline of fluctuations throughout the Holocene. Several distinct changes are shown to precede the modern, human-induced regression of the Aral Sea. These include: 1) the latest maximum in the 16th–20th centuries AD (53 m asl); 2) a Medieval “Kerderi” minimum of the 12th–15th centuries AD (29 m asl); 3) the early Medieval maximum of the 4th–11th centuries AD (52 m asl); and 4) a near BC/AD low-stand, whose level is not well established. Since then, events are only inferred from sparse data. The studied cores contain several sandy layers representing the lowering of the lake level within the Holocene, including the buried shore-bar of ∼4500 cal BP (38 m asl), and shallow-water sediments of ∼5600 cal BP (44 m asl), 7200 cal BP (28 m asl), and 8000 cal BP (26.5 m asl).

The chronometry of the origin of pottery in East Asia can give some insights to the question: did environmental changes trigger and/or accelerate innovations such as pottery-making, maritime adaptation, and agriculture? Recent results show that pottery emerged in 3 regions of East Asia: south China (up to ∼14,800 BP), the Japanese Islands (about 13,800–13,500 BP), and the Russian Far East (∼13,300 BP). The earliest pottery in the Old World preceded the Bølling-Allerød warm period (about 13,000–11,500 BP). Thus, the relationship between climate and pottery origin was not “linear.” It seems that the combination of environmental changes and the necessity to process freshwater fish and mollusks and terrestrial plants (including acorns and nuts) resulted in the introduction of pottery-making in East Asia. An important feature is the quite nonuniform nature of the Neolithization process in the eastern part of Asia, where often in 2 neighboring regions pottery appeared at very different times: approximately 15,000–14,000 BP in south China and ∼4000 BP in mainland Southeast Asia. Thus, the kind of eternal question like “What caused what?” still stands in terms of what were the driving forces for the emergence of pottery in East Asia and worldwide.

Here I present a critical evaluation of the analysis conducted by Graf [Graf, K.E., 2009. “The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly”: Evaluating the radiocarbon chronology of the middle and late Upper Paleolithic in the Enisei River valley, south-central Siberia. Journal of Archaeological Science 36, 694–707] of the Paleolithic radiocarbon (14C) dataset for the Upper Paleolithic sites in the Yenisei River basin of Central Siberia. Graf applied a rating system to the corpus of existing 14C data for the region, and announced some new 14C dates. The results obtained, however, are highly biased due to several factors, including prejudice concerning the higher accuracy of the AMS technique in 14C dating and that 14C dates from the same cultural component should overlap with plus–minus two sigmas; ambiguities with the subdivision of the Lateglacial period; artificially high sample selection criteria; incomplete factual material; and unjustifiable and misleading statements on the 14C dating of fossil bones and the issue of Last Glacial Maximum human presence in Siberia. As a result, the conclusions made by Graf [Graf, K.E., 2009. “The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly”: Evaluating the radiocarbon chronology of the middle and late Upper Paleolithic in the Enisei River valley, south-central Siberia. Journal of Archaeological Science 36, 694–707] are unconvincing. New analysis is necessary in order to improve the quality of treatment of the original data for the Upper Paleolithic 14C chronology in the Yenisei River basin.

General chronological frameworks created recently for the Neolithic complexes of China, Japan, Korea, and far eastern Russia allow us to reveal temporal patterns of Neolithization, origin of food production, and the emergence of civilizations. Pottery originated in East Asia, most probably independently in different parts of it, in the terminal Pleistocene, about 14,800–13,300 BP (uncalibrated), and this marks the beginning of the Neolithic. Agriculture in the eastern part of Asia emerged only in the Holocene. The earliest trace of millet cultivation in north China can now be placed at ∼9200 BP, and rice domestication in south China is dated to ∼8000 BP. Pottery in East Asia definitely preceded agriculture. The term “civilization,” which implies the presence of a state level of social organization and written language, has been misused by scholars who assert the existence of a very early “Yangtze River civilization” at about 6400–4200 cal BP. The earliest reliable evidence of writing in China is dated only to about 3900–3000 cal BP, and no “civilization” existed in East Asia prior to this time.

A study of the movement of people within Northeast Asia at the end of the Pleistocene is critical for understanding how and when some of the first human populations entered North America. Chemical source studies of obsidian may provide the evidence necessary to document people's migrations between these regions. Sixty two obsidian artifacts from the late Pleistocene and Holocene Ushki Lake sites in Kamchatka Peninsula were analyzed by instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA). Data generated demonstrate that multiple obsidian sources throughout Kamchatka were exploited by the inhabitants of Ushki Lake, and allow us to document long-distance population movements during the late Pleistocene and Holocene. It is reasonable to expect that obsidian from Kamchatka might have been transported to Alaska. This is true for the Chukotka region of Northeastern Siberia; obsidian from Chukotka has been found in late Holocene archaeological sites in Alaska. Ultimately, an expanded study that includes all areas of Northeast Asia and Alaska may provide the data necessary to document the earliest movements of people in these regions.

This article focuses on the presence of humans in Siberia and the Russian Far East at the coldest time of the Late Pleistocene, called the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and dated to c. 20,000–18,000 rcbp. Reconstruction of the LGM environment of Siberia, based on the latest models and compilations, provides a background for human existence in this region. Most of Siberia and the Russian Far East at c. 20,000–18,000 rcbp was covered by tundra and cool steppe, with some forest formations in the river valleys. Climate was much colder and drier than it is today. Eighteen Upper Paleolithic sites in Siberia are radiocarbon dated strictly to the LGM, and at least six of them, located in southern parts of western and eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East, have solid evidence of occupation during that time span. It seems clear that southern Siberia was populated by humans even at the height of the LGM, and that there was no dramatic decline or complete disappearance of humans in Siberia at that time. The degree of human adaptation to periglacial landscapes in the mid-Upper Paleolithic of northern Eurasia was quite high; humans coped with the cold and dry environmental conditions using microblade technology, artificial shelters, tailored clothes, and megafaunal bones as fuel.

Human remains from the Xarusgol Valley, Ordos Plateau, northwestern China, have been considered to date to the Late Pleistocene. In order to ascertain their true age, direct AMS 14 C dating of a femur collected in the early 1920s was conducted. The results demonstrate that the femur is very young, with one sample of ‘post-bomb’ age and the other sample c. 200 years old. This first direct dating of a Chinese fossil hominid underscores the need to apply the same methodology to other Chinese modern human fossils currently believed to be of Pleistocene age. 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Obsidian exchange patterns were studied on Sakhalin Island which connects Japan with mainland Asia. One hundred-eighty-two specimens of obsidian, including 157 artifacts from 75 sites on Sakhalin, ranging in age from the early Upper Paleolithic (ca. 19,400-17,800 RYBP) to the Okhotsk cultural complex (ca. 1400-800 RYBP), and 25 geological samples from Hokkaido Island (Japan), were examined by neutron activation analysis. Geochemical data suggest that all the obsidian artifacts from known sources found in Sakhalin archaeological sites were brought from Hokkaido sources. Widespread use of Hokkaido obsidian by Sakhalin inhabitants shows that long-distance contacts and exchange have taken place in Northeast Asia since at least the Upper Paleolithic. Although this obsidian transport could have been land-based during the Pleistocene, people had to use watercraft to cross La Perouse Strait during the past 10,000 years. The distance of raw material transport was about 250-300 km in the early Upper Paleol...

In Siberia, the accumulation of radiocarbon dates from archaeological sites since the 1960s makes it possible to compile a general Paleolithic 14C database, which contains about 440 entries as of late 2005. With these data, we can reveal the main chronological patterns of Paleolithic complexes, with a focus on the late Middle Paleolithic (Mousterian) and Upper Paleolithic. The 14C dates for late Middle Paleolithic industries in Siberia are quite “young,” up to about 30,000–28,500 BP and perhaps ∼27,000 BP. The emergence of the Upper Paleolithic in Siberia took place relatively early compared with Eastern Europe. At about 43,000–35,000 BP, blade-dominated industries existed in the Altai Mountains and Lake Baikal region, and numerous adornments are known from several sites of that age. The late Upper Paleolithic complexes with microblade technology from the Altai Mountains are 14C dated to about 35,000–28,000 BP, and represent the earliest unequivocal evidence of microblade manufacture in northern Eurasia. The end of the Paleolithic in Siberia is related to the appearance of pottery, which indicates the beginning of the Neolithic period. In northern Transbaikal, the earliest pottery complexes are dated to about 12,000–11,000 BP and in the Russian Far East even to ∼13,000 BP, while in most of Siberia they date to approximately 8000–6000 BP. The most important features of the Siberian Paleolithic chronology are: a) the long persistence of Middle Paleolithic complexes, until about 30,000–27,000 BP; b) very early Middle to Upper Paleolithic transition, ∼43,000 BP, closely connected with the emergence of art and symbolic behavior in the earliest Upper Paleolithic at this time; c) the very early origin of microblade complexes, at least at about 35,000 BP; and d) a gradual Paleolithic–Neolithic transition, beginning in the Russian Far East at ∼13,000 BP and in Transbaikal about 12,000–11,000 BP, in most of Siberia at about 8000–6000 BP, and even later in some northern regions.

The problem of a hiatus at about 6100–5300 BP (about 4900–4200 cal BC) in the prehistoric chronology of the Cis-Baikal region in Siberia is discussed. Based on a critical evaluation of existing evidence, there was no discontinuity found in the cultural sequence between the Kitoi and Serovo/Glazkovo complexes of the Neolithic, and the proposed “hiatus” may be an artifact based on underestimation of solid data. Conventional 14C dates are presented that were generated in the 1980s to early 2000s for Cis-Baikal prehistoric burial grounds, and were later dated by the accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS).

Upper Paleolithic humans occupied southern Siberia by about 43,000–38,000 BP (14C yr), and afterward continued to live there despite the very cold climate. If climatic conditions limited expansion of the colonizing population in northern Siberia, the Paleolithic ecumene should have contracted during the coldest episodes within the last 40,000 yr, and fewer 14C-dated sites should be known from those periods. In fact, the human population seems to have remained stable or even expanded during cold periods. Comparison of calibrated 14C dates for Siberian occupations with Greenland ice cores fails to demonstrate a simple correlation between climatic fluctuations and the dynamics of human colonization and persistence in Siberia between about 36,000 and 12,000 BP. Cold climate does not appear to have posed any significant challenge to humans in Siberia in the Late Pleistocene, and a supposed Last Glacial Maximum “hiatus” in population dynamics seems illusory.