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The issue of the attitude of various political forces of the early 20th century to Leo Tolstoy’s doctrines remains very relevant. On the one hand, it is due to the fact that the religious and philosophical ideas of the writer are still popular among liberal politicians and intelligentsia, contributing to the growth of oppositional, pacifist, and anti-clerical sentiments in a certain part of society. On the other hand, it is due to the “conservative turn” that is taking place today in the minds of the political elite and the majority of the population. In this context, historical themes related to the history of Russian conservatism are of increased interest. In this article an attempt was made to comprehensively analyze public addresses (speeches and sermons) and written sources (brochures, articles, books, diaries) of famous representatives of the right-wing monarchist (Black Hundred) movement of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, both priests of the Orthodox Church and the laity, which contain certain judgment about Leo Tolstoy’s activities and works as well as his religio-ethical and political views. The article concludes that almost all Russian conservatives positively assessed the writer’s literary talent, noting artistic merits of his literary works. At the same time, the article notes that the right-wingers severely criticized the religious views of Leo Tolstoy, considering them heretical and agreeing with the decision of the Most Holy Synod to unchurch the writer. The majority of the right-wingers considered the “spirit of pride” to be the main reason for Leo Tolstoy’s “spiritual decline.” The writer’s religious and ethical views were especially severely condemned by the Orthodox clergy. It is worth noting that some right-wingers found a rational grain in some aspects of Tolstoy’s worldview (vegetarianism, sobriety); at the same time, they specified that they condemned the writer’s “blasphemy.” The article emphasizes that despite the harsh criticism of Tolstoyism, right-wing political organizations (parties, unions) as well as unofficial right-wing structures (circles, salons) did not manage to develop a set of measures to counter Tolstoy’s doctrines, limiting themselves to verbal criticism of Tolstoyism.

The attitude of Russian right-wing parties and unions to the problems of combat readiness, recruitment, organization, training and education of the contingent of the armed forces of the Russian Empire is considered. Attention is paid to the place of the armed forces in the program settings of right-wing political movements, to the identification and interpretation by the Black Hundreds and nationalists of crisis phenomena in the army and navy, their attitude to the politicization of command staff. Particular attention is paid to the attitude of the right to the issues of modernization of the army and navy. New sources are being introduced into scientific circulation, allowing a more complete picture of the views of the right on the country’s armed forces. It is noted that the right saw in the armed forces not only a guarantor of the security, sovereignty and power of the empire, protection from external and internal enemies, but also the most important institution designed to preserve and transmit military traditions, which for the Black Hundreds and nationalists were inextricably linked with loyalty to Orthodoxy, autocracy and Russian people. It is shown that monarchism, conservatism, nationalism and anti-Semitism, characteristic of the right, are also reflected in their views on the armed forces.

The article studies the relationship between right-wing monarchist parties and unions of the Russian Empire in the early 20th century (Black Hundreds) and Russian Old Believers. Using materials of right-wing party manifestos and speeches of Black-Hundred leaders, the article demonstrates that by and large they construed Old Believers as a valuable resource for extension of the social base of monarchist movement. In an attempt to bring Old Believers to their side, the right-wingers initially gained some ground but could not achieve the wide-sweeping of Old Ritual followers into the ranks of right-wing parties and unions. Drawing on publications in Old Ritual printed media, it is shown that right-wingers overestimated the conservatism of Russian Old Believers, most of whom did not sympathise with the “Ancient Regime” and hoped for its renovation, preferring opposition political forces to right-wing parties. Protection of the dominant position of the Orthodox Church by right-wingers and disinclination to accept the equal rights of Old Believer spiritual leaders by the Orthodox clergy resulted in a situation when Black-Hundred unions began to be left by some Old Believers who previously supported the right-wing monarchist movement. Activists of the Orthodox clergy who were members of right-wing unions and kept on looking on Old Ritual followers as a fringe group and a politically unreliable element also contributed to the reluctance of Old Believers to join Black Hundreds. It appears that from the sacred for Black Hundreds triad “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality”, Old Believers were ready to support only the third item, which was obviously insuffi cient for the emergence of an alliance of right-wingers and Old Believers. As a result, for the majority of politically active Old Believers the promises of the opposition to give equal rights to all religious denominations turned to be more seductive than ideological attitudes of right-wingers.

This research studies the role of the Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People in complicating interethnic relations in the Volyn region during the First World War. Based on the materials of the periodical press of the 'allies', the author analyzes how the members of this Pochaiv branch created a negative image of the enemies of the empire and the Orthodox Church. Special attention is paid to the coverage and the analysis of the unfounded blaming of Jews and agrarian colonists for the «betrayal» of the empire. The author also shows that the Black Hundreds accused the army of enemies of committing crimes against civilians and prisoners of war. This was done with a clear propagandistic intention and in order to discredit opponents in any way. In this study, considerable attention is paid to highlighting the special role of the Black Hundreds in the implementation of domestic policy of the Russian Empire and identification of the key principles of their advocacy work in this area. Based on primary sources, the author of this article shows that during the First World War the Black Hundreds continued their activities aimed at discrediting other ethnic groups living in the Volyn region, primarily Jews and German agrarian colonists. Taking into consideration the situation in the empire during the war, the Black Hundreds intensified the anti-German vector of their propaganda work. German agrarian colonists were accused of «peaceful conquest of Russia», spreading Protestantism in the region, and cooperation with Kaiser Germany. In making these and a number of other accusations, the Black Hundreds failed to substantiate them with actual facts. Special attention should be paid to the analysis of publications about the alleged crimes of the Austro-Hungarian and German troops, and their abuse of Red Cross nurses, and prisoners of war in the pages of their press. However, in other publications, the Black Hundreds called on local residents to provide all possible assistance to prisoners of war, which contradicted their allegations of ill-treatment. The author also researched a number of articles regarding the situation in the counties liberated in 1916 and the destruction of Orthodox churches by Austro-Hungarian and German troops. However, these articles did not mention a single word about the criminal activities of the Russian army in the Volyn region, or the loss of civilians from ill-considered and irresponsible military activities. The author concludes that the Black Hundreds, moving in the direction of imperial propaganda, did everything possible to form the image of the enemy -- a Jewish and a German colonist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.

The article explores the main directions of the activity of the Volyn Black Hundreds in Galicia at the initial stage of the First World War; it characterizes a set of measures conducted in the context of government policy and aimed at strengthening the positions of the Orthodox Church and weakening the influence of the Greek Catholic. On the basis of the materials of the periodical press, it was analyzed how the negative image of the opponents of imperial power was created. Despite the set of measures aimed at increasing the influence of the Russophiles as witnessed by the events of the near future, they did not receive much support in Galicia. Considering A. Sheptytsky as one of their enemies, the Black Hundreds conducted a campaign to discredit him in the eyes of society. The provision of assistance to the areas affected by warfare and holding of a PR campaign by the Black Hundreds in this regard are highlighted. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the socio-economic situation that developed in Galicia as a result of its occupation by the Russian troops in 1914 - 1915. It was also found that the Black Hundreds on the pages of their press accused the Austrian authorities of all the troubles, without noticing the downside and losses incurred by the region as a cause of the Russian army activities and warfare. As a result of the offensive by the Austrian and German troops in 1915, a part of the population was evacuated from Galicia. This evacuation was shown by the Black-Hundred press as voluntary, although in reality a part of the inhabitants of the region was forcibly removed in accordance with the order of the Governor- General of Galicia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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During the Soviet period, the right monarchism was considered by historians of our country as part of general methodological approaches to the study of non-proletarian parties. As ideological and political antagonist of Bolshevism, the Black Hundreds were interpreted as the most reactionary political movement of pre-revolutionary Russia. As a result, the full scientific debate on the right monarchism in the Soviet period did not take place, and Soviet historians failed to form a historical concept of the Black Hundreds as an ideological and political trend in the early twentieth century.

During the Soviet period, the right monarchism was considered by historians of our country as part of general methodological approaches to the study of non-proletarian parties. As ideological and political antagonist of Bolshevism, the Black Hundreds were interpreted as the most reactionary political movement of pre-revolutionary Russia. As a result, the full scientific debate on the right monarchism in the Soviet period did not take place, and Soviet historians failed to form a historical concept of the Black Hundreds as an ideological and political trend in the early twentieth century.

Although the process of the acquisition of independence by countries and large ethnic groups in the post-Soviet region and the Eastern Bloc as a whole is complete, over the next few decades Churches are hardly likely to become propagandists of peace and tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]