Search

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper aims to analyse the effects in the trade performance of Georgia and Moldova in light of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) agreements with the EU. Hence, data for the period 2010-2019 is analysed to reveal the latest developments in the trade performance of these countries. The conducted analysis points to some positive developments in the trade of Georgia and Moldova with the EU for 2015-2019, however, compared to 2010-2014 or pre-DCFTA period the average annual growth rate of exports of both countries declined. Moreover, Georgia’s success to increase exports to the EU remain relatively modest as compared to Moldova. Therefore, Moldova has achieved more deep trade integration with the EU than Georgia. Furthermore, the effect of DCFTAs on trade relations between Georgia and Moldova is not substantial, and therefore, increased economic integration between the EU associated countries is not yet evident.

EU-Georgia Association Agreement (AA), with its integral part on Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA), has been regarded as the best opportunity for Georgia to promote exports to the EU and increase investment attractiveness of the country. Georgia’s benefits from AA/DCFTA directly depend on consistency of reforms as well as on the speed and degree of legal approximation and regulatory convergence with the EU, which would support growth of Georgia’s exports to the EU as well as attractiveness of Georgia for investments from the EU member states. However, after 5 years since the provisional application positive effects of the Association Agreement on trade and investment performance are not significant. As conducted study demonstrates, despite some encouraging developments in the EU-Georgia trade relations after enactment of the Association Agreement, in 2015-2018 (post-AA/DCFTA period) annual average growth rates of Georgia’s exports to the EU and investments from the EU countries to Georgia compared to 2011-2014 (pre-AA/DCFTA period) decreased. It is clear, that already achieved progress in implementation of the Association Agreement is not sufficient for export and investment promotion and Georgia should continue reforms in all areas, envisaged by the Association Agreement. Moreover, it is high time to grant Georgia the EU membership perspective and/or advance Georgia towards membership of the European Economic Area (EEA), which will be additional incentive for the effective implementation of the European Integration related reforms.

The paper aims to analyse the effects in the trade performance of Georgia and Moldova in light of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) agreements with the EU. Hence, data for the period 2010-2019 is analysed to reveal the latest developments in the trade performance of these countries. The conducted analysis points to some positive developments in the trade of Georgia and Moldova with the EU for 2015-2019, however, compared to 2010-2014 or pre-DCFTA period the average annual growth rate of exports of both countries declined. Moreover, Georgia's success to increase exports to the EU remain relatively modest as compared to Moldova. Therefore, Moldova has achieved more deep trade integration with the EU than Georgia. Furthermore, the effect of DCFTAs on trade relations between Georgia and Moldova is not substantial, and therefore, increased economic integration between the EU associated countries is not yet evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article is an attempt to look at European economic integration in terms of the Ukrainian crisis that not only Ukraine, but the entire area of Eastern Europe and the European Union must deal with. The purpose of the research is to demonstrate the impact of the Ukrainian crisis on economic integration of Ukraine with the EU. The research has been based on a mixed methodology due to the interdisciplinary subject of the article. The sequential exploratory strategy has been used. The research proves the Ukrainian crisis contributes to the trade exchange instability and causes disruptions in capital cooperation between the EU and Ukraine. The serious crisis shows how important a solid policy is to integrate this country with the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (EU-Ukraine AA). It argues that this new legal framework, which has the objective to establish a unique form of political association and economic integration, is characterized by three specific features: comprehensiveness, complexity and conditionality. After a brief background of the EU-Ukraine relations, the following aspects are scrutinized: legal basis and objectives, institutional framework and mechanisms of enhanced conditionality, and legislative approximation. In addition, constitutional challenges for the effective implementation of the EU-Ukraine AA are discussed. Based upon a comparison with other EU external agreements, it is demonstrated that the EU-Ukraine AA is an innovative legal instrument providing for a new type of integration without membership.

IN RECENT YEARS WE HAVE BEEN WITNESSES TO MAJOR CHANGES TAKING PLACE IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD. THE WHOLE PROJECT OF THE ENP DISTANCED ITSELF FROM THE ORIGINAL BLUEPRINT LEAVING MOST OF ITS ORIGINAL OBJECTIVES BEHIND. THE EFFECTS OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS AND THE POOR SECURITY CLIMATE IN EUROPE`S CLOSE NEIGHBORHOOD REDEFINED PRIORITIES TOWARDS WHICH SCENARIOS BEST SUIT THE CURRENT, HIGHLY VOLATILE PROXIMITY? THESE INITIATIVES EMBARKED IN A MULTILATERAL ACTION PLAN, FOLLOWED BY BILATERAL ARRANGEMENTS, SPICED WITH THE ENACTMENT OF SOME OLDER FORMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION. FROM THIS PLETHORA OF COMBINED ENERGIES AND ALTERNATIVE SUPPORT THE ENP MADE SIGNIFICANT STEPS TOWARDS A CONSOLIDATED VERSION OF THE EU`S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY, WHICH INSTEAD OF FOCUSING ON A SMALLER GROUP OF STATES TO EMULATE A FAVORABLE COURSE OF ACTION, IT TILTED AGAINST THIS RATIONALE AND BECAME MUCH MORE DOMESTICALLY ORIENTED. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes The key issues of bilateral cooperation between The EU and Ukraine in The framework of The Eastern Partnership initiative. Special attention is paid to political and economic components of this interaction, and in particular – good governance, signing of association agreements and formation of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA).The results of The research show that even despite The pressure from Russia’s side and EU’s high dependence on energy import from Russia, The EU has demonstrated its wiliness to support Ukraine in stabilizing its economy, encouraging judicial, political and economic reforms and further economic integration with The EU. Ukraine, in its turn, has also demonstrated its interest in intensifying cooperation with The EU and, comparing to other EaP countries, has demonstrated The highest results in The areas of political dialogue, trade and economic integration. However, turbulent and unpredictable political situation in Ukraine is negatively affecting The cooperation between Ukraine and The EU: Ukraine’s trade performance and signing DCFTA with The EU has been negatively affected by war conflict with Russia, which caused not only economic slowdown, falling commodity prices, high inflation, but has also negatively affected Ukrainian exporters’ ambitions and innovation development due to worsening investment climate in The country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse the current situation on the border of the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, in the current regional problematic security context. At the moment, neither the Republic of Moldova nor Ukraine has full control over its territory. Eastern Ukraine undergoes continuous armed confrontations, while the implementation of the Minsk agreements remains uncertain. As regards the Republic of Moldova, political instability and economic crisis continue to threaten its security and corruption is also a major obstacle for the administration in Kiev and Chisinau. However, a new regional context emerges after the signature of the Association Agreements of both countries with the EU in July 2014. The Republic of Moldova and Ukraine are bind to cooperate to strengthen their borders, in order to benefit from the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU. In addition, new agreements signed by the two countries in November 2015 established joint border controls at Pervomaisc and Kuchurhan points and, also, cross-border data exchange at the common frontier points. The Republic of Moldova and Ukraine implemented several years ago a joint control at the Northern border point Mamaliga -- Criva, but it is for the first time when this will happen just a few kilometres away from Tiraspol, the so-called capital of the breakaway region of Transnistria. The agreements signature to strengthen their common border follows the 2015 restrictions imposed by Ukraine on the passage of goods at Moldovan -- Ukrainian border, limiting, also, the free movements of Russian troops to the breakaway region of Transnistria. Moreover, Kiev denounced in 2015 several agreements signed with Russia on military cooperation, including the 1995 agreement regarding the transit of its territory and the supply of Russian troops stationed in Transnistria. On the other side, Tiraspol faces a deep economic crisis, aggravated by the political rivalries, emerged after the "parliamentary elections" held in November 2015. The region is also planning "presidential elections" in December 2016. As of January 2016, the European Union extended the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area to the whole territory of the Republic of Moldova, including the Transnistrian region. In this context, border cooperation between the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine will have crucial influence on the relations of the two states with the separatist administration from Tiraspol. Amid political instability in Chisinau and also Kiev and taking into consideration the developments in Eastern Ukraine, prospects for solving the "frozen conflict" in the separatist region of Transnistria remain, however, uncertain this year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Law of Ukraine is the property of Editorial Board of Journal "Law of Ukraine" and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Eastern Partnership, encompassing EU's relations with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine, was launched in May 2009 as an "eastern dimension" of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Its declared objective is supporting the reform process in the six former Soviet republics on their way towards the market economy and their gradual integration into the EU economy. The Union's goal, to consolidate a "stable, secure and prosperous area" at its eastern borders, is opposite to the efforts undertaken by the Russian Federation, in order to maintain its territorial dominance. On the one side, the EU is trying to push as eastern as possible the delineation of spheres of influence in the region, while on the other side, Russia has in view the reentrance of the ex-Soviet republics in its own sphere of influence, as it managed to do with Belarus and Armenia. The third Eastern Partnership summit marked an obvious defeat of the EU in relationship with Russia, by the suspension of the preparations for signing the Association Agreement by Ukraine and, simultaneously, a new stage of Russia's relations with the EU and US. The US entered with full force in the "geopolitical game" between the EU and Russia, trying to consolidate its military presence in the Black Sea and promote the shale gas exploration on an area as large as possible in Europe. How realistic are the US's ambitions in the field of energy, let us see in the following years. Nevertheless, it is evident that the Ukrainian crisis deepened step by step during the last months, and the tensions on the two sides of the Russia - EU - USA triangle intensified. In the present paper, we intend to outline the deep significations of the Eastern Partnership, resorting to some statistical evidences, demonstrating that, in the actual context, the easing of the tensions in the EU and US' relationship with the Russian Federation is not foreseeable in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Competition law and state aid rules play a crucial role in preserving healthy business environment by providing same level-playing field for all market participants. No surprise that considerable attention to these areas of law is devoted in the EU - Ukraine Association Agreement. This article focuses on a potential effect the approximation of competition law and state aid provisions contained in the Association Agreement will have on business in Ukraine (supposing that the Association Agreement will be signed eventually irrespective of the November 2013 decision of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine to put this process of hold). An overall improved institutional and legal system of Ukraine, particularly with regards to competition policy and introduction of the state aid control, should result in a healthier business environment for EU operators in Ukraine, better market access possibilities, and hence increased production, trade, as well as the investment flows, sustainable growth and general modernization of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]