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During the Second World War, the rebuilding of Europe was envisioned not only in terms of bricks and mortar, but also books. Between November 1942 and December 1945, the Conference of Allied Ministers of Education repeatedly met in London to discuss the role of culture and education in postwar reconstruction. One of the projects it led to was The European Inheritance (1954), a multi-authored publication that was meant to communicate as impartially as possible the history of Europe and its influence on the world. The CAME meetings have so far rarely been studied and are usually perceived as having laid the groundwork for the creation of the far more influential United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (November 1945). This paper instead argues that CAME and the activities that ensued from it deserve to be studied in their own right. The European Inheritance, in particular, provides a prism through which to analyse the slow transition from the 'imperial internationalism' of the early twentieth century to a burgeoning postcolonial world order, alongside which new forms of European intergovernmental cooperation emerged. Furthermore, the vicissitudes of this history book provide insights into the cultural ambitions and the international position Britain was seeking for itself during and shortly after the Second World War. As chairman of the commission in charge of this project, the classicist and political theorist Ernest Barker reveals the moral, intellectual and pragmatic motivations and negotiations that steered the production of this book through the push and pull of national and internationalist interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current hegemonic understanding of culture and sustainability leans strongly on the conceptualization of ‘culture’ as profoundly anthropocentric. ‘Sustainability’ in cultural policies again means often the potential of creative industries in contributing to economic growth. This approach can be seen as very problematic in the era of extending the environmental crisis, which urgently calls for not only new kinds of policies on sustainability but also new thinking on the relationship between culture and nature. The main purpose of this article is to analyze how recent theories and concepts concerning the rethinking of nature–culture relationship and ecological citizen-subjectivity could challenge the hegemonic economist sustainability discourse of cultural policies. The article presents the results of discourse analysis on how the economic side of sustainability has recently become the mainstream signification in international cultural policies and what are the major documents and institutions maintaining and strengthening this approach. The discourse analysis focuses on the questions: how is cultural sustainability systematically signified, and what are the arguments and justifications for the main significations the documents make? The data consist of the conventions, declarations, and program papers of the G20, OECD, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, and WTO from “Brundtland report” (1987) until now. Theoretically, I go through the recent ideas of social theories on the ecologization of economy, society, culture, and citizenship/subjectivity as proposed by Tim Jackson, Bruno Latour, Andreas Malm, and the Planetary Wellbeing Research Group. I consider how the hegemony of economism and anthropocentrism in cultural policies could be changed with their help.

This paper analyses, from the perspective of cultural policy considerations, the legal regime established by the recent Polish law on the immunity from seizure of cultural property on loan (2015). It deals with current trends of international museum exchange and explains the benefits and risks involved in cross-border loans of cultural material. This analysis is carried out by focusing on the actual practice and experiences of Polish museums, national and international regulations in force, and human rights considerations. The authors attempt to situate the Polish model for the protection of foreign cultural property on loan within the broader comparative context of the domestic legislation on museum exchange adopted in selected national jurisdictions. The article also offers a more general cultural policy discussion in the context of international museum exchanges of cultural material. Laws and policies facilitating such exchanges are weighed against other rights and interests encompassed in the protection of cultural heritage and the realisation of all human rights, including cultural rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on government policy aimed at the presentation of the nation abroad through cultural activities and its relation to national identity, external cultural policy. The methodological framework is offered by the discourse analysis of Wodak and the notion of identity of Laclau and Mouffe, treating policy as a discourse. A closer look is taken at the concept of cultural diplomacy and the closely related term nation branding. This article will show how the shift in paradigm also changes the role of ‘the other’ in the construction of national identity and how this influences the role of the arts in international cultural policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Museums are increasingly recognised as having a role to play within international relations, to facilitate cultural exchange, assert national identity and foster mutual understanding. Whilst international work is perceived to be politically motivated and diplomatically advantageous, it can be highly beneficial to cultural institutions. In this paper, ‘cultural diplomacy' is shown to be a strategy used by museums to enable organisational development and economic growth. This paper demonstrates how national museums adopted a political rhetoric and used strategic lobbying to formulate a new cultural policy, which expanded the scale and scope of their international work. By defining the parameters and principles of this policy, the institutions wield power, thus challenging the conventional perceptions of policy-making and contradicting commentators who accuse museums of political subservience. Throwing the notion of instrumentalism into disarray, this paper calls for a theoretical and conceptual rethinking, to revamp understanding and bring it in line with practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the terms 'culture' and 'reconciliation' are absent in the Élysée Treaty, this article looks at forms of cooperation that the Treaty nevertheless generated in the fields of education and youth, as well as foreign affairs and defense. In fact, the Treaty was quite important for the development of cultural and socio-cultural relations between France and Germany and the interactions between states and civil societies. Yet, contrary to the political rhetoric often heard, the Élysée Treaty was not the 'year zero' of Franco-German rapprochement. The Treaty also has to be evaluated in terms of the new impetus it provided for societal initiatives, as well as its limits in the cultural field. The article also assesses recent debates among intellectuals in the two countries: Do the two nations still have something to share at the cultural level or have they distanced themselves from each other? Has the Élysée Treaty really exhausted its integrative capacities regarding socio-cultural matters? In sum, the Treaty has become an important framework for Franco-German socio-cultural cooperation, even if 'culture' was not its main aim, and governments are far from having been the main actors in this field. But, thanks to the joint process of consultation and institutionalization, experiments with bilateral forms of exchanges and cooperation often occurred before being re-applied to a larger framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most wide-ranging and sophisticated critiques of creative industries policy argues that it is a kind of Trojan horse, secreting the intellectual heritage of the information society and its technocratic baggage into the realm of cultural practice, suborning the latter's proper claims on the public purse and self-understanding, and aligning it with inappropriate bedfellows such as business services, telecommunications and calls for increases in generic creativity. Reviewing the broad adoption of the concept in policy discourse around the world, this paper suggests that rather than a Trojan horse, it might be better thought of as a Rorschach blot, being invested in for varying reasons and with varying emphases and outcomes. Based on spatial analysis, then, the critique may need modification. Temporally as well, the critique may have been overtaken by later developments taking policy emphases 'beyond' the creative industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]