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This article explores the consolidation of industrial mining in Latin America, documenting the strategies that mining companies have used to deepen and widen extractive frontiers in Ecuador and Peru. Based on original fieldwork in the Andean highlands, we find that companies deployed payments, land purchases, and small gifts – or regalitos– to destabilize important norms governing reciprocity, community, and the commons, leading to significant conflict among community members. Our analysis contributes to a contemporary political economy that examines the ways in which mining companies use land purchases and gift giving to manipulate processes of community conflict, decision making and social consent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social conflicts stemming from industrial mining projects in Peru have increasingly been fought in court cases in recent years. This article analyzes the dark side of this judicialization of mining conflicts, a process through which state authorities criminalize participation in social protests and attempt to prevent the mobilization of social movements. This use of the law by public authorities is an example of the so-called shrinking space in which the scope of action of civil society actors is increasingly restricted and constrained worldwide. This article presents an in-depth analysis of a specific court case against a group of mining opponents in the Cajamarca region of Peru. Based on ethnographic field research conducted in Peru, the article discusses three different modalities of the law’s domination, exploring the various ways the law rules those who oppose large-scale extractive projects.

Social conflicts stemming from industrial mining projects in Peru have increasingly been fought in court cases in recent years. This article analyzes the dark side of this judicialization of mining conflicts, a process through which state authorities criminalize participation in social protests and attempt to prevent the mobilization of social movements. This use of the law by public authorities is an example of the so-called shrinking space in which the scope of action of civil society actors is increasingly restricted and constrained worldwide. This article presents an in-depth analysis of a specific court case against a group of mining opponents in the Cajamarca region of Peru. Based on ethnographic field research conducted in Peru, the article discusses three different modalities of the law’s domination, exploring the various ways the law rules those who oppose large-scale extractive projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ecología Política is the property of Fundacio ENT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the context of a global expansion of the extractive frontier, building broad protest coalitions is key for emancipatory and non-extractive future transformations of the countryside. Yet even though movements in both the agrarian and the mining sector struggle against the enclosure of land and the loss of livelihoods in rural areas, inter-sectoral coalitions remain scarce. This chapter therefore aims to identify challenges to inter-sectoral coalition building between movements struggling against extractive projects in the agrarian and the mining sector. Based on a case study of Senegal it shows that mutually exclusive identities, missing ‘bridge builders’, and different policy spaces constitute key challenges for the building of coalitions. Furthermore, extraction plays out differently in the agrarian and in the mining sector. Different regulations and economic histories as well as distinct impacts of extractive activities on land and nature provide different incentives and challenges for claim making in the two sectors. In order to understand resistance to extraction, it is therefore key to stay attuned to the different impacts extractive investments have on the ground.

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although many studies focus on environmental conflict and debates around sustainable development, more research is needed to deepen the understanding of the links between the frames upheld by actors involved in environmental conflicts and governance processes. We propose a dialogue between political ecology and governance to study how divergent valuations of the environment shape intense and long‐term mining conflicts and impact on environmental governance. Focusing on the case of La Alumbrera in Argentina, we argue that three factors disrupt environmental governance and deepen the conflict: divergent valuations that consolidate a growing distance among the images portrayed by the actors; the unequal emphasis that the actors place on the problems and solutions that mining generates; and the inability of the state and mining corporations to process the notions of difference that emerge from the territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recurring question within literature on resource conflicts is how to explain the origins of local opposition. Many studies begin with the arrival of mining interests. In this paper, however, I situate a conflict over proposed copper mining in northwestern Ecuador in relation to histories of agrarian settlement. Though the prospect of mining first emerged in the early 1990s, I trace the origins of this conflict to sugar cane in the 1940s. Drawing attention to processes of agrarian change, I demonstrate how local actors have generated the literal and metaphorical fields upon which this conflict has played out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the conditions in which referendums (consultas populares) on mining are held in Colombia and their effects on the democratic political system. It is in the form of a case study of the referendums which arose from local communities' opposition to the La Colosa mining project, in the town of Cajamarca (Tolima). The analysis is based on theoretical approaches to the structure of political opportunity and local mobilization in the context of participatory democracy. The holding of a referendum (or “consultation with the people”) results from short- and long-term political and institutional changes and the use of different mechanisms for spreading opinions. In the same manner, the article points out that such referendums have impacts on the political sphere: they mobilize a large part of the population, influence political agendas and institutional norms and open new opportunities for debate and democratic participation.

Highlights • Subnational planning institutions can foster development in mining regions. • The article compares land-use zoning and planning in Peruvian mining regions. • Empirically, it is based on ethnographic research, in particular 139 interviews. • A state reform of sectorial integration and political decentralization is needed. Abstract Weak institutions have been identified as a principal cause of the poor developmental outcomes of many resource-rich states. Research has largely focused on national-level institutions and governance, whereas their subnational equivalents remain understudied. Subnational governments, partially empowered by decentralization reforms, have increasingly sought to use existing institutions to influence mineral resource governance although they have no formal authority over such resources. This article examines the implementation of land-use zoning and planning in three Peruvian regions (2007–2016). It focuses on how and when subnational governments seek to influence mineral governance and under what conditions they succeed in strengthening institutions for inclusive and sustainable development. Theoretically, the article draws on the literature on decentralized forest governance and empirically it is based on extensive ethnographic research carried out in the three regions, written primary sources and 139 semi-structured interviews. Our analysis suggests that, whereas regional governments have strong incentives to use land-use zoning to influence mineral governance, they often lack capacity, accountable representation, and support from the central government. Still, land-use zoning has provided regional governments with information about natural resources that has been used in negotiations with mining companies, but also to improve regional planning. To have durable impacts on development, profound state reform to achieve sectoral integration and political decentralization is, however, needed. Our findings add to debates about extractive governance by showing how subnational governments, without having formal authority over mineral resources, still play an important role in shaping the developmental outcomes of resource extraction. Our paper also provokes important questions regarding how subnational governments could be included in extractive governance and which mechanisms for reconciling different interests are likely to be most effective. All told, a better understanding of how inclusive subnational institutions are effectively enforced and gain stability is crucial for transforming resource wealth into sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Development Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ways that the concept of development comes to mean refract individual value sets and map onto Guatemalan host-community residents' attitudes toward mining. Economically oriented residents tend to support mining while those who prioritize public health and environmental advocacy tend to oppose it. Individuals who trust institutions of the state tend to support mining, while individuals who perceive these issues through the lens of their religious faith tend to oppose it. Concerns around public health are especially salient. Focusing on individual-level decision making rather than community-level action distinguishes between rationale and decision, thus highlighting the variegated social meanings underlying superficially similar attitudes. Mining attitudes and their rationales are heterogeneous and vary in intensity.Las maneras en las que el concepto del desarrollo adquiere significado reflejan los valores del individuo y se alinean con las actitudes hacia la minería que poseen los guatemaltecos residentes en comunidades anfitrionas de proyectos mineros. Las personas que valoran el desarrollo económico tienden a apoyar la minería mientras que aquellos que priorizan la salud pública y la defensa del medioambiente tienden a oponerse. Las personas que confían en las instituciones del estado tienden a apoyar la minería mientras los individuos que ven estos temas a través del lente de su fe religiosa tienden a oponerse. Sobresalen en especial las preocupaciones en torno a la salud pública. El enfoque en la toma de decisiones a nivel individual en lugar de en la acción a nivel comunitario se diferencia entre la razón y la decisión, resaltando así los significados sociales que subyacen en las actitudes superficialmente similares. Las actitudes hacia la minería y sus razonamientos son heterogéneas y varían en su intensidad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present article, I evaluate the relevance of the concept of accumulation by dispossession in the case of large-scale mining in Africa and Latin America. I inventory and classify various types of dispossession processes associated with the implementation of large-scale mining activities in both regions. I evidence the relevance of this category in these two contexts, and its theoretical power, by showing how it captures essential elements of the dynamics of capitalism at the global level. In both regions, the processes constitutive of accumulation by dispossession are very similar. Social struggles against large-scale mining on both continents share common global determinants. This evidences the possibility of south-south alliances between these struggles.

Natural resource (NR) exploitation often gives rise to conflict. While most actors intend to manage collectively used places and their NRs sustainably, they may disagree about what this entails. This article accordingly explores the origin of NR conflicts by analysing them in terms of competing pathways to sustainability. By comparing conflicts over mine establishments in three places in northern Sweden, we specifically explore the role of place-based perceptions and experiences. The results indicate that the investigated conflicts go far beyond the question of metals and mines. The differences between pathways supporting mine establishment and those opposing it refer to fundamental ideas about human–nature relationships and sustainable development (SD). The study suggests that place-related parameters affect local interpretations of SD and mobilisation in ways that explain why resistance and conflict exist in some places but not others. A broader understanding of a particular conflict and its specific place-based trajectory may help uncover complex underlying reasons. However, our comparative analysis also demonstrates that mining conflicts in different places share certain characteristics. Consequently, a site-specific focus ought to be combined with attempts to compare, or map, conflicts at a larger scale to improve our understanding of when and how conflicts evolve. By addressing the underlying causes and origins of contestation, this study generates knowledge needed to address NR management conflicts effectively and legitimately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Semestre Económico is the property of Sello Editorial de la Universidad de Medellin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carta Económica Regional is the property of Universidad de Guadalajara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article studies the conditions in which referendums (consultas populares) on mining are held in Colombia and their effects on the democratic political system. It is in the form of a case study of the referendums which arose from local communities´ opposition to the La Colosa mining project, in the town of Cajamarca (Tolima). The analysis is based on theoretical approaches to the structure of political opportunity and local mobilization in the context of participatory democracy. The holding of a referendum (or “consultation with the people”) results from short- and long-term political and institutional changes and the use of different mechanisms for spreading opinions. In the same manner, the article points out that such referendums have impacts on the political sphere: they mobilize a large part of the population, influence political agendas and institutional norms and open new opportunities for debate and democratic participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of industrial mining and artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) on poverty is generally analyzed at local level, with very little consideration of the impact on the regional level. The multi-level and multidimensional nature of the phenomenon of poverty requires a multifaceted analysis. The aim of this work is to analyze the impact of ASM and industrial mining on poverty at the regional level in Burkina Faso for the period 2003-2014. The econometric results indicate that neither ASM nor industrial mining has a significant effect on the incidence of poverty at regional level. In addition, the effect of industrial mining on access to basic services is insignificant. However, the results reveal that mining conflicts increase the incidence of poverty as well as the rate of access to improved water services. The positive relationship between mining conflicts and water services suggests that providing socioeconomic infrastructures to communities is a requirement to prevent mining conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of a growing number of socio-environmental conflicts, different actors emphasise that territorial planning promises to strengthen democratic participation, reduce conflicts, and enable the coexistence of mining with other economic activities. As there are few studies on these processes, this article contributes by asking: To what extent do ecological and economic zoning and related territorial planning (ZEE-OT) open up a decentralised political space for influencing territorial development? Based on interviews and written documents, the article shows that without a basic agreement regarding the purpose and decision-making structures of ZEE-OT, these processes are unlikely to reinforce more democratic forms of territorial governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of neoliberal reforms on Mexico’s mining sector, with a focus on the social and environmental conflicts that have emerged since the 1990s. It distinguishes between two types of conflict: labor conflicts, which stem from intensified labor exploitation in the realm of expanded reproduction; and eco-territorial conflicts around accumulation by dispossession. It argues that free-market mining in Mexico has led to Mexican oligopoly control, Canadian imperialism and narco-mining. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Development Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the present article, I evaluate the relevance of the concept of accumulation by dispossession in the case of large-scale mining in Africa and Latin America. I inventory and classify various types of dispossession processes associated with the implementation of large-scale mining activities in both regions. I evidence the relevance of this category in these two contexts, and its theoretical power, by showing how it captures essential elements of the dynamics of capitalism at the global level. In both regions, the processes constitutive of accumulation by dispossession are very similar. Social struggles against large-scale mining on both continents share common global determinants. This evidences the possibility of south-south alliances between these struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative processes are increasingly advocated as means to handle intractable natural resource management (NRM) conflicts. Research shows that disputing actors can deliberate and achieve higher degrees of mutual understanding and working agreements under ideal conditions, but the transferability of these findings to real-world intractable NRM conflicts can be questioned. This paper explores the possibilities of designing and realizing deliberation and its expected outcomes in real-world NRM conflicts. We used recommended design principles to set up deliberative processes in two intractable mining conflicts involving indigenous peoples in Northern Sweden and assessed the actors' communication and outcomes using frame analysis. The results show that the recommended design principles are hard, but not impossible, to fully implement in intractable NRM conflicts. Both conflicts proved difficult to deliberate and resolve in the sense of reaching agreements. However, the findings suggest that deliberation, as well as meta-consensus, or structured disagreement, is possible to achieve in settings with favorable conditions, e.g. good and established inter-group relations prior to the conflict. In the absence of these conditions, where relations were hostile and shaped by historical and institutional injustices, deliberation was not achieved. In both cases, polarization among the participants remained, or increased, in spite of the deliberative activities. The study highlights the importance of understanding deliberation as embedded in place specific historical and institutional contexts which shape both process and outcomes in powerful ways. More efforts should focus on alternative, or complementary, ways to handle intractable NRM conflicts, including how contested experiences of history, institutions and Indigenous rights can be addressed. • Deliberation is challenging, yet possible, to design and realize in intractable NRM conflicts. • Intractable NRM conflicts are difficult to resolve with deliberation in the sense of reaching agreements. • Deliberation in intractable NRM conflicts can generate meta-consensus, or structured disagreement, under favorable conditions. • Place-related historical and institutional parameters shape deliberation and its outcomes in powerful ways. • Addressing contested institutions and historical injustices is a prerequisite for effective and meaningful deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the structural causes of social environmental conflicts around mega-mining in Mexico and describes the emergence and coordination of resistance movements. It argues that neoliberal reforms have facilitated 'accumulation by dispossession' on two levels: first, by transferring public resources in the form of mineral reserves and state-run mining companies to the private sector; and second, by dispossessing smallholder farmers and indigenous communities of their land, water and cultural landscapes, in order to allow mining companies to carry out their activities. Furthermore, it argues that some factions of the resistance movements reflect 'the environmentalism of the poor' insofar as they seek to maintain natural resources outside of the sphere of the capitalist mode of production. Through a systematic revision of newspaper articles, blogs and scholarly publications, 29 high-profile eco-territorial mining conflicts are identified and a preliminary analysis of these is provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of mining on the everyday lives of people in the Wassa West District, Western Region, Ghana. It is based on an interpretative methodology involving focus group discussions and in-depth interviews, complemented with an analysis of policy documents. The results reveal an extensive geographic transformation of livelihoods at various scales as a result of the local people being displaced from their lands that have become contested economic spaces. Monetary compensation for farmers who have lost their lands to mining companies remains a contentious issue, with farmers reporting that they are always at the losing end of any contestation for land and compensation. Furthermore, the local public perception is that there is hardly any trickle down of mining benefits to the local communities to improve their lives. After more than two decades of operation of various minerals and mining laws, our findings point to a conflicting and confused mining sector policy environment that disadvantages local communities. There is therefore a need to revise the country’s mining laws to reflect international best practices, to help make Ghana a sustainable mining investment destination in Africa, and to facilitate sustainable economic development in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

• Comparing Mongolia, Papua New Guinea and El Salvador shows great diversity in mining conflicts and negotiations. • In mining conflicts, forms of legitimate authority have become increasingly diverse across types and scales. • Claim-making in relation to diverse forms of authority shape constructions of "community" in mining conflicts. • The pluralisation of authorities offers precarious benefits when these effectively replace state-based entitlements. • Synergistic relationships exist between the strategic absences of the state, mining company demands, and claim-making. This article challenges simplified and idealised representation of conflicts between corporations, states and impacted populations in the context of extractive industries. Through comparative discussion of mineral extraction in Papua New Guinea, Mongolia and El Salvador, we argue that strategies of engagement over the terms of extraction vary significantly as a result of the interaction between relations of authority and recognition in the context of specific projects and the national political economy of mining. As mineral extraction impinges on their lands, livelihoods, territories and senses of the future, affected populations face the uncertain question of how to respond and to whom to direct these responses. Strategies vary widely, and can involve confrontation, litigation, negotiation, resignation, and patronage. These strategies are targeted at companies, investors, the national state, local government, multilateral institutions, and international arbitrators. We argue that the key to understanding how strategies emerge to target different types and scales of authority, lies ultimately with inherited geographies of state presence and strategic absence. This factor shapes the construction of "community" claim-making in relation to state and non-state authorities, and calculations regarding the relative utility of claiming rights or mobilizing relationships as a means of seeking redress, compensation or benefit sharing. In the context of plural opportunities for claim-making, we query whether plurality is more emancipatory or, ironically, more constricting for impacted populations. In response to this question, we argue that "community" strategies tend to be more effective where they remain linked in some way to the territorial and legislative structure of the national state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gold ores in Roşia Montană have been intensely mined for the last two thousand years, as this mining district was one of the richest gold deposits in the Apuseni Mountains (the so-called Golden Quadrangle of Romania). Itis currently considered the largest gold deposit in Europe. Up until a few decades ago, gold mines had a relatively predictable path, which began with exploration and ended with abandonment. This has since changed, once the impact of abusive past or current exploitation methods and technologies has been deemed unacceptable by the state and the public. With its millennia-old history of mining, Roșia Montană raises the intriguing question of what does the future hold for different actors in a situation that is clearly unsustainable, but which may be continued through environmental rehabilitation, or even a larger mine. We address the question for this particular mine by drawing on a worldwide database of similar cases contained in the Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas). We consider three scenarios, namely: 1) continued degradation with no intervention; 2) approval of large-scale mining, due to international arbitration; 3) environmental rehabilitation. These capture the most plausible future scenarios of the Roșia Montană case and, by relating them to the relevant transnational environmental justice context, we aim at assessing their implications for different actors and also the extent to which they are illustrative for the fate of other mines worldwide. Mine closure and the rehabilitation of the environment, regardless how distant they may seem at the beginning of the prospection and extraction stage, are imminent in the mine life cycle and a mandatory step of the environmental management process. We conclude by suggesting under which governance regimes each scenario is likely to unfold and what implications can be drawn for public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers insight on the missed narrative of land and resource conflict beneath the reality of gemstones and ores in the inchoate industry of limestone, marble and gold mining by communities in Karamoja – Uganda. Land tenure is often overlooked as a cause of tension or driver of conflicts especially in the design of responses to conflict situations in mining areas. Land tenure is considered to be an intricate, historical and perplexing factor in conflict, and the response to its manifestation is often limited to the formalization of land rights. This paper describes the forms of land tenure induced conflicts in mining communities. It articulates the need to address such land-resource conflicts by applying responses based on property rights recognition to that capture the full bundle of rights especially on customary land and improve the leverage of communities in claiming benefits from mining actions. The paper is arranged in six sections; a short introduction, background, and methods, women in mining, description of conflicts due to land-resource tenure and property rights recognition as a response to conflict. It concludes that property rights are essential in supporting claims to entitlement and benefits for communities, as they improve the bargaining power of communities while avoiding the coalescing ability of land grievances in driving mining communities into conflict. Under customary-communal tenure, surface rights are well defined but rarely are sub-surface rights. Legal and formal instruments to guarantee economic value and costs, transmitted in compensation payments, royalty fees and in benefits to communities are necessary to lessen the frictions about quantifications and measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]