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This article portrays youth mobility in Cameroon as a means to escape poverty and to achieve a better life. Youth mobility though not new is, however, taking a new dimension as a result of Boko Haram’s violent conflict. To explore how this violence has affected mobility, this study analyses narration of youngsters’ escape experiences from Boko Haram and their ideas of how to achieve a better life, drawing on interviews in Cameroon’s Far North Region. The study begins with the origin and regionalisation of Boko Haram, followed by the concept of youth, the evolution of mobility trends and better life. It then proceeds to narrations of escape experiences, places of destination and sheds light on mobility pathways and integration dynamics. Este artigo descreve a mobilidade dos jovens nos Camarões como um meio de escapar à pobreza e conseguir uma vida melhor. A mobilidade juvenil, embora não seja um fenómeno novo, está a assumir uma nova dimensão devido ao conflito violento do Boko Haram. Para explorar como esta violência afetou a mobilidade, o presente estudo analisa a narração de experiências dos jovens que fugiram do Boko Haram e as suas ideias de como alcançar uma vida melhor, com base em entrevistas realizadas na região do extremo norte dos Camarões. O estudo começa com a origem e regionalização do Boko Haram, seguidas pelo conceito de juventude, a evolução das tendências de mobilidade e a procura de uma vida melhor. Prossegue com as narrações de experiências de fuga, lugares de destino e lança luz sobre os caminhos da mobilidade e as dinâmicas de integração.

This article explains why some indigenous communities in Mexico have been able to resist drug cartels’ attempts to take over their local governments, populations, and territories while others have not. While indigenous customary laws and traditions provide communal accountability mechanisms that make it harder for narcos to take control, they are insufficient. Using a paired comparison of two indigenous regions in the highlands of Guerrero and Chihuahua—both ideal zones for drug cultivation and traffic—we show that the communities most able to resist narco conquest are those that have a history of social mobilization, expanding village-level indigenous customary traditions into regional ethnic autonomy regimes. By scaling up local accountability practices regionally and developing translocal networks of cooperation, indigenous movements have been able to construct mechanisms of internal control and external protection that enable communities to deter the narcos from corrupting local authorities, recruiting young men, and establishing criminal governance regimes through force. Resumen Este artículo explica por qué algunas comunidades indígenas en México han podido resistir los intentos de los cárteles de la droga de conquistar sus gobiernos locales, poblaciones y territorios y otras no. Aunque los sistemas normativos indígenas dotan a las comunidades de mecanismos internos de 'accountability' que le dificultan al narco tomar el control, estas instituciones resultan insuficientes para contener al narco. A partir de una comparación de dos regiones indígenas de las sierras de Guerrero y Chihuahua –dos zonas ideales para el cultivo y tráfico de drogas– mostramos que las comunidades más capaces de resistir la conquista del narco son las que han sido parte de una larga historia de movilización social, mediante la cual han logrado expandir los sistemas normativos locales para construir regímenes de autonomía étnica regionales. Al escalar las prácticas locales de 'accountability' a nivel regional y desarrollar redes trans-locales de cooperación, los movimientos indígenas han desarrollado los mecanismos de control interno y de protección externa que les permiten a las comunidades evitar que los narcos corrompan a sus autoridades locales, recluten a sus jóvenes y establezcan regímenes de gobernanza criminal a través de la fuerza.

This essay reviews the following works: Earth Politics: Religion, Decolonization, and Bolivia’s Indigenous Intellectuals. By Waskar Ari. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 262. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822356172. Earth Beings: Ecologies of Practice across Andean Worlds. By Marisol de la Cadena. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. xxvii + 349. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822359630. Governing Indigenous Territories: Enacting Sovereignty in the Ecuadorian Amazon. By Juliet S. Erazo. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 237. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822354543. Singing for the Dead: The Politics of Indigenous Revival in Mexico. By Paja Faudree. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. xiii + 315. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822354314. Multiple Injustices: Indigenous Women, Law, and Political Struggle in Latin America. By R. Aida Hernandez Castillo. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 330. $55.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780816532490. We Are the Face of OAXACA: Testimony and Social Movements. By Lynn Stephen. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 344. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822355342. Politicized Ethnicity: A Comparative Perspective. By Anke Weber, Wesley Hiers, and Anaid Flesken. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. Pp. ix + 187. $95.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137359032.

Coinciding with the shift to the left in Latin American politics, regional integration in Latin America accelerated during the last two decades. Yet, whereas support for European integration has been tracked systematically for decades, trend analyses of public opinion on Latin American integration are still missing. Combining data from eight Latinobarometer surveys on 106,590 respondents from seventeen South and Central American countries, this article provides the first longitudinal analysis of Latin Americans’ support for their continent’s economic and political integration. Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression, we reveal intra- and intersocietal trends and cleavages. Our results show that support rates are generally declining from high initial levels. Furthermore, while gender and educational gaps in public opinion remained stable over time, considerable shifts occurred with regard to political orientation: starting from the lowest initial values, the left surpassed the right—and, at least in the case of support for political integration, also the center—to become the political wing favoring integration most highly. This finding shows, contrary to prevailing ideas, that the political center is not necessarily the primary supporter of integration. When regionalism is increasingly driven by left-wing governments, public support for regional integration may also swing to the left. Resumen Coincidiendo con el desplazamiento hacia la izquierda de la politica latinoamericana, la integracion regional en America Latina se ha acelerado durante las dos ultimas decadas. Sin embargo, mientras que el apoyo a la integracion europea ha sido estudiado sistematicamente durante decadas, todavia no existen analisis referidos a las tendencias de la opinion publica con respecto a la integracion de America Latina. Este articulo, al combinar los datos de ocho encuestas de Latinobarometro realizadas a 106,590 encuestados de 17 paises de America del Sur y America Central, proporciona el primer analisis longitudinal referido al apoyo por parte de los latinoamericanos a la integracion politica y economica del continente. Utilizando una regresion logistica de efectos mixtos multinivel, revelamos tendencias y escisiones internas e inter-sociales. Nuestros resultados muestran que si bien existia un alto nivel inicial de apoyo, en general, este porcentaje esta disminuyendo. Es mas, si bien las brechas educacionales y de genero se han mantenido estables a lo largo del tiempo en el ambito de la opinion publica, se han producido cambios considerables respecto de la orientacion politica: en un comienzo con valores iniciales mas bajos, la izquierda supero a la derecha y —al menos en el caso del apoyo a la integracion politica— tambien al centro para convertirse en el ala politica que mas propiciaba la integracion. Este hallazgo demuestra, contrariamente a las ideas dominantes, que el centro politico no es necesariamente el principal partidario de la integracion. Cuando el regionalismo se ve cada vez mas impulsado por los gobiernos de izquierda, el apoyo publico a la integracion regional tambien puede oscilar hacia la izquierda.

Since the beginning of this century, significant changes occurred in relation to the distribution of income in Brazilian society, which recently has seen reduced inequality and middle income growth. On the basis of this information, alongside economic growth, the best-known interpretation of those changes in Brazil was the one that affirmed that the Brazilian middle class was enlarging. The main objective of this article is to deepen this discussion. Through microdata from 2002 to 2013 of the National Household Sample Surveys, we look at the relationship between recent changes in income distribution and class structure in Brazil. We analyze whether it is possible to identify significant changes in income inequality across socio-occupational categories. As a result, we present evidence that, rather than growth of the middle class, it is more correct to speak of a more affluent working class. Resumo Desde o inicio do presente seculo, mudancas significativas ocorreram em relacao a distribuicao de renda na sociedade brasileira, que recentemente apresentou queda das desigualdades e crescimento das faixas intermediarias de rendimento. Com base nesta informacao, junto ao crescimento economico ocorrido no periodo, a interpretacao mais conhecida a respeito dessas recentes mudancas no Brasil e aquela que afirmava estarmos diante do crescimento da classe media. O objetivo deste artigo e aprofundar essa discussao, atraves do prisma sociologico. Procuramos, por meio dos microdados das Pesquisas Nacionais por Amostra de Domicilios de 2002 a 2013, verificar a relacao entre as recentes mudancas na distribuicao de renda e a estrutura de classes no Brasil. Buscamos, assim, analisar se e possivel encontrar modificacoes significativas no que se refere a desigualdade de rendimentos entre categorias socio ocupacionais. Como resultado, apresentamos evidencias de que, em vez de crescimento das camadas medias, seria mais correto falarmos em fortalecimento das classes assentadas no trabalho.

This essay reviews the following works: Rethinking Productive Development: Sound Policies and Institutions for Economic Transformation. Edited by Gustavo Crespi, Eduardo Fernandez-Arias, and Ernesto Stein; Inter-American Development Bank. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. xxix + 461. $54.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781137397164. Macroeconomics and Development: Roberto Frenkel and the Economics of Latin America. Edited by Mario Damill, Martin Rapetti, and Guillermo Rozenwurcel. New York: Columbia University Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 389. $65.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780231175081. Free Trade and Faithful Globalization: Saving the Market. By Amy Reynolds. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. x + 179. $28.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107435179. Latin America after the Financial Crisis: Economic Ramifications from Heterodox Perspectives. Edited by Juan E. Santarcangelo, Orlando Justo, and Paul Cooney. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Pp. vii + 251. $149.99 hardcover. ISBN: 9781137486615. Meaningful Resistance: Market Reforms and the Roots of Social Protest in Latin America. By Erica S. Simmons. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xi + 219. $27.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781107562059. Global Capitalism in Disarray: Inequality, Debt, and Austerity. By Andres Solimano. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. xi + 235. $35.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190626273. The Last Day of Oppression, and the First Day of the Same: The Politics and Economics of the New Latin American Left. By Jeffery R. Webber. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2017. Pp. 1 + 305. $26.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780745399539.

This article analyzes student mobilization and public discourse on higher education during the June 2013 protests in Brazil in an effort to situate the protests historically. I argue that higher education was a major, yet overlooked, component of the 2013 protests, and that concerns over the failings and shortcomings of Brazil’s university system had deeper roots in institutional problems and student discourses on education, society, and democracy. These historical inequalities combined with institutional memories that offered students models and examples of past mobilization and allowed them to tie their present-day concerns to past examples of student politics. I consider the ways in which the often-overlooked question of educational reform offers insights into ongoing social inequalities in Brazil, the failure of various regimes to address structural issues, and how students in 2013 looked to the past while simultaneously drawing on their own particular educational contingencies. This article situates 2013 historically while exploring the ways in which higher education in the twenty-first century has transformed, even as it remains an important part of political and social struggles between society and the state. Finally, this article explores how the 2013 protests in Brazil reflect ongoing struggles to define the role of the state in society, not just in Brazil but in the Americas more generally.

Years before Presidents Barack Obama and Raúl Castro announced a “thaw” in US-Cuba relations on December 17, 2014 (17D), Cubans were intensifying ties through the transnational circulation of popular culture. To understand Cuba and its diaspora in the twenty-first century, it is essential that we attend to the transnational networks in place before 17D that continue to shape quotidian life for people on and off the island. I begin in Miami, with the “afterlives” of a comic variety show called 'Sabadazo'—popular on the island during the 1990s—to illustrate how what it means to be Cuban, politically and culturally, has shifted away from the exile generation that arrived in the 1960s and 1970s. I complement this analysis with attention to generational tensions within the diaspora and representations of race and sexuality. I then move to the island to examine 'el paquete' (the package), a terabyte’s worth of mostly foreign media updated and distributed across the island weekly. I contend that the economic and cultural impact of 'el paquete' cannot be fully understood without careful consideration of the role of the Cuban diaspora. Resumen Años antes de que los presidentes Barack Obama y Raúl Castro anunciaran un “deshielo” en la relación entre Cuba y Estados Unidos el 17 de diciembre del 2014 (17D), los cubanos ya intensificaban los lazos por medio de la circulación transnacional de la cultura popular. Para poder comprender a Cuba y su diáspora en el siglo XXI, es esencial que prestemos atención a las redes transnacionales establecidos antes de 17D que continúan moldeando la vida cotidiana de las personas dentro y fuera de la isla. Yo comienzo en Miami con los “ultratumbas” de Sabadazo, un show de comedia y espectáculo muy popular en la isla en los años 90, para ilustrar cómo lo que significa ser cubano política y culturalmente, se ha desviado de la generación de exiliados que llegaron en los años sesenta y setentas. Yo complemento este análisis poniendo la atención a las tensiones dentro de la diáspora y las representaciones de raza y sexualidad. Prosigo hacia la isla para estudiar “el paquete”, un terabit de medios de comunicación extranjera actualizados y distribuidos semanalmente por toda la isla. Yo sostengo que el impacto económico y cultural del paquete no se puede comprender en su totalidad sin antes considerar cuidadosamente el papel que juega la diáspora cubana.

This article examines two approaches to postdictatorship cinema: trauma theory, which has been especially popular in reading this corpus, and semiotics, which has regained popularity in film analysis in general but is not often employed when analyzing postdictatorship films. The article claims that, though highly productive in the 1990s, trauma theory has become less fruitful after decades of continuous scholarship and after the emergence of administrations that have made the representation of the dictatorship the center of their public policies, such as kirchnerismo in Argentina (2003–2015). While trauma theory yields ahistorical analyses, a semiotic approach that takes into account how indexical, iconic, and symbolic signs merge in the cinematic field allows for historical interpretations that are more adequate for reading postdictatorship films, especially after 2003. The article first outlines the main tenets of the two approaches (trauma theory and semiotics), then assesses their suitability for historical interpretation via a brief analysis of Andres no quiere dormir la siesta , a 2009 Argentine film on the country’s last dictatorship. Resumen Este articulo se propone examinar dos aproximaciones al cine postdictatorial: la teoria del trauma, que ha sido especialmente popular para leer este corpus, y la semiotica, un acercamiento que ha vuelto a ganar popularidad en el analisis filmico en general pero que no es frecuentemente utilizado en la interpretacion de este tipo de peliculas. El articulo argumenta que la teoria del trauma, aunque productiva en los anos noventa, se ha vuelto menos fructifera despues de varias decadas de produccion academica constante y de la emergencia de gobiernos que, como el kirchnerismo en Argentina (2003–2015), han puesto la representacion de la dictadura en el centro de sus politicas publicas. Mientras que la teoria del trauma resulta insuficiente para leer historicamente el cine postdictatorial, una lectura semiotica de como los componentes indiciales, iconicos y simbolicos se combinan en la imagen cinematografica resulta mas apropiada para llevar a cabo una interpretacion historica, especialmente despues del 2003. Luego de delinear estas dos aproximaciones, el articulo las reevalua mediante un breve analisis de una pelicula argentina reciente sobre la dictadura militar, Andres no quiere dormir la siesta.

Although a large number of democracies have extended political rights to expatriates, relatively little is known about the depths of transnational political engagement. How attentive are expatriates to politics in the country of origin? When expatriates judge leaders “back home,” are their evaluations based on the same ideological considerations as those of citizens in the country of origin? Drawing from original surveys conducted during presidential elections in Mexico (2006) and Colombia (2010), in which both emigrants and citizens within the country were sampled, this study addresses these questions. The results indicate that for each nationality group, living abroad is not associated with a drop in political attentiveness, and time abroad does not in and of itself depress attention to politics from a distance. Moreover, emigrants and individuals in the country of origin do not vary in the extent to which ideological preferences are used to judge presidents, which is a key marker of political sophistication. These results suggest that in the context of Mexican and Colombian politics, living abroad does not markedly diminish the potential for effective democratic engagement. Resumen Si bien gran numero de democracias han extendido derechos politicos a los emigrantes, se sabe relativamente poco sobre el compromiso politico transnacional. ?Que tan atentos son los emigrantes a la politica del pais de origen? ?Cuando se juzga a los lideres de este pais, la evaluacion que les hacen los emigrantes se basa en las mimas consideraciones que los ciudadanos del pais de origen? Este estudio aborda estas preguntas utilizando encuestas originales realizadas durante las elecciones presidenciales en Mexico (2006) y en Colombia (2010) y donde ambos, emigrantes y ciudadanos dentro del pais de origen, fueron parte del muestreo. El resultado indica que en los dos casos de Mexico y Colombia el vivir fuera del pais no esta asociado con una baja de la atencion a lo politico, y que el tiempo vivido por fuera no reduce por si solo esta atencion desde la distancia. Aun mas, emigrantes e individuos en el pais de origen no difieren en la forma de usar las preferencias ideologicas para juzgar a los presidentes, lo que es una marca clave de sofisticacion politica. Estos resultados sugieren que en el contexto de la politica de Mexico y Colombia, vivir afuera no disminuye el potencial de compromiso politico democratico.

Twenty-five years have passed since Haiti’s first free and fair elections. In that time, democratization has been slow and there have been many setbacks. This article offers some observations regarding Haiti’s democratization journey by examining how the government introduced a massive industrial park that required the displacement of a large number of farmers. In a departure from historical practice, when faced with opposition, the government deployed its security forces sparingly. Also, the levels of transparency and civil society engagement were not terrible. Although it is insufficient and superficial, movement is in the right direction. In contrast, local government officials may have lost status and legitimacy during the process, which could hinder future democratization. Finally, the footprint of outsiders in this project was massive, confirming how profoundly Haiti’s democratization is transnationalized. This makes tracking its democratic development extremely challenging and yet necessary given the country is not alone in this predicament. Resumen Han pasado veinticinco anos desde las primeras elecciones libres y justas en Haiti. Desde entonces, la democratizacion ha sido lenta y ha sufrido muchos contratiempos. Este articulo ofrece algunas observaciones con respecto al proceso de democratizacion en este momento. Al hacerlo, examina como el gobierno ha introducido un extenso parque industrial en el noreste del pais, el que requirio el desplazamiento de un gran numero de campesinos. Los resultados son mixtos. En una divergencia de la historia, cuando se enfrento con la oposicion, el gobierno envio sus fuerzas de seguridad con moderacion. Por otra parte, los niveles de transparencia y el compromiso de la sociedad civil no eran pasables. Aunque puede resultar insuficiente y superficial, el proceso democratico parece ir avanzando en la direccion correcta. Por otro lado, puede ser que los oficiales del gobierno local hayan perdido posicion y legitimidad durante el proceso, lo que puede impedir la democratizacion. Finalmente, el involucramiento de extranjeros en este proyecto era masivo, lo que confirma que la democratizacion de Haiti es transnacional. Asi, seguir el desarrollo democratico es algo extremadamente desafiante pero necesario ya que este pais no esta solo en esta situacion.

Resumen Se presenta un analisis tematico de tres debates parlamentarios claves para el tema de la libertad de expresion en el ambito mediatico en Chile desde la vuelta a la democracia: la discusion en torno a la Ley de Prensa 1993–2001, el Informe de la Comision Especial sobre las Libertades de Pensamiento y Expresion 2007–2010 y el debate de la Ley de Television Digital 2008–2014. En todos ellos, la batalla principal se ha librado por el significado mismo de la libertad de expresion, por su contenido meramente negativo —como la libertad de “injerencia” estatal— o el positivo que supone un Estado activo. Los ganadores de los debates argumentaron en contra de la regulacion viendola como una intromision estatal limitante para el mercado, y reduciendo asi la nocion de la libertad de expresion a la libertad de empresa. Abstract This article presents a thematic analysis of three parliamentary debates that are key to the topic of freedom of expression in the Chilean media since the return of democracy: the debate on the Press Law, 1993–2001; the Report of the Special Commission on Freedom of Thought and Freedom of Expression, 2007–2010; and the debate on the Digital Television Law, 2008–2014. In all three cases, the debates turned fundamentally on the central issue of the very meaning of the concept of freedom of expression: whether it should be understood in a merely negative sense—as freedom from state “interference”—or as a positive right to expression (presupposing an active state). These debates were all won by those who argued against regulation, viewing it as state intrusion against the market and thus reducing the notion of free expression to that of free enterprise.

This essay reviews the following works: Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman. By Jeremy Adelman. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013. Pp. xv + 740. $39.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780691155678. Kalman Silvert: Engaging Latin America, Building Democracy. Edited by Abraham F. Lowenthal and Martin Weinstein. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2016. Pp. vii + 195. $24.50 paper. ISBN: 9781626375550. Disciplinary Conquest: U.S. Scholars in South America, 1900–1945. By Ricardo D. Salvatore. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016. Pp. xii + 329. $94.95 cloth. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822360957.

This essay reviews the following works: Rethinking Race in Modern Argentina. Edited by Paulina Alberto and Eduardo Elena. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. xviii + 373. $120.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107107632. Reimagining Black Difference and Politics in Brazil: From Racial Democracy to Multiculturalism.By Alexandre Emboaba Da Costa. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. vii + 233. $105.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137386335. Racial Subordination in Latin America: The Role of the State, Customary Law, and the New Civil Rights Response. By Tanya Kateri Hernandez. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Pp. vii + 247. $35.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107695436. The Color of Love: Racial Features, Stigma, and Socialization in Black Brazilian Families.By Elizabeth Hordge-Freeman. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 311. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781477307885. Blackness in the Andes: Ethnographic Vignettes of Cultural Politics in the Time of Multiculturalism. By Jean Muteba Rahier. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. ix + 243. $110.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781137272713. Land of the Cosmic Race: Race Mixture, Racism, and Blackness in Mexico. By Christina A. Sue. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Pp. ix + 234. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780199925506. Pigmentocracies: Ethnicity, Race, and Color in Latin America. By Edward Telles and the Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Pp. xiii + 320. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9781469617831.

This article examines the clandestine connections between participants in the illicit drug trade and members of state security forces to understand how they impact everyday understandings of the law. Drawing on a unique combination of long-term ethnographic fieldwork in a poor, high-crime district in Argentina and wiretapped conversations drawn from a court case involving a drug trafficking group active in the same area, we find that traffickers use illicit relationships to maintain economic control of the territory, and that collusion fosters widespread cynicism about law enforcement among residents. This article expands the literature on the covert relationships between drug trade participants and agents of the state by detailing the inner workings of collusion. Furthermore, it analyzes residents’ perceptions of police complicity as an underexplored source of legal cynicism. Finally, it offers a methodological blueprint of how to access and analyze data that capture state actions usually hidden from public view. Resumen Este articulo examina las conexiones clandestinas entre participantes en el trafico de drogas ilegales y miembros de las fuerzas de seguridad del estado a los efectos de entender como esas relaciones impactan en la manera en que la ley es entendida en la vida cotidiana. Combinando trabajo etnografico en un barrio pobre con altos niveles de criminalidad y escuchas telefonicas registradas en un expediente judicial que involucra a un grupo de traficantes de la misma zona, encontramos que: a) los traficantes utilizan esas relaciones clandestinas para mantener control economico del territorio, y b) la colusion entre agentes del estado y traficantes alimenta un cinismo legal generalizado entre los residentes de la zona. Este articulo hace tres contribuciones. En primer lugar, expande la literatura sobre relaciones encubiertas entre participantes en el mercado de drogas ilicitas y los agentes del estado al detallar el funcionamiento de la colusion. En segundo lugar, analiza las percepciones sobre la complicidad policial como una fuente no estudiada de cinismo legal. Por ultimo, ofrece una estrategia metodologica para acceder y analizar datos sobre acciones del estado que suelen estar ocultas.

On March 14, 2008, 'Granma' started publication of a new section entitled 'Cartas a la dirección', which printed letters to the editor containing complaints, criticisms, and suggestions. The section rapidly grew in popularity and became the most closely read portion of the Friday paper. This essay engages with three related questions that have theoretical relevance beyond the specific case of Cuba. First, why would the flagship newspaper in a communist regime solicit citizen letters? Second, why would some of these letters be printed? And third, why would news media seek out responses to the letters and comment on unsatisfactory responses? This essay argues that in Cuba, as in other communist regimes, published complaint letters have two functions: the simple printing of select letters facilitates the collective letting off of steam, whereas the publication of responses to the letters by the authorities that were responsible for the infractions outlined in the initial complaint allows the regime to demonstrate that it takes popular input seriously. Therefore, 'Cartas a la dirección' serves as a nonelectoral mechanism of accountability. Resumen El 14 de marzo de 2008, 'Granma inició' la publicación de una nueva sección titulada 'Cartas a la dirección', que publicaba cartas conteniendo quejas, críticas y sugerencias. La sección rápidamente creció en popularidad y se convirtió en el segmento más leído del periódico del viernes. Este ensayo plantea tres preguntas que tienen relevancia teórica más allá del caso específico de Cuba. Primero, ¿por qué el periódico oficial en un régimen comunista solicitaría cartas a los ciudadanos? Segundo, ¿por qué se publicarían algunas de estas cartas? Y en tercer lugar, ¿por qué los medios de comunicación responderían a esas cartas y comentarían las respuestas insatisfactorias? Este artículo argumenta que en Cuba, al igual que en otros regímenes comunistas, las cartas de queja publicadas cumplen dos funciones: la simple publicación de cartas seleccionadas facilita la descarga colectiva de tensión, mientras que la publicación de las respuestas de las autoridades responsables por las infracciones señaladas en la queja inicial permite al régimen demostrar que toma en serio la opinión del pueblo. Por lo tanto, 'Cartas a la dirección' sirve como un mecanismo no electoral de rendición de cuentas.

En abril del ano 2015 se promulgo la ley que creo el acuerdo de union civil en Chile. Este articulo investiga las principales ideas discutidas en el debate legislativo y del rol que cumplieron profesores de derecho de familia invitados como expertos al mismo. Proponemos que la participacion de estos abogados fue marginal dentro y fuera del Congreso. Como consecuencia, la ley que creo el acuerdo de union civil presento serias falencias. En este articulo proponemos considerar las batallas intra-profesionales por el reconocimiento de un saber experto, como un factor clave en la formulacion de politicas en materia de genero y sexualidad. Y de paso, esperamos abrir un debate desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que reimagine al derecho de familia desanclado de relaciones diadicas, centradas en la atraccion sexual y orientadas a la procreacion. In Chile, a bill recognizing civil unions for same-sex and opposite-sex couples was signed into law in April 2015. In this article, we analyze the parliamentary debate on the civil union’s law and the role of law professors invited as experts in the debate. We conclude that their position as experts was marginal inside and outside the Congress. As a result, the parliament approved the law with several shortcomings. The contribution of this research is twofold. First, we propose that intraprofessional battles over expertise are a crucial factor to understand better the formulation of gender and sexual policies in Latin America. Second, from an interdisciplinary approach, we propose to reimagine family law decoupled from norms centered on dyadic and romantic relationships and oriented to procreation.

This essay reviews the following works: Reflections on Uneven Democracies: The Legacy of Guillermo O’Donnell. Edited by Daniel Brinks, Marcelo Leiras, and Scott Mainwaring. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. viii + 422. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421414607 . Problems Confronting Contemporary Democracies: Essays in Honor of Alfred Stepan. Edited by Douglas Chalmers and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2012. Pp. xii + 487. $75.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780268023720. The Resilience of the Latin American Right. Edited by Juan-Pablo Luna and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 377. $34.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421413907. Democracies and Dictatorships in Latin America: Emergence, Survival, and Fall. By Scott Mainwaring and Anibal Perez-Linan. Pp. xiv + 353 pages. $35.99 paper. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. ISBN: 9780521152242. Democracy in Latin America: Between Hope and Despair. By Ignacio Walker. Translated by Krystin Krause, Holly Bird, and Scott Mainwaring. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2013. Pp. xvi + 262. $38.00 paper. ISBN: 9780268019723.

This essay reviews the following works: In Harm’s Way: the Dynamics of Urban Violence. By Javier Auyero and Maria Fernanda Berti. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 239. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780691164779. Violence at the Urban Margins. Edited by Javier Auyero, Philippe Bourgois, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 323. $24.95 paper. ISBN: 9780190221454. Bruno: Conversations with a Brazilian Drug Dealer. By Robert Gay. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 219. $23.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822358497. The Spectacular Favela: Violence in Modern Brazil. By Erika Robb Larkins. Oakland: University of California Press, 2015. Pp. xi + 231. $29.95 paper. ISBN: 9780520282773. Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America. By Eduardo Moncada. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 219. $65.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780804794176. Living with Insecurity in a Brazilian Favela: Urban Violence and Daily Life. By R. Ben Penglase. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 2014. Pp. ix + 197. $26.95 paper. ISBN: 9780813565439.

In order to analyze the gender performance and empowerment of Brazilian female drug traffickers, this article compares the character of Marta in Patrícia Melo’s novel 'Inferno' (2000) with the testimonies of four real female drug traffickers collected in MV Bill and Celso Athayde’s book 'Falcão: Mulheres e o tráfico' (2007). It argues that while female drug traffickers highlight their experience and use their kinship relations, Marta’s access to power and gender transgression are temporary because her community and other drug traffickers do not support her. The article also proposes the term “the most desired positions” to replace “hegemonic masculinities” because of the prominence that cisgender and trans women have begun to have in the world of drug trade. Resumo Com o propósito de analisar a performance de gênero e o empoderamento de mulheres traficantes brasileiras, este ensaio compara a personagem de Marta no romance 'Inferno' (2000) da autora Patrícia Melo com os testemunhos de quatro mulheres traficantes que foram recolhidos no livro 'Falcão: Mulheres e o tráfico' (2007) de MV Bill e Celso Athayde. O ensaio argumenta que, enquanto as mulheres traficantes salientam sua experiência e uso de relações de parentesco, o acesso de Marta ao poder e sua transgressão de gênero são temporários porque sua comunidade e outros traficantes não a apoiam. O ensaio também propõe usar o termo “posições mais desejadas” para substituir a expressão “masculinidades hegemônicas” devido à prominência que as mulheres trans e cisgênero começaram a ter no mundo do tráfico de narcóticos.

Research in advanced industrialized democracies on social attitudes toward same-sex marriage suggests that intergroup social contact and positive media coverage play an important role in promoting tolerance and support for same-sex marriage. Using AmericasBarometer survey data for eighteen countries in 2010, 2012, and 2014, this article examines the ways in which individual-level Internet use interacts with news exposure, country-level quality of democracy, Internet penetration, and their association with support for same-sex marriage. The results suggest that not only is Internet use associated with greater support for same-sex marriage, but that among those who both use the Internet and pay more attention to the news, the positive effects are amplified. In addition, national level of democracy, economic development, and Internet use are also associated with overall higher probabilities of supporting same-sex marriage. We find that Internet use has a strong positive association with the probability of supporting same-sex marriage as the percentage of the national population on the Internet increases. These findings extend our understanding of social and political tolerance of same-sex marriage in Latin America. Investigacion en paises industrializados sugiere que el contacto entre grupos sociales y la cobertura positiva de los mismos en medios de comunicacion juegan un papel importante en la promocion de tolerancia y en aumentar apoyo al matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. Basandonos en las encuestas del AmericasBarometer de 2010, 2012 y 2014, este articulo examina como el uso de la Internet interactua con el consumo de noticias, la calidad de la democracia en el pais, el grado nacional de penetracion de la Internet, y su asociacion con mayor apoyo al matrimonio igualitario. Estos resultados sugieren que no solamente existe una asociacion entre el uso de la Internet y apoyo al matrimonio igualitario, pero que esta asociacion amplifica los efectos positivos entre las personas que usan la Internet y prestan atencion a las noticias. Ademas, la calidad de la democracia al nivel nacional, niveles de desarrollo economico, asi como el uso de la Internet estan tambien asociados con probabilidades mayores de apoyo. Encontramos que existe una fuerte asociacion positiva entre el uso de la Internet y probabilidades de mayor apoyo conforme aumenta el porcentaje de la poblacion con acceso a la Internet.

This article explores Latin American genomic studies of mestizaje and the way mestizaje’s inherent contradiction between equality and hierarchy—a contradiction typical of liberalism—is managed in genomics. In Latin America, ideologies and practices of mestizaje may be seen as an antidote to hierarchies of race and class, but also as a terrain for the enactment of these hierarchies. Mestizaje mediates this contradiction between equality and hierarchy first by deploying the idea of sexual intimacy and family kinship across racial difference, and second by representing blackness and indigeneity as spatially peripheral and temporally backward-looking, thus naturalizing them as other. Multiculturalism can be seen as a recent variant on these themes, as well as a departure from them. Recent genomics research in Latin America strongly reiterates these ideas, while also adding some new twists. Despite its apparent connection with progressive politics and policies (antiracism, better health for all, protection of human rights for victims of oppression), genomics here appears as a mainly conservative force. Resumen Este articulo aborda las investigaciones genomicas latinoamericanas del mestizaje y como la contradiccion inherente del mestizaje entre la igualdad y la jerarquia—una contradiccion tipica del liberalismo—se maneja en la genomica. En America Latina las ideologias y practicas del mestizaje pueden ser entendidas como un antidoto a las jerarquias de raza y clase, pero tambien como el terreno en el cual se reproducen estas jerarquias. El mestizaje media esta contradiccion entre la igualdad y la jerarquia primero al usar la idea de que la intimidad sexual y el parentesco atraviesan las diferencias racializadas; y segundo al representar lo negro y lo indigena como espacialmente perifericos y temporalmente atrasados, de esta manera naturalizandolos como Otro. Se puede entender el multiculturalismo como una variante reciente de estos temas, asi como una divergencia de ellos. En la ciencia genomica latinoamericana, investigaciones recientes reiteran fuertemente estas ideas, a la vez agregandoles nuevas acepciones. A pesar de su aparente vinculo con las politicas sociales progresivas (anti-racismo, mejor salud para todos, proteccion de los derechos humanos para las victimas de la violencia), en este caso la genomica se presenta como una fuerza mas que todo conservadora.

Afro-descendants and indigenous peoples in Latin America face higher poverty rates and are disproportionately represented among the poor. The probability of being poor is between two and three times higher for indigenous and Afro-descendants than whites. Using comparable fiscal incidence analyses for Bolivia, Brazil, and Guatemala, I analyze how much poverty and inequality change in the ethnoracial space after fiscal interventions. Although taxes and transfers tend to reduce the ethnoracial gaps, the change is very small. While per capita cash transfers tend to be higher for the nonwhite population, spending on these programs is too low, especially when compared with the disproportionate number of poor people among nonwhites.

The results of a multisited ethnography developed between 2015 and 2016 among the Saraguros indigenous group of Ecuador allow for the description of nine factors that intervene, paradoxically, in Andean mystical tourism. Essentialist “neo-Incaism,” the concept of pristine nature with “energetic” places, the rise of the ancestral medicine, the idealization of the community as opposite the Western way of life, the institutional recognition of the interculturality and indigenous cultures, the international growth of a “neo-Indian” network, New Age syncretism, the cultural capital of 'yachaks' (shamans), and the possibility of marketing the spiritual in a “fast ritual” format, all these show the multidimensionality of a tourism that eludes a simple categorization as authentic or simulacrum to help us understand—in light of the “glocal” phenomenon—the place in the world that many indigenous groups in Latin America currently occupy. Resumen Los resultados de una etnografía multisituada desarrollada en 2015 y 2016 entre los saraguros, indígenas del Ecuador, permiten describir nueve factores que intervienen, con paradójicas relaciones, en el turismo místico andino. El neoincaismo esencialista, la concepción de una naturaleza prístina con lugares 'energéticos', el auge de la medicina ancestral, la idealización de lo comunitario como opuesto al estilo de vida occidental, el reconocimiento institucional de la interculturalidad y las culturas de los pueblos originarios, la ampliación internacional de las redes de la galaxia neoindia, el sincretismo 'new age', el capital cultural de los 'yachaks' y la posibilidad de mercantilizar lo espiritual bajo formatos de 'fast rituals' muestran la multidimensionalidad de un tipo de turismo que escapa a su simple categorización como auténtico o simulacro, y nos hace comprender —a la luz de un fenómeno 'glocal'— el lugar en el mundo que ocupan actualmente muchos grupos indígenas en Latinoamérica.

Under new democratic regimes, civil society organizations (CSOs) alter their political strategies to better engage public officials and citizens as well as to influence broader political debates. In Brazil, between 1990 and 2010, CSOs gained access to a broad participatory architecture as well as a reconfigured state, inducing CSOs to employ a wider range of strategies. This article uses a political network approach to illuminate variation in CSOs’ political strategies across four policy arenas and show how the role of the state, the broader configuration of civil society, the interests of elected officials, and the rules of participatory institutions interact to produce this variation. Data for this article’s analysis come from a survey of three hundred CSO leaders in the Brazilian city of Belo Horizonte. The survey identified the strategies they employed to promote policy change and direct resource allocation in the arenas of participatory budgeting, health care, social services, and housing. Sociographs generated from survey results reveal a distinct clustering within each policy arena of the strategies employed by CSOs, providing further support to the usefulness of the analytical framework.

Many Bolivians engage in corruption through intermediaries, like civil society representatives and lawyers, instead of paying officials directly. People vocally resent that intermediaries add an extra layer of costs and opaqueness to corruption but still choose to pay bribes through intermediaries that knowingly take advantage of them. Why do intermediaries facilitate corruption? While other studies on corrupt intermediaries find that they reduce uncertainty and transaction costs, this study contributes to corruption research by finding that intermediaries engage in cartel-like behavior by disproportionally helping officials and intentionally increasing uncertainty and costs for the average citizen. Ethnographic evidence from street markets in La Paz demonstrates that civil society actors like street vendors’ union representatives advance their careers by collecting and delivering bribes to specific bureaucrats. Collusive relationships between bureaucrats and intermediaries hide and perpetuate corruption, while giving the appearance of a transparent government that is responsive to civil society. Resumen Bastante bolivianos se involucran en la corrupcion a traves de intermediarios, como lideres de la sociedad civil y abogados, en vez de pagar funcionarios directamente. Ciudadanos no les gustan que los intermediarios agregan costos extras y opacidad a la corrupcion, pero aun asi eligen pagar coimas a traves de intermediarios que se aprovechan de ellos. ?Por que los intermediarios de la sociedad civil facilitan la corrupcion? Mientras otros estudios sobre intermediarios corruptos encuentran que los intermediarios reducen la incertidumbre y los costos de transaccion, este estudio encuentra que los intermediarios participan en carteles de coimas, porque ayudan desproporcionadamente a los funcionarios y aumentan intencionalmente la incertidumbre y los costos para ciudadanos. Evidencia etnografica original de los mercados populares de La Paz demuestra que los actores de la sociedad civil, como los lideres sindicales de los comerciantes populares, avanzan en sus carreras colectando y entregando coimas a funcionarios. Las relaciones colusorias entre los burocratas y los intermediarios de la sociedad civil ocultan y perpetuan la corrupcion. Al mismo tiempo, les dan la apariencia de un gobierno transparente que responde a la sociedad civil.

In 2011, Chilean students mobilized in the largest demonstrations since the country’s return to democracy. Students in some other Latin American countries have also carried out mass demonstrations in recent years. What explains students’ participation in mobilizations in Latin America? This article argues that financial grievances generated by neoliberal education policies and the massification of higher education are major causes of student protest participation. In addition, it shows how weak organizational linkages with ruling political parties increase the likelihood of mobilization. The theory is explored through a case study of higher education policy, student-party linkages, and student mobilization in Chile from 1990 to 2011. A statistical analysis of a survey of Chilean students demonstrates that a working-class background, using debt to finance education, and weak programmatic connections to parties in power are associated with higher levels of protest participation. En el ano 2011, los estudiantes chilenos se movilizaron en las protestas mas grandes del pais desde el retorno a la democracia. Los estudiantes en otros paises latinoamericanos tambien han realizado movilizaciones masivas en los ultimos anos ?Que explica la participacion de los estudiantes en protestas en America Latina? Este articulo sostiene que los malestares financieros generados por politicas educativas neoliberales y la masificacion de la educacion superior son causas importantes de la participacion estudiantil en protestas. Asimismo, el articulo demuestra como las conexiones debiles con los partidos politicos oficialistas aumentan la probabilidad de movilizacion. La teoria es explorada a traves de un estudio de caso de politicas de educacion superior, conexiones entre estudiantes y partidos, y movilizacion estudiantil en Chile entre 1990 y 2011. Un analisis estadistico de una encuesta de estudiantes chilenos demuestra que un origen de clase trabajadora, el uso de creditos para financiar la educacion, y las conexiones programaticas debiles con los partidos en el poder estan asociados con mayores niveles de participacion en protestas.

Since the mid-1990s, some rightist governments in Latin America have adhered to a strict market orientation while others have shown less attachment to doctrinaire neoliberal policies, a puzzle as rightists are expected to favor minimal government intervention in the economy. In an environment over the past two decades in which market-oriented policies, in general, have grown increasingly unpopular with many Latin Americans, we contend that rightists have less political cover to endorse neoliberal policies. Using panel data for eighteen Latin American countries from 1995 to 2015, we find that, because of the clarity of responsibility that occurs under political mandates and the unpopularity of market reforms, mandate-holding rightist governments will tend to go against their ideological preferences and decrease neoliberal policies. Our findings indicate that as presidential vote margins increase and responsibility for unpopular economic policies becomes clearer, rightist executives will be less willing to support such policies, but only to a point. The results suggest that clarity of responsibility can influence presidential decision-making concerning unpopular policies, especially microeconomic policies, but this influence diminishes as presidents become more electorally secure. Resumen A partir de mediados de la decada de los 90, algunos gobiernos latinoamericanos de derecha han adoptado politicas estrictas de apertura comercial, mientras que otros se han mostrado mas alejados de adoptar politicas neoliberales. Esto es un elemento relevante de analisis ya que se espera que los gobiernos de derecha esten en contra de la intervencion del gobierno en la economia. Usando una base de datos panel sobre 18 paises latinoamericanos para el periodo de 1995 a 2015, encontramos que los gobiernos de derecha actuan en contra de sus preferencias ideologicas disminuyendo politicas neoliberales por dos razones: la claridad que los mandatarios tienen sobre sus responsabilidades y la impopularidad de las reformas de libre mercado en Latinoamerica. Nuestros hallazgos indican que, si el margen de votos en las elecciones presidenciales incrementa y el sentido de responsabilidad sobre la adopcion de politicas economicas impopulares es claro, los gobernantes de derecha estaran menos dispuestos a adoptar este tipo de politicas de libre mercado.

This article studies the low presence of women in Brazilian politics. We test whether the election of a female mayor increases the number of women running for the next mayoral election in the same municipality. The analysis of this contagion effect engages in a dialogue with other research focusing on the presentation and selection of female candidates as one of the decisive filters hindering the election of more women in popular elections. This study is based on the municipal elections for mayor in Brazil between 2000 and 2012. We conclude that in the municipalities in which a female mayor was elected, the probability of having first-time female candidates in the next election is 1.8 times higher than in the last electoral contest. Another finding is that men who contest elections react differently to the election of a female mayor. The research also suggests that, in addition to well-known factors such as institutional arrangements or socioeconomic constraints, key events such as victory of women in majority elections trigger feedback mechanisms that result in the expansion of women’s presence in politics. Resumo O presente artigo se insere na linha de estudos sobre a baixa presenca de mulheres na politica brasileira. Nesse trabalho, testamos se a eleicao de uma prefeita aumenta o numero de mulheres disputando o proximo pleito para a prefeitura no mesmo municipio. A analise deste efeito contagio dialoga com outros trabalhos cujo foco e o momento da apresentacao e selecao de candidatas como um dos filtros decisivos para viabilizar a eleicao de mais mulheres em disputas eleitorais. Esse estudo tem como base de dados as eleicoes municipais para prefeito no Brasil entre 2000 e 2012. Chegamos a conclusao de que nos municipios em que houve a eleicao de uma prefeita a probabilidade de ter candidatas lancando-se pela primeira vez na proxima eleicao e 1,8 vezes maior em comparacao com a ultima disputa eleitoral. Outra constatacao e a de que os homens que concorrem ao pleito reagem de forma diferente a eleicao de uma mulher. A pesquisa sugere tambem que, alem de fatores mais conhecidos, como arranjos institucionais ou condicionantes socioeconomicos, eventos chaves, como a vitoria de mulheres em eleicoes majoritarias, desencadeiam mecanismos de retroalimentacao que resultam na ampliacao do espaco das mulheres na politica.

This essay reviews the following works: Electric Santeria: Racial and Sexual Assemblages of Transnational Religion. By Aisha M. Beliso-De Jesus. New York: Columbia University Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 271. $30.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780231173179. Embracing Protestantism: Black Identities in the Atlantic World. By John W. Catron. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2016. Pp. ix + 299. $74.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780813061634. Black Saint of the Americas: The Life and Afterlife of Martin de Porres. By Celia Cussen. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. xi + 285. $90.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781107034372. Afro-Cuban Religious Arts: Popular Expressions of Cultural Inheritance in Espiritismo and Santeria. By Kristine Juncker. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2014. Pp. xi + 169. $74.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780813049700. The Black Christ of Esquipulas: Religion and Identity in Guatemala. By Douglass Sullivan-Gonzalez. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. Pp. viii + 199. $55.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780803268432.

This article examines two cases of folklorization led by teachers in Peru between 1939 and 1971, and characterized by the participation of the indigenous and mestizo subjects whose local cultures were transformed into folklore. These cases show teachers as active agents of cultural change in Andean schools, who were responding to de-Indianization by promoting a serrano (pertaining to the Sierra) regional identity among their students. In this fashion, teachers were reinventing “local traditions” to produce a new popular identity based on a common regional bond, through which indigenous and mestizo populations could negotiate new waves of cultural interaction with modernity and national society. The first case analyzes the projects of Jose Maria Arguedas and Emilio Barrantes to bring local folklore to the school curriculum and to promote an Andean popular culture. The second case explores school folklore competitions organized autonomously by provincial teachers, in which traditional dances were folklorized and turned into a popular spectacle. While framing both folklorization cases within the study of teachers as local intellectuals, the article also highlights the importance of a magisterial culture in Peru that, drawing from the progressive education movement, viewed teachers as agents of sociocultural change and nationalism. Resumen Este articulo estudia dos casos de folklorizacion realizados por maestros peruanos entre 1939 y 1971, y caracterizados por la participacion de los individuos indigenas y mestizos cuyas culturas estaban siendo transformadas en folklor. Estos casos muestran a los maestros como agentes activos de cambio cultural en las escuelas andinas, respondiendo a la desindianizacion al promover una identidad regional serrana entre los estudiantes. De tal manera, los maestros estaban reinventando las tradiciones locales con el fin de producir una nueva identidad popular basada en un vinculo regional comun, y a traves de la cual las poblaciones indigenas y mestizas pudieran negociar nuevas maneras de interaccion cultural con la modernidad y la sociedad nacional. El primer caso analiza los proyectos de Jose Maria Arguedas y Emilio Barrantes para integrar el folklor local en el curriculo escolar. El segundo explora los concursos folkloricos escolares organizados por maestros provinciales, en los cuales las danzas tradicionales eran folklorizadas y convertidas en espectaculo popular. Aunque ambos casos de folklorizacion se enmarcan en el estudio de los maestros como intelectuales locales, este articulo tambien subraya la importancia de una cultura magisterial en el Peru que, influenciada por el movimiento de la Escuela Nueva, concibio a los maestros como agentes de cambio sociocultural y de nacionalismo.

What are the factors behind citizen support for the use of extralegal violence in Latin America? The prevailing argument is that, in countries overwhelmed by skyrocketing levels of criminal violence, people endorse the use of extralegal violence as a way to cope with insecurity. Other scholars believe that support for extralegal violence is the result of state withdrawal and failure. Few empirical studies, however, have tested any of these arguments. In this article, using regional data from the 2012 AmericasBarometer, we examine different explanations regarding citizen support for the utilization of extralegal violence in Latin America and the Caribbean. We developed a multi-item scale that gauges support for different forms of extralegal violence across the Americas, and we hypothesize that support for extralegal violence is higher not only in countries with extreme levels of violence but especially in countries in which people distrust the political system. Results indicate that support for extralegal violence is significantly higher in societies characterized by little support for the existing political system. Resumen ?Cuales son los factores que determinan el apoyo ciudadano al uso de la violencia extralegal en America Latina? El argumento predominante es que en paises con niveles altos de violencia criminal, las personas apoyan el uso de la violencia extralegal como un mecanismo para hacer frente a la inseguridad. Otros trabajos consideran que el apoyo a la violencia extralegal es el resultado del fracaso o ausencia del Estado. Pocos estudios empiricos, sin embargo, han tratado de probar dichos argumentos. En este articulo, utilizando datos regionales de la encuesta de 2012 del Barometro de las Americas, analizamos las diferentes explicaciones detras del apoyo ciudadano al uso de la violencia extralegal en America Latina y el Caribe. Desarrollamos una escala que contiene multiples items, la cual estima el apoyo a distintas formas de violencia ilegal en las Americas y planteamos la hipotesis de que el apoyo a la violencia extralegal no es solo alto en paises con niveles de violencia extrema, sino que lo es especialmente en aquellos en los cuales las personas no creen en el sistema politico. Los resultados obtenidos indican que el apoyo a la violencia extralegal es significativamente mas alto en sociedades caracterizadas por bajos niveles de apoyo al sistema politico existente.

Although the study of populism has traditionally been the domain of Latin Americanists, research here has become increasingly comparative. One of the most important payoffs of this comparative work is conceptual. Rather than defining populism in structuralist, economic, or political-strategic terms, a growing number of scholars around the world are using an ideational conceptualization that draws heavily from earlier discursive theories. By employing the ideational approach, scholars have been able to provide empirical measures of populist discourse. In this article we explain and show the advantages of this ideational approach to a Latin American audience by presenting a new historical dataset measuring the discourse of Argentine, Chilean, and Peruvian presidents across the twentieth century. Our main intent is to clarify the ideational approach as well as to enliven the conceptual debate. While we are critical of alternative definitions, we acknowledge and reassess their theoretical insights. Resumen Aun cuando el estudio del populismo ha sido tradicionalmente un campo de los latinoamericanistas, la investigacion al respecto se ha vuelto cada vez mas comparativa. Uno de los beneficios mas importantes de los trabajos comparados es conceptual. En vez de definir al populismo en terminos estructurales, economicos o politico-estrategicos, un creciente numero de academicos alrededor del mundo utilizan una conceptualizacion ideacional vinculada con previas teorias discursivas. Mediante el uso del enfoque ideacional academicos han sido capaces de proveer mediciones empiricas de discurso populista. En este articulo explicamos y mostramos las ventajas del enfoque ideacional mediante la discusion de una nueva base de datos que mide el discurso de los presidentes de Argentina, Chile y Peru durante el siglo veinte. Nuestra principal intension es clarificar el enfoque ideacional y a su vez avivar el debate conceptual. Si bien es cierto que somos criticos de definiciones alternativas, reconocemos y reconsideramos sus aportes teoricos.

Resumen El articulo estudia los argumentos para crear una historia alternativa de las representaciones del paramilitarismo en Mexico. Retrocediendo a la novela Astucia, de Luis G. Inclan, quien desarrollo un modelo del hombre de su tiempo: el Coronel Astucia. Este personaje participo en la formacion de un cartel y actividades paramilitares con el proposito de buscar justicia a traves del bandidaje social. Inclan fabula el lado oscuro de Mexico en su primer siglo, ofreciendo un rechazo de las narrativas de creacion de estado que los conservadores y liberales proveian. Podemos observar la naturaleza circular del bandidaje en Mexico y como sirve de contrapunto a las narraciones tradicionales de soberania. Ante el nuevo levantamiento armado en Michoacan, que ha producido grupos de autodefensa, este ensayo compara el discurso de Astucia con el de Nazario Moreno, difunto lider de la Familia Michoacana. Se argumenta que la necesidad de limitar el crecimiento del capital empuja a los bandidos sociales a producir discursos que ensamblan una politica del consumo, como una forma de producir la imagen de que el bandido confrontara la desigualdad economica. Abstract This article studies the arguments for an alternative history of paramilitary representations in Mexico, drawing back to Luis G. Inclan’s Astucia, which developed a history of a paragon of his time: Coronel Astucia. This character participated in cartel formation and paramilitary activities in order to seek justice through social banditry. Inclan develops a fable of the dark side of Mexico in its first century. He offers a rejection of the state-building narratives that conservatives and liberals provided. We can look into the circular nature of banditry in Mexico, and how it serves as a counterpoint to traditional narratives of sovereignty. As Michoacan has again risen in arms, organizing in self-defense groups, this essay compares Astucia’s discourse to that of Nazario Moreno, defunct leader of the Familia Michoacana. It argues that the need to limit capital building draws social bandits to strengthen discourses that construct a politics of consumption, as a means to produce the image of the bandit as confronting economic inequality.

This essay reviews the following works: Authoritarian El Salvador: Politics and the Origins of the Military Regimes, 1880–1940. By Erik Ching. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 496. $55.00 paper. ISBN: 9780268023751. The Rise of Constitutional Government in the Iberian Atlantic World: The Impact of the Cadiz Constitution of 1812. Edited by Scott Eastman and Natalia Sobrevilla Perea. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2015. Pp. vii + 320. $64.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780817318567. Armies, Politics, and Revolution: Chile, 1808–1826. By Juan Luis Ossa Santa Cruz. Liverpool: University of Liverpool Press, 2015. Pp. ix + 288. ₤75.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781781381328. The Vanguard of the Atlantic World: Creating Modernity, Nation, and Democracy in Nineteenth-Century Latin America. By James E. Sanders. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 352. $25.95 paper. ISBN: 9780822357803.

Shale gas extraction via hydraulic fracturing has been a controversial issue in many countries. In Canada, the provincial government of British Columbia (BC) has made relentless efforts on developing a liquefied natural gas (LNG) industry targeting potential Asian importers, which has been a heatedly debated public controversy since late 2011. Focusing on the two contending discourse coalitions formed by this policy initiative’s supporters and opponents, respectively, this article explores the intricate economic, political, and ideological struggles underlying Canadian extractivism. A qualitative discourse analysis of related stakeholder communications reveals that the pro-LNG coalition led by the BC Liberal government developed a “progressive extractivism” storyline to frame LNG exports as an unprecedented and ethical economic opportunity deserving the political support of environmentally minded British Columbians. By contrast, the anti-LNG coalition formed by progressive civil organizations, Indigenous groups, and concerned citizens engaged in fierce discursive resistance, notably via (a) adopting mainstream economic knowledge to highlight the fragile economic basis of BC LNG and (b) incorporating potent political issues such as democratic governance and reconciliation to expand public debates beyond the “jobs versus the environment” dichotomy.

Objectives: The objective of this systematic review was to determine what impact governance principles and guidelines have had on sport organisations’ governance practices and performance. Methods: Following the PRISMA, PIECES and Warwick protocols, we conducted a search of academic, grey literature and theses in sport and broader social sciences and humanities databases. We excluded studies that only proposed governance principles and did not actually measure their use by sport organisations, as well as those studies which did not consider the governance principles in relation to organisational performance. Results: From the initial 2,155 studies reviewed, 19 met the inclusion criteria. A wide range of governance principles or guidelines have been considered by the relatively small number of studies included in the analysis. We did find a variety of researchers from mainly developed countries examining the issue, often using case studies as a means to explore the topic. Although the link between board structure and organisational performance has been empirically found, the link between other governance principles and organisational performance remains lacking. Conclusions: Despite an increased interest in good governance principles and guidelines in sport, there is a clear need for both the international sport community and researchers to develop an agreed set of governance principles and language relevant for international, national, provincial/state and local level sport governance organisations. The multidimensionality of the concepts of governance and organisational performance, as well as their interrelationship and the potential positive and negative impacts of implementing governance principles render this need all the more critical.

Le statut et les fonctions de la théorie sociologique sont d’inévitables sujets de discussion dans la discipline. Rien d’étonnant à cela, puisqu’il en va de la scientificité de cette dernière, de son ambition à monter en généralité et à unifier aussi. Cet article vise à actualiser cette problématique à partir des propositions faites par Robert K. Merton, lesquelles n’ont rien perdu de leur pertinence. La perspective « systématique » que le sociologue introduit dans Social Theory and Social Structure (1949) permet ainsi d’évaluer les prétentions théoriques de même qu’elle stimule une forme de réflexivité. Elle rafraîchit également l’exercice de l’interprétation théorique, sans verser dans le culte de la théorie à distance du travail empirique. Enfin, elle rend attentif à la cumulativité dans l’ordre des savoirs sur la société. Systématiser la systématique, tel est donc le chemin que nous proposons d’emprunter ici, sans rien cacher des difficultés qu’une telle démarche ne manque pas de soulever. The status and the functions of sociological theory are inevitable topics of discussion within the discipline. This is not surprising, since the scientificity of sociology is at stake, as well as its aspiration to become generalized and unified as a science. This article seeks to address this problem on the basis of the proposals made by Robert K. Merton, which are still highly relevant today. The “systematic” perspective that the sociologist introduced in Social Theory and Social Structure (1949) enables one to evaluate theoretical claims and stimulates a form of reflexivity. It also renews the exercise of theoretical interpretation, without falling into the cult of theory estranged from empirical work. Finally, this approach draws attention to cumulativeness in the process of ordering the knowledge about society. Systematizing systematics is therefore the path we propose to follow here, without hiding the difficulties that such an undertaking inevitably raises.

The Cass Clay Food Partners is a network of professionals, stakeholders, and residents serving Cass County, North Dakota, and Clay County, Minnesota, in creating a healthier, more just local food system. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Cass Clay Food Partners quickly implemented a multipronged response that leveraged three critical assets of our network: (1) our unique structure, (2) our nuanced understanding of the social ties across overlapping networks, and (3) our ability to quickly pivot our work to address community needs. In this paper, we describe how our network re­sponded to both the challenges and opportunities presented to our food system by the COVID-19 crisis. We also provide tools and recommendations for other food policy and food network practitioners.

[EN] This study aims to explore students’ perception of integrating education 4.0 in the Science program. The technology acceptance model was used to determine students’ understanding of integrating education 4.0 focusing on the Science program. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach. The interview was used to collect the data. Five respondents among Science students were interviewed. They were undergraduate students pursue study in a science education program. The finding of the interview result showed that students had positive responses in integrating education 4.0 for technological sustainable development. The results of the study showed that students had a positive understanding of the three aspects namely, readiness in integrating education 4.0 for the Science program, the impact of technology facilities, and enhancing digital skills for employability. We recommend further research to evaluate the preparation or readiness of students to integrate training using technology 4.0. Based on the results, further research is proposed to take into account new education skills among Science students in line with the industrial revolution 4.0., We would like to acknowledge the financial support provided by the Ministry of Education FRGS grant FP024-2018A.

The impact of globalization on multinational enterprises was examined from the years 1980 to 2020. A scoping literature review was conducted for a total of 141 articles. Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed typologies were categorized and conclusions were drawn regarding the influence and performance (i.e., positive or negative effects) of globalization. Developed countries show more saturated markets than developing countries that favor developing country multinational enterprises to rely heavily on foreign sales for revenue growth. Developed country multinationals are likely to use more advanced factors of production to create revenue, whereas developing country multinationals are more likely to use less advanced forms. A number of common trends and issues showed corporate social responsibility, emerging markets, political issues, and economic matters as key to global market production. Recommendations signal a strong need for more research that addresses contributive effects in the different economies, starting with the emerging to the developed. Limitations of data availability and inconsistency posed a challenge for this review, yet the use of operationalization, techniques, and analyses from the business literature enabled this study to be an excellent starting point for additional work in the field.

This article will interpret Cratos, a mythic character and rhetorical personification present in the works of Hesiod and Aeschylus, as a multilayered and metaphoric figure of cognition, defining him in reference to the hypothesis of the origin of language and culture advanced by Eric Gans’s Generative Anthropology. Cratos was a violent oppressor of Prometheus, involved in provoking a crisis among both gods and humanity. This faithful and ruthless performer of the will of Zeus is viewed here as representing one of the deeper cognitive layers of mythological transfer, that is, as a representation of deferred, but always and anywhere prevalent intra-specific violence, the fundamental source and testimony of crisis in human societies.

The standards and practices in journalism that best serve democratic deliberation remain a matter of intense scrutiny in the digital age. The United States has a long history of journalists exposing self-interested behaviors of political or corporate elites with investigative journalism. With online media, journalistic practices encompass fact-checking against a variety of sources, and countering the claims of other journalists from competing outlets. This article aims at delimiting the rhetorical properties of an emerging genre of YouTube counter-journalism. The study reports on a rhetorical and eristic analysis of the main patterns of countering in a sample of videos posted on YouTube on the subject of the US presidential campaign in spring 2020. The analysis reveals some ways in which YouTube journalists break down the dominant media narratives and present counterclaims and critiques, which is usually accompanied by fact-checking, showcasing evidence and providing alternative explanations or counterarguments. However, counter-journalism is not free from eristic devices that may misrepresent political issues for the subscribers.

The purpose of this study was to systematically identify “key players” and media channels within the turf industry to constitute the diffusion of innovations in emerging turf research and technologies. Online survey questions were structured using Borgatti’s KeyPlayer™ (TM Analytic Technologies) software to determine “the contribution of a set of actors to the cohesion of the network (Borgatti, 2006, p. 21). Turf industry professionals were asked to identify who they trust when they have questions regarding turfgrass. Researchers directly contacted 282 participants via email, collecting 239 responses. The top 25 key players, the number of distinct persons reached in the network, and the percent of the network reached were calculated for the entire sample and each strata of the sample (including golf course superintendents, landscapers, turf producers, Extension, and Others—including Extension Specialists, Turfgrass Faculty, and Sales representatives. Of the 422 unique names mentioned in the survey, key player data showed that the top 25 key players were 1 or 2 steps away from 305 distinct persons in the network (72.3% of the network). With their influence on the larger network, these individuals will now be enlisted to aid in the diffusion of emerging new turf research and technologies.

Since independence, Burundi has endured civil war episodes, five successful and two unsuccessful coup d’états. The instability resulted in the collapse of the economy despite the consummation of the Arusha Agreement. This study moves away from the propensity to only view the security challenges as pitting Tutsis and Hutus. Such an analytical tendency generates distortions. This study was qualitative and employed a systematic review research methodology in identifying relevant texts. Document analysis was then used to interpret meaning from documents giving them voice over the study area. The main findings were hinged on conflict causes, key assumptions, violence and instability in the past, impunity and governance, the approach to political realism, truth and reconciliation constraints. This study concludes that although power-sharing could be a necessary move as a measure of building confidence, sharing power is not an adequate condition for sustainable development and peace.

The study aimed at assessing the influence of Access to credit as provided by Youth Enterprises Development Fund (YEDF) on the growth of entrepreneurial youth group-based enterprises and moderating effect of group dynamics on the relationship between access to credit and the growth of entrepreneurial youth group-based enterprises. A cross-sectional survey research design was adopted and it used both quantitative and qualitative data. The accessible population comprised group leaders and Youth development Officers. This study employed stratified random sampling on a population of 255 subjects and a sample size was 156 group leaders out of which 121(77%) questionnaires were returned. The statistical package for social sciences (SPSS) version 21 was used to analyze data. YEDF is a government fund initiative with a nationwide presence in Kenya with Nairobi County as the smallest, most populous, has the highest uptake of the YEDF loans amounting to 2.3 billion, and has the highest loan repayment rate of 48%. The analysis of data revealed that access to credit was significant in explaining the growth of entrepreneurial youth group-based enterprises in Nairobi County. Access to credit had an R of 0.222 and contributed only 4.9% to the growth of entrepreneurial youth group-based enterprise. The study established that when group dynamics was introduced the model remained significant and R improved from 0.222 to 0.390. The study concludes that Access to credit significantly influences the growth of Entrepreneurial youth group-based enterprises in Nairobi county while group dynamics have a predictive effect but has no moderating effect.

This study examines the impact of new digital-only competitors on the Swiss banking business models and value chain. Despite various studies and articles available in the literature about the impact of new digital competitors on the banking industry, there is little research focusing on the Swiss market. The comprehensive research conducted in this study and the data collected through the survey provides a foundation to gauge the impact of the new digital competitors’ pressure on business models and value chain in the Swiss banking industry. The design of the research instrument employed for collecting the primary data has been achieved through a survey shared with 75 managers and experts working in the Swiss banking industry including Swiss banks, FinTechs, BigTechs, and other financial services and consultancy firms. One sample z-test and descriptive statistics have been applied to the survey results to gain a deeper understanding. The outcome of the analysis suggests that the competitive pressure of BigTechs and FinTechs is expected to have a significant impact on the Swiss banking industry, and mainly BigTechs are anticipated to be significantly dominant with disruptive impact. The obtained results also strongly indicate that the cross-industry ecosystems and close partnerships with the new digital competitors are the potential key strategies to be pursued as the future Swiss banking business models. Besides, the disruptive new market entrants are anticipated to be highly likely to gain significant market share in certain market segments of the banking industry and also to create an “ecosystem” accordingly. The area of Personal and Corporate Banking is found out to be more vulnerable to digital disruption in comparison with the other banking areas.

Managing career development across various industries constantly changes to address varying employees' needs and it became more difficult with the career disruptions caused by the demands to deal with the environmental conditions, globalization, and output expectations To keep up with these challenges, this article aims to discuss the methodologies involve in the development of a strategic career development model that will address the need to come up with a framework that will guide human resource management practitioners in identifying appropriate activities that will cater to the interest of employees

Liquidity risk is the potential that an entity will be unable to acquire the cash required to meet its short and intermediate-term obligations. Deposit-taking Savings and Credit Cooperative Organisation (SACCOs) face liquidity risk when they are unable to fund their operations and lending requirements to their members as and when circumstances demand. Given that liquidity is a key phenomenon on the optimal functioning and financial performance of deposit-taking SACCOs, this study critically analyzed the effect of liquidity risk on the financial performance of DT SACCOs in Kenya. The study used a descriptive survey design and employed regression methods to model the relationship between liquidity risk and financial performance of DT SACCOs. The data were analyzed at a 5% level of significance. The study findings revealed that at a 5% level of significance, liquidity risk had a statistically significant influence on the financial performance of deposit-taking SACCOs. Basing on the findings, DT SACCOs are encouraged to focus on enhancing the mobilization of deposits to ensure that an asset portfolio that minimizes liquidity risk is maintained.

The current pandemic (Covid-19) disrupted businesses and challenged societies all over the world. In particular, destinations are being urged to keep the attraction and value of their products and services in post-pandemic tourism recovery programs. Drawing from a qualitative study based on published reports and research, and using participant observation, this research analyses the situation of tourism in Akaroa, South Island of New Zealand, during the coronavirus outbreak and the first stages of the recovery process. Results of the research show that while crisis management led to the closure of the sector due to strict social and travel restrictions, the confinement measures adopted by the government and the progressive reopening of the country has resulted in a shift from “cruise tourism” into a gradual return of “domestic tourism”. This paper argues that local peoples’ perspectives must be kept in mind when developing a tourism recovery strategy. This case study also shows that because of the nature of changing working environment, there is potential to change local demography in the form of an increase in residents putting pressure on local infrastructure. In a rural and marine environment, local stakeholders’ attention is required to focus on “quality” of tourism rather than “quantity”. Nature-based resources and outdoor activities are expected to be the critical ingredients for tourism’s immediate and sustainable future.