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Highlights •We compare the use of PPGIS and Flickr in landscape value assessments. •Landscape values and their spatial patterns are compared across sites. •We find more cross-site differences than similarities both in spatial patterns and value types. •PPGIS elicits a wider spectrum of values, while Flickr mainly elicits relationships to and with landscapes. •We recommend a complementary use in future landscape value studies. Abstract In this study, we bring together participatory mapping and analysis of geolocated social media content from the Flickr platform in an assessment of similarities and differences in their utility for landscape value elicitation. We do so in a Pan-European context comparing types of landscape values and their spatial patterns across 19 case sites in 11 European countries. Across these sites, we find great variety in volume, types and spatial patterns of landscape values elicited from participatory mapping by local people and opportunistic use of tags and image locations crowdsourced from Flickr. Most agreement in spatial patterns across the two data sets are found in densely populated landscapes; however, comparison of types of perceived landscape values is challenged by the differing assumptions of each value elicitation technique. We argue for the complementary potential of both approaches and highlight the strengths and weaknesses of using the two together in landscape research, planning and management. An integrated approach is likely to increase the inclusiveness of landscape value assessments.

How do people perceive landscapes? What elements of the landscape do they identify as characteristic of a landscape? And how can we arrive at descriptions, and ultimately representations that bette...

Participatory mapping of local land use as the basis for planning and decision-making has become widespread around the globe. However, still relatively little is known about the conceptual underpinnings of geographic information produced through participatory mapping in given cultural and linguistic settings. In this paper, we therefore address the seemingly simple question of what is (not) represented on maps through an exploratory case study comparing land use categories participants represented on sketch maps with categories elicited through more language-focused ethnographic fieldwork. To explore landscape categorization, we conducted sketch mapping with 29 participants and in-depth ethnographic fieldwork with 19 participants from the Takana indigenous people in the Bolivian Amazon. Sketch mapping resulted in 74 different feature types, while we elicited 156 landscape categories used in language, of which only 23 overlapped with feature types from the sketch mapping. Vegetation categories were highly diversified in language but seldom represented on maps, while more obviously anthropogenic features were represented on sketch maps. Furthermore, participants seldom drew culturally important landscape categories such as fallow plots or important plant harvesting sites on maps, with important potential consequences for natural resource management.

Explicitly linking text documents to geographical space is an important processing step for applications such as map visualization, spatial querying, and placename disambiguation. In this work, we present a proof-of-concept processing pipeline to generate spatial footprints for a spatially-rich, manually-annotated corpus of hiking blogs. We present preliminary results obtained by exploiting the spatially-focused nature of our input data and the rich placename resources at our disposal. Future work will fully automate the pipeline and systematically examine the influence of processing decisions on the footprints and downstream tasks.

Focusing on an overlapping protected area and indigenous territory in the Bolivian Amazon, this article discusses how indigenous people continue to negotiate access to natural resources. Using the theoretical framework of New Institutionalism, ethnographic data from participatory observations, and interviews with Takana indigenous resource users and park management staff, we identified four phases of institutional change. We argue that under the current institutionally pluralistic setting in the overlapping area, indigenous users apply “institutional shopping” to choose, according to their power and knowledge, the most advantageous institutional framework in a situation. Indigenous users strategically employed arguments of conservation, indigeneity, or long-term occupation to legitimize their claims based on the chosen institution. Our results highlight the importance of ideologies and bargaining power in shaping the interaction of individuals and institutions. As a potential application of our research to practice, we suggest that rather than seeing institutional pluralism solely as a threat to successful resource management, the strengths of different frameworks may be combined to build robust institutions from the bottom up that are adapted to the local context. This requires taking into account local informal institutions, such as cultural values and beliefs, and integrating them with conservation priorities through cross-cultural participatory planning.

GIScience 2016 Short Paper Proceedings Characterizing place: an empirical comparison between user-generated content and free-listing data F. M. Wartmann 1 , C. Derungs 1,2 , R.S. Purves 1,2 Department of Geography, University of Zurich, Winterthurerstrasse 190, CH-8057 Zurich, Switzerland Email: {flurina.wartmann; curdin.derungs; ross.purves}@geo.uzh.ch URPP Language and Space, University of Zurich, Freiestrasse 6, CH-8032 Zurich Abstract Methods to gather information from the public about place range from ethnographic approaches such as free listing to automatic extraction from user-generated content. We compared aspects of place (location, locale and sense of place) contained in free lists elicited from participants recruited on site with tags from georeferenced Flickr images. Using manual annotation we assigned content as toponyms (location), landscape elements (locale) and feelings (sense of place). Flickr tags contained more toponyms than free-listing data, but almost no information relating to feelings. Landscape elements were prominent in both data sets, with those captured by free lists and Flickr being cognitively more salient than those only captured by free listing, suggesting they represent basic levels. In Flickr, landscape elements consisted of basic levels in different languages (e.g. mountain, Berg), while free lists contained landscape elements both at the basic and subordinate level (e.g. Arvenwalder, arolla pine forests). We conclude that both methods yielded information about locale, with Flickr contributing basic levels and free lists also more detailed information, but that Flickr provided little information about sense of place compared to in situ free-listing elicitation with participants. 1. Introduction The importance of taking into account meanings people assign to places in management and planning is increasingly being recognized (Jones 2007; Prieur et al. 2006). However, collecting such information from the public is non-trivial, and different approaches are used, ranging from ethnographic work to extraction from user-generated content. Given the diversity of approaches, it is crucial to compare different approaches and understand what types of information are captured by different methods such that research on place can effectively capture relevant information. In this paper, we compare free-listing elicitation with automated extraction of place descriptions from user-generated content. In free-listing experiments, participants are asked to freely name examples of, for instance, categories they associate with the landscape they currently find themselves in (Bieling et al. 2014; Wartmann et al. 2015). Another method increasingly used is to automatically extract information from user-generated content, often in the form of image tags (e.g. Jenkins et al. 2016; Purves et al. 2011; Rattenbury and Naaman 2009). We compared these two methods based on the information about place they contained. 2. Methods We chose two sites in the Swiss Alps (Figure 1) where outdoor free listings on landscape categories had been conducted with 59 participants recruited on site (Wartmann et al. 2015). Terms were elicited with a Swiss German question that literally translates to: ‘what is there for you in a

Categorization is central to abstraction from real world geographic phenomena to computational representations, and as such has been the subject of considerable research. We report on one common approach, free listing, in an outdoor setting and explore terms elicited in response to the question 'What is there for you in a landscape?'. We collected term lists, and explanations for the strategies used from 89 participants in two mountain and one parkland setting. We analyzed results not only using term frequency, but also by cognitive saliency, exploring list structures, and building aggregated networks visualizing links between terms. We observed memory search strategies, such as exploiting and switching semantic clusters in our data, with participants using for example not only the local setting to start clusters, but also memories of familiar landscapes to switch between clusters. Our results reveal that simple free listing experiments can help us understand how categories are linked, and also highlight ways in which landscapes are conceptualized.

In addition to environmental factors, social variables such as group size may play an important role in explaining primate ranging patterns. In this study we investigated range sizes, site fidelity, and range overlaps of owl monkeys (Aotus azarae) in Northern Argentina. We calculated the size of home range and core areas for 18 groups in our study area. For the six most intensively studied groups we tested whether precipitation as a crude proxy for food availability or group size had an influence on range size, assessed the degree of site fidelity by quantifying overlaps of annual ranges and core areas, and calculated the amount of range overlap between neighboring groups for each year. We used the kernel density estimation method to calculate home ranges as 90% kernel and core areas as 50% kernel. Home range size (mean ± SD) was 6.2 ha (± 1.8) and core area size 1.9 (± 0.6). Rainfall and group size were not statistically significant predictors of range sizes. Site fidelity was high, with a range overlap of 82% (± 11) between consecutive years. Neighboring groups overlapped over 48% (± 15) of the outer parts of their group ranges and 11% (± 15) of their core areas. We found no evidence that larger groups occupy larger areas than smaller groups, suggesting that food availability might be above a critical threshold for owl monkeys so that larger groups do not need to extend their foraging areas to meet their energy requirements. Our findings indicate that ranges remain stable over several years as groups visit the same locations of fruit trees within their range. We showed that owl monkeys exhibit a considerable degree of range overlap. However, we suggest that this range overlap might be spatial rather than temporal, which maximizes access to clumped feeding resources in overlapping areas that are used at distinct times, while excluding other males from access to females in exclusively used areas. Fil: Wartmann, Flurina M.. University Of Zurich; Suiza Fil: Juárez, Cecilia Paola. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Nordeste. Centro de Ecología Aplicada del Litoral. Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Centro de Ecología Aplicada del Litoral; Argentina Fil: Fernandez Duque, Eduardo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Nordeste. Centro de Ecología Aplicada del Litoral. Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Centro de Ecología Aplicada del Litoral; Argentina

Are the contents of toponyms meaningless, as it is often claimed in linguistic literature, or can the generic parts in toponyms, such as hill in Black Hill, be used to infer landscape descriptions? We investigate this question by, firstly, linking gazetteer data with topographic characteristics, and, secondly, by conducting analysis of how the use of landscape terms might have changed over time in a historic corpus. We thus aim at answering a linguistic, and ethnophysiographic, research question through digital input data and processing. Our study area is Switzerland and our main focus is on geographic eminences, and in particular on the use of the terms Spitze, Horn and Berg. We show that most prominent generic parts in toponyms show expected topographic characteristics. However, not all generic parts strictly follow this rule, as in the case of Berg. Some generic parts have lost their meaning in standard language over time (e.g. Horn). We therefore put a cautionary note on the use of generic parts in toponyms in landscape studies, but point out that the subtle details of these differences provide rich topics for future research.

Quantification of the spatial needs of individuals and populations is vitally important for management and conservation. Geographic information systems (GIS) have recently become important analytical tools in wildlife biology, improving our ability to understand animal movement patterns, especially when very large data sets are collected. This study aims at combining the field of GIS with primatology to model and analyse space-use patterns of wild orang-utans. Home ranges of female orang-utans in the Tuanan Mawas forest reserve in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia were modelled with kernel density estimation methods. Kernel results were compared with minimum convex polygon estimates, and were found to perform better, because they were less sensitive to sample size and produced more reliable estimates. Furthermore, daily travel paths were calculated from 970 complete follow days. Annual ranges for the resident females were approximately 200 ha and remained stable over several years; total home range size was estimated to be 275 ha. On average, each female shared a third of her home range with each neighbouring female. Orang-utan females in Tuanan built their night nest on average 414 m away from the morning nest, whereas average daily travel path length was 777 m. A significant effect of fruit availability on day path length was found. Sexually active females covered longer distances per day and may also temporarily expand their ranges.