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This article aims to point out the main suggestions of regularisation by the European Union of disinformation in the internet. To do so, initially, we will point out what disinformation is and how it became popular through social media. Afterwards, some suggestions for regularization will be listed, along with an assessment of the impact this could have on the fundamental rights of citizens.

Parental leave regulation is not gender-neutral. Policies that encourage fathers’ leave-taking relate to the enhancement of child well-being, caring fatherhood, and gender equality among the couple and in the workplace. There are various designs of parental leave policies, depending on a combination of factors, such as length, income replacement rate and the compulsory nature of leave. This article draws on data from the 16th International Review of Leave Policies and Related Research (2020) and analyses main features of parental leave policies in seven countries (Germany, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, Israel, Japan and the United States), confronting it with recent research on the use of parental leave in those countries. Subsequently, the article provides evidence for the benefits of fathers’ uptake of paternity and parental leave and points out three features that leave policies must incorporate to promote gender equality and notes the importance of employers’ self-regulation., I would also like to thank the JusGov - Research Centre for Justice and Governance and the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology for financial support.

Under today’s European constitutional demands, effective judicial protection sets the tone concerning potential jurisdictional instruments able to act as constitutionality control mechanisms. Inter-jurisdictionality stands for different and complementary jurisdictional systems living together in the same space and it aims to understand how their reflexive interactions can be maintained to promote effective judicial protection. Both the infringement procedure and the preliminary ruling act as constitutional controls. The first allows the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) to evaluate the incompatibility of national solutions/omissions with EU law but, to meet its full effectiveness, widening legitimate parties needs to be considered as well. Also, validity preliminary rulings act as a constitutional control in proceedings relating to individuals – national judges should be aware of their referring obligations to the CJEU. There are voices amongst European academia that advocate a new constitutional procedure to promote fundamental rights’ protection. However, the main formulas highlighted rely on solutions tested on the national level which can compromise their efficacy. We perceive an inter-jurisdictional paradigm as the proper approach since it will allow the promotion of effective judicial protection at a constitutional level as a new EU dogmatically thought phenomenon. This is to ensure judicial integration can be perceived as a reality, engaged in pursuing the future of the EU, info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The rapid outbreak of COVID-19 has necessitated a global response to manage the transmission, spread, and impact of the virus. Many countries started developing digital contact tracing applications to contribute to the process of lifting the restrictions imposed on its citizens. Generally, the protection of personal data is a right that appears in constitutional and legal provisions, and its processing can only be performed under very restricted circumstances, the protection of health being a valid justification. This article focusses on the systems developed as digital contact tracing tools in France (StopCovid) and in Portugal (STAYAWAY COVID), presenting their characteristics and the most relevant aspects concerning the processing of personal data. The most relevant positive characteristics of these systems are their voluntary adoption, their developers’ concern with the people’s security and privacy, and the transparency of their functioning. With the negative characteristics, the most relevant are the restricted interoperability with the systems from other EU countries, and the permanent risk to people’s privacy of collecting lists of contacts and the circumstances of their interactions with other users of the systems.

The terms in which VAT and customs duties are carried out in the Member States of the European Union are an integral part of the regulatory framework that arises from the European Institutions, specially designed to guarantee the functioning of the Single Market, as a dimension underlying the European project. In the context of COVID-19 – in which the imports of goods necessary for the respective combat and prevention have known and are of particular practical importance –, the Union’s intervention with regard to the taxation of such imports was (and is) necessary to guarantee an appropriate response and garner effective action by Member States. This answer, at least in the context of the indirect taxation, could not be made in several voices, but rather in a single way, in front of a normative plan that, in the case of VAT, is harmonised and which, in the case of customs duties, is uniformed, in a tax integration that seems to move (or should move) towards fullness. Among the various solutions put forward by the Union, of a tax nature, in the pandemic situation, one stands out in particular, of a substantive scope (although others, of an adjective character, having been adopted), which is related to the customs relief and the VAT exemption on the import of necessary goods to combat the effects of COVID-19 in 2020. The highlight is essentially justified by reasons related to its (i) ratio legis, (ii) the corresponding teleology and also (iii) the terms in which Portugal welcomed and developed the measure. This paper will focus on each of these reasons, under the pretext of which the dimensions deemed worthy of special reflection will be addressed, in a perspective that essentially starts from proportionality considerations, aimed at assessing whether the ends justify the means.

The pandemic crisis that we are experiencing today has demonstrated the vulnerability of people with no Internet access. To begin with, during the obligatory quarantine, lots of students did not attend classes because they did not have Internet access. This means that they did not exercise their right to education, a fundamental right in the European Union. Besides that, those who are info-excluded are not able to communicate with anyone or obtain information, which leads to a digital divide problem that brings serial inequalities. It is also known that many people use the Internet to exercise their civil rights and participate in democratic processes, which once more reveals the disadvantages for those who do not have Internet connectivity. The truth is that, nowadays, Internet access is vital for the exercise of other fundamental rights that have to be safeguarded. All of these factors combined are proof of the importance of establishing Internet access as a fundamental right in the European Union.

Published 2020-12-31 While there is still much that we do not know about COVID-19, it has by now become abundantly clear that, far from being “the great equalizer” or a catalyst for international solidarity, the disease is disproportionately impacting the poor and the most vulnerable, fuelling nationalist and xenophobic sentiments, and prompting a resurgence of borders and mobility restrictions all over the globe. Many States have resorted to emergency measures and/or derogated from their international human rights obligations in order to enjoy more leeway when restricting individual freedoms in their “war” against the pandemic. Mobility rights are among the most impacted by the COVID-19-related measures, with lockdowns, mandatory quarantines and travel bans. The article discusses the extent to which the EU Member States’ use of their international and EU law prerogatives to close their borders on public health grounds can be considered to have breached international human rights standards and hindered EU citizenship.

Neste texto, apresentamos uma perspectiva breve sobre a interconexão de três grande marcos para os direitos humanos em Portugal: a integração nas Comunidades Europeias, há trinta anos, em 1986; a Constituição Portuguesa, aprovada em abril de 1976; os Pactos Internacionais dos Direitos Civil e Políticos e dos Direitos Económicos, Sociais e Culturais, adotados em 1966., In this article, we present a brief overview of the interconnection of three milestones regarding human rights in Portugal: the integration in the European Community, which took place thirty years ago, in 1986; the Portuguese Constitution, passed in April 1976; the International Convenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, adopted in 1966., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The Law no. 73/2017, of 16 August, intended to help the fight against sexual harassment and mobbing, through some problematic provisions, notably (i) the protection of the victim and his/her witnesses against disciplinary measures and also during the process of the claim being brought against the employer and/or the agent, (ii) the obligation of the employer to implement a code of conduct, (iv) the duty of the employer to start a disciplinary procedure and (iv) the amendment of the regime applicable to the termination of the employment contract. The paper will analyse such measures and foresee possible problems arising at the time the law is applied.

This paper offers an analysis of the Portuguese Legal Order regarding Market Abuse and Insider Dealing and also of the existing legal instruments for these matters – the Portuguese Securities Code. Essentially, it expresses how, over the past few decades, the Portuguese legislator has been tackling these issues, bearing in mind that Portugal started legislating on these issues even before the first Communitary Directive, implemented in 1989. Considering that, in April 2014, the European Union adopted a new Market Abuse Directive (MAD) imposing a duty on Member States to settle criminal sanctions, the main issue we addressed is how this new legal instrument affected the Portuguese legal order.

Author's personal copy, Since the adoption of the UN Trafficking Protocol in 2000, the predominant approach to combat human trafficking has been based on the criminalization of traffickers in conjunction with a concern for victims' protection. However, few empirical studies considered the effectiveness of those measures, which makes it difficult to understand why criminal cases of human trafficking generally result in few convictions. In Portugal, recent legislative changes have made the legal framework on human trafficking more comprehensive, inclusive and convergent with European directives. The effects of the implementation of those legislative changes on investigation and prosecution are still overlooked. The present study analyses the discourses of justice system professionals that concern the investigation and prosecution of human trafficking. It examines and identifies the factors that, in their perspective, block the recognition of the typifying elements of the crime of human trafficking and create obstacles to the prosecution and conviction of those crimes. Our findings suggest that legislative advances recognized by the participants need to be accompanied by other changes, some of a more systemic nature and others that are more specific. An efficient criminal procedure should include better legal phrasing of the means of evidence of human trafficking that is supported by objective instruments for this to be considered valid; the centralization of proof that the testimony of the victim has to overcome; specialized professional training of an ongoing nature; an efficient cooperation between the various law enforcement agencies at the national and international levels, with public prosecution services and magistrates; a greater clarification of the condition of the special vulnerability of victims and an informed perspective regarding the global nature of the phenomenon of human trafficking, one that is also sensitive towards the victim (e.g., in relation to the victims' vulnerability, illegal status, and their difficulties in te, This study was conducted at Psychology Research Centre, University of Minho, and supported by the Commission for Citizenship and Gender Equality (CIG), Presidency of the Council of Ministers. The authors also thank Eunice Seixas for technical support., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The purpose of this text is to analyse the solution enshrined in Article 168 (7) of the Portuguese Code of Administrative Procedure, which has been in force since 2015. The provision establishes a duty of administrative annulment of final administrative acts contrary to EU law and seeks to echo the case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) which has the Kühne judgment as its landmark decision. However, a closer reading reveals that that provision is not entirely compatible with the case-law of the CJEU to which it, at first sight, relates to. After qualifying that national provision as a relevant rule of EU Administrative law, we will seek to decipher its meaning and scope, in light of the relevant case-law in order to find an interpretative solution that is compatible with EU law, O objetivo do presente texto é analisar a solução consagrada no n.º 7 do artigo 168.º do Código de Procedimento Administrativo vigente desde 2015. Esta disposição estabelece o dever de anulação administrativa de atos administrativos definitivos contrários ao direito da União Europeia e procura fazer eco da jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça que tem no acórdão Kühne a sua landmark decision. No entanto, uma leitura atenta da disposição revela que a mesma não é inteiramente compatível com a jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça à qual à primeira vista se reporta. Depois de qualificar essa disposição nacional como uma regra relevante do direito administrativo da União Europeia, propomos decifrar o seu significado e alcance à luz da jurisprudência relevante, a fim de encontrar uma solução interpretativa compatível com o direito da União, info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The Brussels I Regulation’s re-foundation by the New Brussels I Regulation was thought to secure reciprocal trust on justice administration among Member States and to grant full access to justice for those who inhabit and circulate in its territory. In a Union characterized by circulation freedoms and an internal market existence, those principles justify a situation in which judgments ruled by a Member State’s court are automatically recognised and enforced, in other Member-State, except when the defendant evokes the rules on denial of judgments’ recognition and enforcement. There would not be judicial cooperation and integration’s prosecution without trust – trust must exist among Member States’ courts and it must be felt by EU citizens so they can acknowledge that EU is actively seeking to improve their life and working conditions. The European Commission made constructive efforts to promote an exequatur’s abolition, making recognition and enforcement proceedings on the New Brussels I Regulation simpler (it even proposed to remove the “public policy” clause, which was not accepted). It is necessary to analyse how the CJEU applies the rules on denial of judgments’ recognition and enforcement to perceive if the principle of an effective judicial protection is fulfilled under New Brussels I Regulation., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

To mark 40 years of the Portuguese constitutional project and the 30 years of its interaction with the European (also constitutional) project, the text seeks, through the theme of good administration, to give practicality to the theory of inter-constitutionality – as it is a proposal construed by Portuguese doctrine, which seeks to explain the relationship between the EU legal order and the constitutional legal orders of the Member States. The hermeneutic exercise undertaken aims to extract from the Portuguese constitutional text, through the cross-interpretation of Article 268 CRP with Article 41 CFREU, elements for the construction of a concept of good administration relevant in the Portuguese constitutional legal order that, without prejudice to other dimensions/ projections, is also open to the subjective/protective dimension of good administration highlighted in the EU constitutional legal order. Assuming the European integration process is a dynamic factor of constitutional development, the present analysis regards the systemic differences in the feld of good administration as inviting discursive conciliation with an aim to articulate a unity of meaning in the matter of good administration., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Digital Single Market is the new political goal that promotes the creation of digital solutions to support the European Union’s evolution. It is believed to be one means by which the EU can attract investments from new IT tools’ economic agents. For that purpose, the European Union settled various interoperability measures so that both Member States and European institutions were able to set the example on how digital tools are important and one of Union’s goals. In this particular setting, the European Union engaged the ISA2 programme to promote interoperability solutions for Public Administrations, citizens and companies which aimed to bring more transparency to those relationships established between Public Administrations (both functional and organic European administrations) and common citizens and companies. In the medium run, interoperability solutions will provide the European Union with an e-Administration (electronic administration) which visible face will be an e-Government (electronic government) phenomenon. However, to avoid the European Union facing a degeneration based on excessive use of electronic realities, principles of proportionality, equality and non-discrimination must be used as testing principles to all measures the Digital Single Market aims to implement. In fact, a wide dissemination of IT tools in other constitutional areas – such as the defnition of a democratic system and the public interest guaranteed by politics (steaming from this new equation a e-Politics) – can lead to a dangerous path, compromising society as we know it, its constitutional setting and democratic principle as they are being developed., O Mercado Único Digital é o novo objetivo político e, por essa razão, tem vindo a promover a criação de todo o tipo de soluções digitais para potenciar a evolução da União Europeia. Só isso poderá torná-la mais atrativa ao investimento por parte de agentes associados às tecnologias de informação. Assim, a União Europeia estabeleceu um conjunto de medidas de interoperabilidade para que tanto os Estados-Membros como as instituições europeias estivessem habilitados a dar o exemplo quanto à relevância das ferramentas digitais e a fm de as identifcar como um dos instrumentos indispensáveis à observância das fnalidades da União. Neste contexto específco, a União Europeia adotou o Programa ISA2 para implementar soluções de interoperabilidade para as administrações públicas, as empresas e os cidadãos e que visa acarretar maior transparência para aquelas relações estabelecidas entre as administrações públicas (administrações funcional e organicamente europeias) e os cidadãos e as empresas. A médio prazo, as soluções de interoperabilidade dotarão a União Europeia de uma e-Administração (administração eletrónica) cuja face visível será um fenómeno de e-Governo (governo digital). No entanto, para que a União Europeia não se depare com uma degeneração baseada no uso excessivo das tecnologias de informação e dos componentes eletrónicos, os princípios da proporcionalidade, igualdade e não discriminação têm de ser usados como “princípios de teste” de todas as medidas que o Mercado Único Digital objetiva implementar. Afnal, uma disseminação alargada das tecnologias de informação noutros domínios constitucionais – como é o caso da defnição de um sistema democrático e da prossecução dos interesses públicos primários pela classe política (decorrendo desta nova realidade um fenómeno de e-Política) – pode conduzir a um caminho incerto, tendente a comprometer o arranjo político-social tal como o conhecemos hoje., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article critically approaches some issues of legal and political nature, necessarily controversial, raised by the Portuguese accession to the EU and the own political action of the Union, with the purpose to draw attention to the aspects that seem to be the most relevant in the 40/30 years milestone of the Constitution and the European integration. Amongst these issues I point out the followings: 1) perception and way of receiving the European integration by the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic, 2) degradation of the democratic principle and of the political representation due to the intervention of the EU in the member states politics or the effect of empting the internal politics caused by the action of the EU, 3) globalisation, neoliberalism and the crisis of the democratic power: producing the effect of moving the locus of the democratic power and the erosion in the relations of the EU with the member states, 4) the EU as a space of action of the market against people. I intend, then, to provoke the debate on these relevant problems of the EU integration., Este artigo aborda criticamente algumas questões de natureza jurídica e política, necessariamente polémicas, colocadas pela integração de Portugal na UE e pela própria ação política desta União, com o objetivo de chamar a atenção para os aspetos que nos pareceram mais relevantes nos 40/30 anos da Constituição e da integração europeia. De entre estas questões assinalamos as seguintes: 1) perceção e modo de acolhimento da integração europeia na Constituição da República Portuguesa, 2) degradação do princípio de democrático e da representação política por força da intervenção da UE na política dos Estados-Membros ou o efeito de esvaziamento da na política interna dos Estados produzido pela ação da UE, 3) globalização, neoliberalismo e a crise poder democrático: produção do efeito de deslocação do locus do poder democrático e da erosão das relações da UE com os Estados-Membros, 4) a UE como espaço de ação dos mercados contra as pessoas. Pretende-se, assim, provocar o debate sobre estes relevantes problemas da integração da UE., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper registers some notes and interrogations concerning the express legal enshrinement of the concept of Social Market Economy. It highlights the ordoliberal origin of this concept and questions its meaning – associated with a certain loss of intensity from the clear proclamation of the principle of Competition – in terms of the economic ordination of the Internal Market and European integration. However, the question to be asked brings us back to the effective and contextualised characterisation in the current moment of European integration – the economic Constitution of the EU. Will there be, then, a change of the ideological referential in the economic constitution of the EU and, consequently, in the paths that are intended to be trailed in the future? Or, instead, is the emergence of the express enshrinement in the Treaty of the “Social Market Economy” not indicative of a shift of perspective (sense of direction) of the economy in the Internal Market, but only an evolution in continuance?, No presente texto, registam-se algumas notas e interrogações a propósito da consagração expressa do conceito de economia social de mercado. Sublinha-se a origem ordoliberal de tal conceito e questiona-se o signifcado, em termos de ordenação económica do mercado interno e da Integração europeia, de tal afrmação (economia social de mercado) associada a uma certa perda de intensidade na proclamação clara do princípio concorrencial. Mas a interrogação que se pretende suscitar e abordar com as notas e pistas de refexão registadas, reconduz-se à caracterização efetiva e contextualizada no atual momento da integração europeia, da Constituição económica da UE. Haverá, então, uma mudança de referencial ideológico na constituição económica da UE e, por conseguinte, nos caminhos que se pretendem trilhar em termos de futuro da integração europeia? Ou, ao invés, a emergência, em termos de consagração expressa no Tratado, da “economia social de mercado” não signifca uma mudança de perspetiva (sentido ordenador) da economia no Mercado Interno, mas sim, apenas uma evolução na continuidade?, info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The current European crisis shows a crucial disjunction between the expectations of EU citizens and the institutional forms of political integration available to them. The crisis imposes challenges to the EU integration process, which sees its legitimacy questioned, above all in the eyes of the citizens of Member States undergoing intervention, who live with harsh restrictions and low expectations of improvement. EU citizens have never been so attentive to the developments of the EU integration – as testifies the rejection demonstrated in May 2014 elections to EU Parliament, now counting over 100 anti-EU voices. In this context, it is important to scrutinize whether the developing of an EU citizenship as “citizenship of rights” could perform some role in this scenario, putting it into perspective in order to grasp its effects on the legal nature of the EU polity. The status of EU citizenship is constructed around the paradigm of individual rights. Being an EU citizen basically means one is the holder of rights protected by the EU legal order – especially fundamental rights. Therefore, it is important to know to what extent the culture of rights has been strengthened by the change legal status of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFREU) following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in December 2009. In short, the text aims at knowing in which measure the fundamental rights dynamics in times of crisis affect the EU integration process itself., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

https://doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_15-1_2

This article seeks to analyse the impact of the Court of Justice of the European Union’s (CJEU) decision in the Dano judgement concerning the free movement of EU citizens and their cross-border access to social benefits. The debate about social tourism or welfare migration has been acrimonious in the last years. The Member States face new challenges concerning the possibility of excluding economically inactive European Union (EU) citizens from other Member States from special non-contributory social benefits. However, if on one hand we have the need to protect the financial sustainability of the Member States, as non-active EU citizens from other Member States can represent a burden on their social assistance systems, on the other hand, we also need to respect one of the EU’s most basilar principles: the prohibition of discrimination on grounds of nationality. The CJEU has decided that the economically nonactive citizens of other Member States can only claim equal treatment in regard to access to social benefits, when they have a right of residence under Directive 2004/38 in the host Member State., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article is part of UNIO’s section for non-reviewed articles. This section aims to publicize activities, projects or initatives of the Center of Studies in European Law, which houses UNIO activities. This article won the ‘PRIZE Portugal- Europe 30 years’ promoted by the Jacques Delors European Information Centre to celebrate the 30 years of the signature of the Treaty Accession of Portugal to the European Community., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Examining some recent examples from the Court of Justice of the European Union case law, this article intends to unravel the direction to which the European courts turn towards in times of crisis. The fiscal restraint and socioeconomic restructuring dictated by considerations of public debt reduction affect the daily lives of European citizens. However, the crisis and the austerity measures framed by Union law follow the new visibility that fundamental rights assumed in the integration process with the entry into force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Therefore, in accordance to the moto proclaimed by Cunha Rodrigues, the crisis highlights the role of jurists and, in particular, the judges while guardians of democracy – understood as the safe exercise of fundamental rights. This paper therefore considers the transformative potential of the current crisis and its implications on the deepening of citizenship rights in the European Union., A partir de alguns exemplos recentes da jurisprudência do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia, o presente texto pretende desvendar a direção para a qual avançam os tribunais europeus em tempos de crise. As medidas de contenção orçamental e de reestruturação socioeconómica ditadas por imperativos de desendividamento público afetam o quotidiano do cidadão europeu. Contudo, a crise e as medidas de austeridade enquadradas pelo direito da União são contemporâneas da nova visibilidade que os direitos fundamentais assumiram no processo de integração com a entrada em vigor da Carta dos Direitos Fundamentais da União Europeia. Por isso, e indo ao encontro do mote lançado por Cunha Rodrigues, a crise acentua o papel dos juristas e, em especial, dos juízes enquanto garantes da democracia – entendida como o exercício seguro de direitos fundamentais. O presente texto considera, assim, o potencial transformador da atual crise e suas implicações no aprofundamento de uma cidadania de direitos na União Europeia., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The Rinau Case is a landmark decision of the ECJ regarding the wrongful removal or retention of children in the Regulation 2201/2003 concerning jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments both in matrimonial matters and those of parental responsibility (Brussels II bis). Having this case as starting point, this article explains the fast proceedings laid down in Brussels II bis Regulation for situations of wrongful removal or retention of children and the special rules for the recognition of the decision of return of the child wrongfully removed or retained in another Member State. However, as a preliminary point of discussion, and in order to allow a more comprehensive understanding of the proceedings concerning the wrongful removal or retention of children under the Regulation, a brief explanation of the framework of the regulation and the rules of international jurisdiction in matters of parental responsibility is provided., O caso Rinau é uma decisão incontornável do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia no que se refere à deslocação ou retenção ilícitas de crianças, cujo regime se encontra previsto no regulamento n.º 2201/2003 relativo à competência, ao reconhecimento e à execução de decisões em matéria matrimonial e de responsabilidade parental (Bruxelas II bis). Partindo deste caso, este artigo explica o procedimento célere previsto no regulamento Bruxelas II bis para as situações de deslocação ou retenção ilícitas de crianças e as regras especiais de reconhecimento da decisão de regresso do menor ilicitamente retido noutro Estado-Membro. Antes, porém, e com o objetivo de permitir uma compreensão mais abrangente do procedimento relativo à deslocação ou retenção ilícitas de crianças previsto no regulamento, é feito um breve enquadramento do regulamento e são explicadas as regras de competência internacional em matéria de responsabilidade parental., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper refects about the Portuguese constituent process, within the framework of the so-called constitutionalism of the Social State, typical of European countries, during the second half of the 20th century. It also aims at understanding European integration from a constitutional point of view, having in mind the unusual openness of the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic to foreign legal orders. The analysis confronts the processes of constitutionalization and integration, and it defends that several elements of the frst one should be incorporated into the latter., Este artigo procura refletir sobre o processo constituinte português, no quadro do constitucionalismo do Estado Social, típico da Europa da segunda metade do século XX, e compreender, tendo em mente a invulgar abertura da CRP a ordenamentos exteriores, a integração europeia, do ponto de vista constitucional. A análise levada a cabo põe em confronto os processos de constitucionalização e integração, defendendo que há vários elementos do primeiro que precisam de ser incorporados no segundo., info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

A cidadania pode assumir diversas formas e significados, mas, na prática, continua a ser, antes de mais, um estatuto jurídico que liga indivíduos e Estados, conferindo a uns e outros direitos e deveres específicos. Enquanto sinónimo de nacionalidade, a cidadania implica sempre um exercício de exclusão, o que será mais ou menos injusto consoante os critérios usados para o acesso ao estatuto e o leque de direitos reservados para os cidadãos. Podem observar-se tendências de sentido inclusivo tanto em matéria de naturalização como de reconhecimento de direitos civis, sociais e políticos aos estrangeiros, mas assistimos também a claros “regressos à nação”, seja pela tónica posta nas ideias de lealdade e de protecção da identidade nacional, seja pelo recurso cada vez mais frequente a testes de integração cultural para os imigrantes. Para contrariar derivas nacionalistas e políticas discriminatórias, será necessário apostar numa reconfiguração da identidade nacional que reflicta a diversidade existente na sociedade e retire à diferença cultural o peso negativo que esta tem, tanto no acesso à nacionalidade, como no efectivo gozo do estatuto depois de adquirido., Interacções, vol. 11 n.º 36 (2015): Educação para a Democracia