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In assessing the current and future role of universities in the nation-states in which they are chartered and funded, it is useful to ask, When are universities societal leaders as societal and constructive change agents, and when are they followers, reinforcing the existing political order? As discussed in the book, "Neo-Nationalism and Universities: Populists, Autocrats and the Future of Higher Education," the national political history and contemporary context is the dominant factor for shaping the leadership or follower role of universities -- what I call a political determinist interpretation. We often think of contemporary universities, and their students and faculty, as catalysts for societal progress -- the Free Speech and Civil Rights movements, Vietnam War protests, the anti-Apartheid movement, Tiananmen Square, and more recently the pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong. Universities can be, and have been, the locus for not only educating enlightened future leaders, but also for opposing oppression and dictatorships. But universities have also proved over their history to be tools for serving the privileged, and reinforcing the social class divisions of a society; they also have been factories for errant theories that reinforce the worst of nationalist tendencies. Universities are both unique environments for educating and mentoring free thinkers, entrepreneurs, and citizens with, for example, a devotion to social change, or for creating conformists -- or all of the above. How might we assess whether universities are followers or leaders in their societies? This essay considers this question, offering a framework for evaluating the follower or leader role, and with particular attention to the emergence or, in some cases, re-emergence of neonationalist leaders and autocratic governments.

Hong Kong and Singapore are island city-states that exude the complicated tensions of postcolonial nationalism. Both are influenced directly or indirectly by the long shadow of China's rising nationalism and geopolitical power and, in the case of Hong Kong, subject to Beijing's edicts under the terms of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration. Both have productive economies dependent on global trade, and each has similar rates of population density--Hong Kong's population is 7.4 million and Singapore is home to 5.8 million people. It remains to be seen whether Hong Kong's peripheral nationalist identity will be retained, or whether the increasingly assertive influence and control by mainland China will prevail and fully assimilate Hong Kong. But it is apparent that Hong Kong is at a turning point. Throughout 2019, protesters filled the streets of the city, worried about declining civil liberties, specifically Beijing's refusal to provide universal suffrage as promised previously in law and the disqualification of prodemocracy candidates, along with the growing control of Hong Kong's government and universities by Chinese central government designates and fears of an ever-expanding crackdown on dissent. Singapore provides a less dramatic but relevant example of the tension caused by the influx of foreign national students and academics who often displace native citizens, combined with government-enforced efforts to control dissent in universities. And like Hong Kong, the long shadow of China influences the role universities are allowed to play in civil society. The following is an excerpt from the book "Neo-Nationalism and Universities: Populists, Autocrats and the Future of Higher Education" (Johns Hopkins University Press) that explores the implications of nationalist movements on universities in Hong Kong and Singapore. In both, university leaders, and their academic communities, value academic freedom and the idea of independent scholarship. Yet the political environment is severe enough, and the opportunity costs great enough, that they, thus far, remain generally neutral institutions in a debate over civil liberties and the future of their island states. The exception is the key role students have played in the protest movement in Hong Kong, but for how long?

President Barack Obama recently announced a proposal to eliminate tuition charges at community colleges so that everyone can easily complete the first two years of a university education. At the same time, the administration is creating new regulations to curb the worst abuses of for-profit universities. This suggests that the country has reached a turning point regarding access to higher education. There is a practical limit to privatization, and the countries that have privatized their higher education systems most aggressively, such is the case of the United States, are now reaching it. One country where the increase in university tuition has reached the limit of what the public will tolerate is Chile, where the most deliberate and comprehensive university privatization experiment in the world was carried out and where the most intense student protests calling for greater access have occurred, bringing this issue to the forefront of the nation's political discourse. Indeed, President Michelle Bachelet has recently promised to make higher education free of charge. This essay examines the recent history of Chilean universities and current debates regarding tuition and inequality that reflect a similar discussion in the US regarding whether higher education is a public or private good, and who should pay for it. A bibliography is included.

Decolonisation is rapidly becoming a familiar term in higher education institutions. Students and activist groups have helped decolonisation move onto the national agenda, backed by recent worldwide events surrounding the Black Lives Matter movement. Despite its newfound popularity, there is still substantial disagreement and misunderstanding about what 'decolonisation' actually entails. Using testimony from 16 interview respondents across academia, activism and policy, this report addresses the common misconceptions about decolonisation and recommends a series of practical steps towards its implementation. The recommendations include: (1) Get educated about decolonisation and end its conflation with equality, diversity and inclusion initiatives; (2) Reprioritise: decolonisation is both pedagogically necessary and academically rigorous; (3) Fund Black, Asian & Minority Ethnic (BAME) research; (4) Tackle discrimination, hostility and unconscious bias; and (5) Institutionalise decolonisation: create departmental roles and engage students. The findings of "Miseducation" demonstrate that decolonisation is both a vital and a beneficial next step for our universities. [Foreword written by Iyiola Solanke.]

As scholarship has become increasingly narrow and disconnected from public life, Kettering research has documented an intense sense of malaise in higher education, what Harry Boyte has called a loss of civic agency. Surprisingly, however, faculty at a few campuses have begun to self-organize to integrate civic work into their teaching and research. This study, by Blase Scarnati and Romand Coles, documents such efforts at Northern Arizona University. Rather than making civic engagement a specific project of one or two faculty, what makes this campus special is that civic engagement has taken hold across the university. Building on research by KerryAnn O'Meara, this working paper shows that civic engagement is not only fulfilling to faculty at an individual level but is starting to impact the civic culture of their institutions.

As demographics shift and immigration is a hotly contested area of US civic life, the civic preparation and participation of Latin American immigrant youth is becoming increasingly important. The author examines the growing literature on this topic, inquiring into the political and demographic changes that have stimulated this area of inquiry, the challenges of studying this population, and what individuals currently know and what they still need to know about immigrant youth civic engagement and activism. At a time when the struggle for immigrant rights in the US is caught in the crossfire of severe recession and racism, young immigrant activists offer a ray of hope through their modest yet noteworthy successes. Scholarship on their civic engagement sheds light on ways that young people who live on the fault line between nation-states are creatively forging civic identities, claiming political voices, and making an impact. (Contains 144 footnotes.) [Funding for this paper was provided by the University of California All Campus Consortium on Research for Diversity (UC ACCORD), UC Berkeley's Center for Latino Policy Research, UC MEXUS, and the University of Illinois at Springfield.]

Private higher education has surged in recent decades and now forms a major part of the world's total higher education. A fourth of total enrollment might be a reasonable guess, albeit a very rough one. Only Western Europe remains mostly marginal to the global trend. Whether new or continuing, contemporary private growth is notable, especially in developing regions. This working paper provides only an introductory, quite partial sketch of how private higher education tends to fit broader higher education patterns, particularly patterns of recent change. Since higher education, and even just private higher education, is very diverse and involves multiple tendencies, it would be far too simple to say merely that private higher education fits broad higher education tendencies. Yet we see reason to highlight private sector characteristics such as huge expansion, responses to rising student demand and changing economies, average smallness in institutional size, tuition dependence, commercial orientations, hierarchical governance, political order, and a certain global self-identification. On the other hand, comparatively limited on the private side are academic research, graduate education, full-time staff, government finance, and government control. (Contains 13 notes.)

A study explored informal learning in relation to online communications and working class people's use of computers as a socially situated practice rooted in collective, communal relationships. It drew on analysis of online learning workshop participation in specially initiated sessions among Canadian labor activist/educators. Findings were based on analysis of interview and survey data and content and interaction analysis of online postings. Survey data indicated participants had computer literacy levels exceeding those of the general population; the majority had access to home and/or workplace computers for workshop participation; and communication with participants and non-participants beyond the formal structure of the workshop was crucial. Interviews showed a better understanding was needed of the dynamics of informal learning in virtual space; key barriers to online learning among activist/educators were resources, time, distance, and extensive reading and writing requirements; and a less obvious barrier concerned "communication literacy," a basic appreciation of the mechanics of interaction, turn-taking, and explicit framing and re-framing of the situation. Strong evidence suggested online learning could be a valuable addition to the labor movement's education/communication capacity, an important part of which revolved around recognition of informal learning, tacit dimensions of participation, broader context of participants' lives, and linkages between the online and offline worlds. (Conains 32 references.) (YLB)

Despite Ontario's profusion of training programs, diplomas, and certificates for office workers, they need coherence and transferability in training that makes it possible to keep up with changes in their current work, and they need their work experience and training to be transferable to training for other occupations. There is a growing disjuncture among the new work, training needs of office workers, and kinds of training available. Office work is becoming more complex, and its links with other occupations need to be made more specific. Training is being delivered in shorter, more fragmented pieces that particularly focus on technical training or the so-called "soft" employability skills. Entry-level training is getting shorter, while entry-level requirements for many office support jobs are becoming more complex. Cuts in public funding to college and community-based programs have resulted in fewer seats in public programs. Setting standards--sometimes seen as a panacea or, at least, the requisite starting-point for a coherent training system--would add to the confusion and opacity of training options for individual workers. It would also be an instrument to further privatize training. Making training a more "profitable" enterprise makes it less accessible to workers. Through activism, advocacy, and support of unions and organizations, a truly worker-centered and worker-driven training system could begin to eliminate the current confusion, fragmentation, inequities, and ineffectiveness of training for office workers. (Appendixes include 31 endnotes and 18 references.) (YLB)

What difference does education make for young adults' engagement in politics and social issues? This study is part of the OECD's Centre for Educational Research and Innovation (CERI) project on "Measuring the Social Outcomes of Learning" (SOL). It discusses relevant international research, with special attention to studies in the Nordic countries, and analyses survey responses by more than 11 000 Norwegian youths aged 13 to 19. "Engagement" is defined as youth's declared interest in politics and social issues and by their participation in various forms of political activity. Educational performance and especially educational aspirations matter for this type of engagement. Socialisation in family environments with regard to civic related issues, however, matters even more for taking interest in such types of civic engagement. It also seems that young people experience educational benefits from growing up in families who care about the civic domain. Separately, the findings suggest that young people who are politically active do not easily conform to the status quo. Rather, they confront the authority structures of their schools more often than other young people do. The paper concludes with suggestions for policy and research. (Contains 13 footnotes, 7 figures and 4 tables.)

Concerns about declining political participation in the United States have once again raised the question of how young people get involved in politics. This project focuses on engaged youths and explores the personal trajectories, people and institutions that encouraged them to become engaged with their communities. The report also discusses how they define themselves, their activism, their concerns, their style of politics, and their political ideals. In-depth interviews were conducted with young people in Chicago, who were identified by directors of community organizations as the most engaged youths in their civic engagement projects. Most youth interviewed have a parent who respects them and listens to their ideas, and are involved in community and school organizations that provide opportunities for engagement. The young people have a keen sense of themselves as youths, even as other social identities such as race, nationality and gender play a role in their sense of self. Combating the negative stereotypes of youth, in particular the stereotypes of Latinos and African Americans, is central to their political activism, since they feel that such stereotypes can silence their political voices. Even though the youth are aware of the world around them, their politics are grounded in local issues, particularly education. They seek equal opportunities for themselves and their communities. They strive to be informed and their political style is one that respects others' points of view. They hope for a more inclusive, less corrupt government that uses its resources to help others, and a society that includes the voices of youth in meaningful ways. [A version of this paper will also appear in a special issue of "Children, Youth and Environmentalists, Pushing the Boundaries: Critical International Perspectives on Child and Youth Participation," Volume 17, Number 2. Edited by Roger Hart and Caitlin Cahill.]

A theoretical framework for evaluating the twenty-five year experience of social reform groups and law reform lawyers is presented in this paper. Law reform organizations participate in activities that have common, underlying themes. For instance, in most cases the lawyers want more of society's goods for the clients. In order to evaluate whether law reform activities are successful or not, five variables of a theory that would explain success in reform group law and reform activities are identified. Among these are the following two: (1) the characteristics of social reform groups, and (2) the distribution of the benefits and costs of social reform group activity. A series of case studies are provided in order to illustrate a different type of social reform legal activity. They were selected from four principal areas of law reform activity: environmental litigation, consumer issues, civil rights, and welfare. The theory presented predicts where law reform activity on behalf of social reform groups is less likely to be successful. (Author/AM)

In considering whether subcultural values were associated with violence, it was critical to determine both the precise content of such values and the way in which the subculture interacts with structural forces to affect the level of violence. Based on interview and observational materials, this qualitative study examined the role of "machismo" and the incidence of gang violence in the Chicano "barrios" of East Los Angeles, under two structural circumstances--the more common state of disenfranchisement and the conditions of the late 1960s and early 1970s in which a strong locally based political movement existed. More than 25 open-ended interviews were conducted with Chicano males, aged 15-30, who lived in one of the East Los Angeles barrios and who currently participated or had participated extensively in gang activity. For all the Chicanos interviewed, "machismo" meant "having courage", "not backing down", or "being ready to fight". However, violence in itself was not directly a "macho" trait. Estrangement fostered a strong identity with the peer group in the barrio, because the peer group was the most readily available source of identity. This resulted in a strong sense of turf, which in turn greatly increased the potential for conflict and thus for violence. The change in group identity and in the incidence of violence occurred in the period from late 1967 to early 1972, when a strong locally based political movement succeeded in greatly reducing the level of estrangement. (NQ)