Search

Reparations policies that seek to make amends for a harm incurred face exigent challenges. In this article we focus on what makes reparations successful and what policy components are necessary, if not sufficient, for success. To study the success of reparations policy design we employ a case study approach. Our analysis investigates the motivation, design, implementation, and impact of past policies to understand what has been successful or unsuccessful within each component of the policy in each historical case. Ultimately, our discussion identifies patterns in the creation and execution of reparations policy that offer important considerations for policies that would provide reparations to Black Americans.

In this article, I document and analyze all municipal, state, and county-level efforts for Black reparations in the United States. Most efforts resemble H.R. 40's exploratory commission model, possibly due to policy path dependency. Few geographies have allocated funding for committee recommendations, but some have allocated funds for committee activities. Only Evanston, Illinois, has allocated and distributed funds to qualifying residents. On average, cities with reparations efforts demonstrated mixed performance on metrics related to Black wealth, with insufficient evidence to suggest local Black-White disparities are more severe than the nation as a whole. Several proposals emphasize the Black-White racial wealth gap as emblematic of slavery- derived disparity, but no municipal or state proposal can rival the scale or potential of a federal program.

This article examines heterogeneity in adverse events and conditions and how low-income African American young adults respond. Although nearly all individuals in the sample report at least one instance of adversity, the nature and frequency of adversity varies, as do the responses. Some individuals see their lives and plans derailed; others engage in more protective strategies. For still others, adversity presents a difficult trade-off between surviving and thriving. We formalize this trade-off as an extension of a basic model of costly human capital investments. The model shows that a rational, fully informed individual facing this brutal trade-off, in an effort to survive the fallout of adversity, may optimally choose not to make high-return investments that promote thriving in the future. Improved policy design would recognize this type of trade-off.

We consider two local reparations cases--the Evanston Restorative Housing Program and Chicago reparations for police torture survivors. We argue that the programs are shaped by the differing political opportunities, the local context, and the social location of their advocates given that one was constructed within government systems in Evanston and the other largely by grassroots organizers in Chicago. Furthermore, both programs are criticized to varying degrees as being exclusive in their design and implementation. We term this exclusion a process of deliberative marginalization, whereby some of the most vulnerable and most directly affected beneficiaries of a redress initiative are left out of deliberations and implementation decisions about the initiative's design. Subsequently, this study shows both the promise and constraints of reparations policy at the level of local government.

The recent expansion in Black suburbanization is the most substantial shift in Black American residential patterns since the Great Migration. It has left Blacks more sorted between urban and suburban neighborhoods across metropolitan areas. This study explores whether this increasing residential stratification is associated with differentiation in Blacks' political views on racialized issues. I first lay out a theory of Black political sorting by place, specifying processes inherent in suburbanization that could lead to opinion stratification between suburban and urban Blacks. This is followed by a descriptive analysis of American Voices Project interviews with suburban and urban Black respondents. The data show Black suburbanization is neither as economically transformative nor politically differentiating as might be expected. Despite subtle opinion differences between suburban and urban respondents, they mostly converge in their bleak assessments of racialized issues.

Paying reparations to Black Americans has long been contentiously debated. This article addresses an unexamined pillar of this debate: the United States has a long-standing social norm that if an individual or community has suffered a harm, it is considered right for the federal government to provide some measure of what we term "reparatory compensation." In discussing this norm and its implications for Black American reparations, we first describe the scale, categories, and interlocking and compounding effects of discriminatory harms by introducing a taxonomy of illustrative racial harms from slavery to the present. We then reveal how the social norm, precedent, and federal programs operate to provide victims with reparatory compensation, reviewing federal programs that offer compensation, such as environmental disasters, market failures, and vaccine injuries. We conclude that the government already has the norm, precedent, expertise, and resources to provide reparations to Black Americans.

This phenomenological study explores the experiences of preservice teachers of color in a teacher education program at a predominantly white institution. Participants experienced feelings of isolation, being targeted because of their race, lack of multicultural education in the program, and feelings of tension in wanting to speak out and fearing the consequences of speaking out. Recommendations are given for improving teacher education programs to better meet the needs of preservice teachers of color.

Whiteness is prevalent in higher education and therefore permeates science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. While research shows STEM's long history of exclusion and marginalization in higher education (Ong et al., 2011), there has been limited research on the ways students with minoritized identities of sexuality and/or gender (MIoSG) in STEM interact with systems of dominance, such as whiteness. Using white supremacy culture (Okun, 2021; Okun & Jones, 2001) and the white racial frame (Feagin, 2010) as sensitizing concepts, this paper explores how students with MIoSG are situated in relation to systems of whiteness and white racial dominance in STEM learning spaces. Our findings included three emergent categories: color-evasiveness, desiring diversity in STEM, and the simultaneous invisibility and hypervisibility of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) in STEM. Findings illuminated the complex ways BIPOC and white students with MIoSG experienced and thought about whiteness and white supremacy in STEM. Data point to the need for intentional anti-racist research, policy, and practice in STEM learning spaces.

In this essay, I explore the complex intersection of language, identity, and education with a particular focus on the importance of fostering linguistic equity in higher education settings. It is imperative for higher education institutions to reevaluate language-related practices and foster linguistic diversity and equity. Drawing upon linguistic theories and real-world examples, I highlight how language is deeply intertwined with personal identity, culture, and heritage. Various English dialects, such as African American Vernacular English, Chicano English, and others, are highlighted as valid linguistic expressions rather than deviations from a supposed standard. The role of standard academic English (SAE) in academia is examined, with a critical examination of how it can unintentionally perpetuate linguistic prejudice and inequality. I highlight activities in one university and provide practical strategies and classroom approaches to promote linguistic equity by showcasing rubric adjustments and teaching techniques that accommodate diverse language backgrounds. Educators can create inclusive learning environments that empower students to communicate effectively and celebrate their linguistic diversity, ultimately breaking free from historically biased language standards.

In this article, the authors focus on a one-week research project examining Frederick Douglass's civic actions to challenge racial discrimination African Americans faced before and after the U.S. Civil War. Our one-week research project was implemented at a free public charter school in amid-sized Southern city. Our project connects to the disciplinary literacy skills argued for in the indicators of the C3 Framework. The following research questions drove our study: (a) in what ways, if any, do students articulate the challenges African Americans faced in the slavery system?; (b) In what ways, if any, do students articulate the civic actions taken by Frederick Douglass to challenge racial discrimination in U.S. society? First, we define the concept of public issues and describe their importance in an abbreviated literature review. Next, our focus shifts to examining how disciplinary literacy skills advocated for in the C3 Framework helped to shape our project. Then, we briefly focus on the demographic information for the students that participated in our study along with giving the demographic information about the teacher that implemented this project. Next, methods utilized in our project will be given. Then, a description of the student data and analysis procedures is provided. Next, we talk about the findings from our study and give a discussion section to unpack our findings. Finally, we close the article with limitations from our study and recommendations for future research studies to build upon our project.

Afro Latinx immigrants are an underserved population in the United States and within counseling specifically. The counseling profession has been slow to address the unique needs of this population despite the increased visibility of this group in recent years. Consistent with the codes of ethics from the American Counseling Association and the National Board for Certified Counselors and the Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies (MSJCC), counselors must continue to expand their repertoire and use empirically supported tools to address these mandates and increase cultural responsiveness in clinical practice. Despite its alignment with the MSJCC, the counseling literature demonstrates that the Cultural Formulation Interview is an underutilized, empirically supported tool. The authors describe how counselors may use the Cultural Formulation Interview in their clinical practice with Afro Latinx immigrants while operating from a multicultural and social justice-oriented framework.

Black, school-aged youth may experience socioeconomic, psychological, and emotional difficulties that affect their mental health, leading to maladaptive ways of coping, such as cannabis use. Instead of getting treatment and support to help them manage their stressors in positive ways, Black youth often receive punitive school practices, including referrals to the juvenile justice system. Counselors who work with school-aged youth are likely to encounter many Black youth and can thus either be instrumental to their psychological development or inadvertently impede their well-being with over-pathologization and criminalization of their cannabis use. In this article, the author reflects on a particular experience he had working with a Black youth and how it influenced his cultural competency and development as a counselor. The author also discusses the socioeconomic landscape and psychological experience of Black youth and their rationale for cannabis use. The article concludes with implications for professional counselors.

While prior research has examined the connection between civic engagement and collectivist views, the present study considers to what extent years of education have been associated with more collectivistic views. This study analyzed data from the 2021 United States General Social Survey. Results suggested that more years of education was associated with believing that the government should do more for Black people and that the government should do move overall (in a scaled average of individualism/collectivism). Specific demographic factors were associated with more collectivist or individualistic views. Implications for program and policy development within higher education are considered.

White backlash is the immediate, violent response of some white people to the actual and perceived racial and educational progress of oppressed groups. In this paper, we take a historical detour to map this phenomenon, specifically in the history of K-12 Black education. We demonstrate that the current state of education is not an exceptional moment, but part of a long genealogy of anti-Black educational violence and white backlash. Yet, we suggest that operating from an understanding of the inevitability and imminence of white backlash offers necessary tools in the continued fight for liberatory Black educational futures. [Note: The publication year (2026) shown in the header on the PDF is incorrect. The correct publication year is 2024.]

In this study, we examine how race and racism impact the schooling of African American males by analyzing the first-person perspective of hip-hop superstar, Nasir "Nas" Jones. We selected Nas due to his unique yet prevalent educational trajectory and perspectives. Critical race theory is employed as a framework as well as notions of Sankofa methodology and literary analysis to investigate his music, documentaries, and an open letter whereby he critiques the public school system while providing academic ideas to engage and inspire Black students. Studies about Black males routinely focus on their subpar academic performance with the intention of "correcting" these behaviors. We utilize the experiences of Nas to reframe the conversation and provide nuanced insight into Black educational experiences instead of perpetuating recycled, bleak narratives. This article concludes with suggestions for educators to better serve African American males in the Pre K-12 academic context.

As school board meetings are integral sites of local education policymaking, scholars must consider how structural racism manifests in these spaces across various district contexts. We examine how racialized institutional logics undergird the interactions between majority-Black district leadership and a local Black community during school board meetings. Through an ethnographic case study of school board meetings over the 2019-2020 school year, we find that racialized pressures led predominantly Black school board members and district administrators to uphold policies and practices that limited two-way authentic interactions with their Black constituents. In conclusion, we argue that racial representation in educational politics may be important, but is not sufficient unless accompanied by changes to policies and practices that privilege Whiteness and reproduce racism.

Many Black young adults engage in their communities through critical action, or activism, as they transition into adulthood. However, knowledge about predictors of critical action remain sparse. The present longitudinal study addresses this gap by exploring links between critical action, ethnic-racial identity, and racial discrimination among 143 Black youth who were surveyed as adolescents (M[subscript age] = 15; 66% female) and again as young adults (M[subscript age] = 20). Using hierarchical logistic regression, we found that young adult experiences of racial discrimination were related to increased odds of critical action, accounting for adolescent racial discrimination, gender, caregiver education, and postsecondary enrollment. We also found that criminalizing discriminatory experiences (e.g., being stopped by the police) during young adulthood were related to increased odds of critical action. Our findings document changes in racial discrimination and ethnic-racial identity during the transition to adulthood and suggest that some marginalized youth may transform adverse experiences into critical action.

We examine and compare the relationship between minimum wage increases and youth homicide rates in three groups: all youth, White youth only, and Black youth only. Using 2001-2019 mortality data from the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) for all 50 states and Washington DC, we apply a difference in differences (DD) design to compare the change in youth homicides across states with varying changes in the state-specific minimum wage. With the inclusion of state-specific linear time trends, we find that a $1 increase in minimum wage leads to a significant 4% reduction (RR = 0.96, 95%CI [0.92, 0.99]) in homicides among White youth, but no significant reduction among Black youth (RR = 0.98, 95%CI [0.91, 1.04]). Findings are consistent with research on marginalization-related diminished returns for Black youth. While minimum wage increases are a promising step to reduce youth homicides overall, reducing homicide disparities experienced by Black youth requires additional components. Future research should examine policies with the specific intention to dismantle structural racism.

Objective: Although race-related stress is associated with numerous mental health outcomes, no previous research has examined associations with ADHD symptoms. We examine how such associations differ in Black Americans based on racial identity to allow for more nuanced understandings of racial discrimination's association with ADHD symptoms. Methods: This study asked a sample of Black Americans to answer questionnaires assessing race-related stress, ADHD symptoms, and racial centrality. Results: In predicting ADHD symptoms, we found a positive effect of race-related stress and a negative effect of centrality. At low levels of centrality, the association between ADHD symptoms and race-related stress was stronger than at mean and high levels of centrality. Through additional sub-group analyses we found the interaction effect not replicating in one of our conditions. Conclusion: These results suggest experiences of race-related stress and racial identity are important factors for consideration in the treatment of ADHD symptoms.

Guided by the critical race theory and the social identity theory, the present study aimed to explore the impact that exposure to police brutality on social media has on Black college freshmen's perception of law enforcement and mental wellness. To explore this phenomenon, we conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 20 Black college freshmen (age range: 18-20). Participant narratives were coded using a thematic analysis. Findings revealed that participants depicted police brutality on social media as racially driven, which yielded behavioral changes and negative psychological responses, such as sleep disturbances, anger, and fear. Further, the oversaturation of police violence in the media significantly altered the participants' views of the police and their practices. Our findings are consistent with previous literature concerned with the vicarious experiences of police brutality among youth and have implications for educators, counselors, and scholars.

Prenatal cannabis use and maternal stress have been proposed as risk factors for autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Black mothers and mothers of lower socioeconomic status (SES) may be especially likely to experience high levels of stress. This study examined the impact of prenatal cannabis use and maternal stress (i.e., prenatal distress, racial discrimination, and lower SES) on child ASD-related behaviors in a sample of 172 Black mother-child pairs. We found that prenatal stress was significantly associated with ASD-related behaviors. Prenatal cannabis use did not predict ASD-related behaviors and did not interact with maternal stress to predict ASD-related behaviors. These findings replicate previous work on prenatal stress-ASD associations and add to the limited literature on prenatal cannabis-ASD associations in Black samples.

This article describes a three-year qualitative study on how youth of color in one community-based organization, Durham Community Youth, used the mentor text, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s "What's your life's blueprint?" speech, as a reflective tool to transform themselves and their community. Using a critical literacy framework, the authors situate the study within the rich history of the Black community in Durham, North Carolina and examine how students' writing advocated for their communities by speaking out against oppressive forces. The article offers implications on how educators can reimagine the implementation and intentionality of mentor texts for youth.

The field of evaluation has experienced greater professionalization in the areas of evaluator education and training. Growth in these areas included sensitivity to issues of diversity, with efforts to attract and retain evaluators of color. Currently, there is limited scholarship on navigating a world with more opportunity but still dealing with being Black. Motivated by our identities as Black evaluators, we explored the education, training and socialization concerns experienced by Black evaluators and the advice they would offer. Through content analysis of semi-structured interviews and the utilization of Critical Race Theory as a framework, we garnered advice to and from Black evaluators on how to (a) navigate the politics in evaluation; (b) engage in reflection and reflexivity; (c) network and collaborate; (d) mentor and bring others along the way; and (e) develop as a professional evaluator. We offer a synthesis of these findings in the discussion and articulate further implications.

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on doctoral education. Pandemics throughout history have generated new educational theories and practices, accelerated some trends and signalled the abrupt end of others. The unpredictable effects of the COVID-19 pandemic have particularly impacted upon First Nations and transcultural communities and People of Colour throughout the globe. A second significant recent global trend that occurred at the height of the pandemic was the reignited #BlackLivesMatter (#BLM) protest campaign. This campaign drew attention to the vast inequities faced by black, transcultural (migrant, refugee, culturally diverse and international) and Indigenous peoples and triggered rapid action in higher education institutions against racism and unconscious bias. Design/methodology/approach: This conceptual paper draws upon postcolonial/decolonial theory to demonstrate how the COVID pandemic and #BLM movement prompts us to revitalise doctoral education. Findings: These two issues have created renewed urgency around the need to decolonise higher education and a desire to transform the "business-as-usual" geopolitical power dynamics that continue to privilege Northern knowledge over culturally diverse knowledge systems from First Nations and transcultural contexts. A key site where special opportunities exist to effect this transformation lies in doctoral education. Doctoral education is a significant location of new knowledge creation and the development of the world's future researchers. Research limitations/implications: Applying post/decolonial theory enables one to rethink how doctoral education should be changed to work towards greater decolonisation. Originality/value: This study applies Santos' ideas about "the sociologies of emergence" in the global South to think about how doctoral education should be reconstructed as a liberated zone of decolonisation and epistemic justice.

This manuscript focuses on the role of Black megachurches in addressing the historical educational exclusion that continues to affect Black students' college access. Secondary data analysis of semistructured qualitative interviews with 27 church and ministry leaders of three Black megachurches in the mid-Atlantic region of the U.S. uncovered how Black megachurches and their leaders create a college-going culture. Findings reveal how Black megachurches and their leaders, although aware of systemic inequalities, employ community cultural wealth (Yosso, 2005) to promote Black student college access. This analysis illuminates the significance of applying critical frameworks for recognizing and understanding how capital within Black communities is employed to disrupt systemic oppression, create a college-going culture, and effect educational change for Black students.

Despite the unique and pressing needs of Black male students in schools, there has been a significant gap in the availability of culturally responsive group counseling models to support and empower this population. In this commentary article, I discuss the theory and research underlying the ASE group model for Black male middle school youth. Drawing on Steen et al. (2023) use of Critical Race Theory for reconceptualizing the ASE group model, I expound on the concept of white hegemony in school counseling. School counselors may unconsciously impose white cultural norms and values on students, hindering the effectiveness of the ASE model. To counteract white hegemony, I propose several strategies for creating a more inclusive, healing, and growth centered group environment.

One of the critical issues facing Historians today has been the emergence of Strong State regimes and the politicized pseudo history they produce in countries claiming to adhere to democratic norms. The attack on the Capital of the United States was based on a series of lies about voter fraud supported by President Donald Trump and members of Congress. Countering ideology based on a complete disregard for truth is now of paramount importance in the United States. This paper studies Trump's promise to Make America Great Again (MAGA) as a further evolution of Lost Cause mythos that began after the Civil War. The original story casts the enfranchisement of African Americans as a failure touting white supremacy and the righteousness of Jim Crow laws. How can History teachers counter these highly politicized myths? I suggest that the methodology of our profession may provide us with some important tools. John Dewey underscored the importance of critical inquiry to the preservation and advancement of democracy. Teaching students how to think historically goes a long way in the process of producing citizenry who are ready to participate in civil society. To that end I conclude this essay with a course that I teach entitled "Witches, Aliens, and Other Enemies." The course is designed to set moments of mass hysteria and paranoia in the American narrative against the background of reason and rational legal law utilizing the Salem witch hunt at the end of the seventeenth century and the "red scare" following World War II as case studies to stimulate student exploration.

The great economic power of the United States of America allowed its attitude towards the African American population living on its land to be ignored for a long time. However, the lives of the African Americans and the time they have lived have started to manifest itself in music as well as various visual arts. Protest music is written and performed with the aim of encouraging cultural and political change to be a part of the movement. The emergence of protest music in the United States coincides with the period of the Civil Rights' Movement of the 1954's. The protest music, which started with the aim of drawing attention to the elements of war and slavery, was composed and performed with the aim of drawing attention to the racist attacks against black people in South America, shedding light on violence and oppression, and helping the white people face this situation. The jazz style song "Strange Fruit" sung by African American female singer Billie Holiday, which addresses these issues and is considered as one of the first original example of protest music, started a change by creating the intended effect on the white people and African American people living in the United States. The song/poem "Strange Fruit", the photograph that inspired the composition, the photograph and video of Billie Holiday singing the song will be analyzed with Roland Barthes' semiotic theories. The result of this study shows that protest music, performed in the best possible way, is an important and effective element of communication to draw attention to the efforts of African-Americans involved in the construction of a great piece of labor.

The narrative inquiry correlates to the Leadership in a Time of Change theme by examining the stories of 10 Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) school leaders serving in White suburban schools. The research study explores the experiences of eight Black and two Latinx school leaders that serve in K-12 school districts after the racial reckoning of 2020 when elevated racial tensions were significant. Limited research has been explored related to BIPOC school leaders' experiences in predominately White school institutions where they are underrepresented among educational stakeholder groups. The inquiry analyzes the data through the Critical Race Theory from Delgado and Stefancic (2017). The stories of the 10 BIPOC school leaders revealed three themes: racism, microaggressions, and pressure plus. The study is relevant to predominately White school district leaders attempting to hire and retain diverse school leaders.

Racism is commonly defined as prejudice plus power, but in some contexts it can be practiced as a lack of diversity, equity and inclusion. These issues have been at the forefront of popular culture and academic research for some time now, but one could argue, interest has exploded in the U.S. consciousness since May of 2020 and the video recording of the extra-judicial killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, mirroring that of Philando Castile four years earlier in the same city. In this paper we document the ways diversity, equity and inclusion are perceived, and how those perceptions render racism (un)visible. Within this context, we introduce a framework we are calling social-cultural quantum optics (SQO). With data from two large diversity symposia at a university on the east coast that is more diverse than many coupled with our experiences at three art exhibits, we begin to construct a path unlocking small scale, quantum, determinants of racism. We argue that understanding SQO can undo its links to racism on everyday life in cities and communities where universities are located, while at the same time urging the use "collective experiential observation" of artistic expression to aid in data analysis. [Note: The page range (68-91) shown on the PDF citation is incorrect. The correct page range is 68-90.]

Recent scholarship has attempted to amplify the voices and intentions of Black fathers to establish a healthy presence in the academic and school-based lives of their children. However, schools as mesolevel instantiations of civil society and culture often preclude Black fathers from carrying out this prosocial role. The basis for this, we argue, resides in the logic of "antiblack misandry." In this article, we demonstrate how a sample of Black fathers perceive how they - and Black men at large - are viewed as inherent outsiders within their children's school and the ways they respond to these perceptions and subsequent treatment. Analysis produced three overarching themes -- "perceptions and experiences, counterfactual experiences," and "attitudes and actions." Findings affirm a stereotyped pattern of Black fathers being seen and treated as absent, dangerous, or unimportant to their children's schooling lives.

We are a collaborative teaching team at a mid-sized, predominately white institution (PWI), who sought to explore teaching about antiblackness in teacher education. Using an antiblackness theoretical framework we asked: (1) What are our individual and collective curricular responsibilities as marginalized faculty and instructors within this present moment? (2) How have we adapted and adjusted to meet our senses of responsibility, specifically in addressing antiblackness?; and (3) What are the experiences, reflections, and challenges we face teaching about antiblackness during the COVID-19 pandemic? Using "narrative as praxis" as our methodology and holistic coding, we journaled in response to our research questions. There were three themes that we produced from the data: our bodies are curriculum, questioning and self-doubt, and the responsibility and urgency of doing this work. We conclude with a call to action for teacher education to take up teaching about antiblackness throughout the curriculum.

In this article, we examine how school district leaders bolster white supremacy by deploying white innocence, a discourse in which individuals or entities project a positive image of themselves while deflecting blame for racism. We focus on a school district that was the site of strategic and sustained advocacy from Black community members and their supporters, catalyzed by an egregious racist incident in 2018 and anti-Blackness in general. Through an analysis of videos of school board meetings, we demonstrate that district leaders projected white innocence by using four discursive strategies: denying blame, concealing racism, dodging responsibility, and glorifying the district. These form what we call the white innocence playbook among those who govern and lead school districts. Ultimately, we argue, the conceptual tool of the white innocence playbook can help disrupt white supremacy in district governance, thereby advancing equity and racial justice.

Early childhood Jewish education provides an opportune moment to teach about race and Black-Jewish relations as young children grapple with concepts like justice. This article argues that picture books containing interactions between Black and Jewish characters or a Black Jewish character are a powerful pedagogical tool for this purpose. We created the first inventory of picture books that contain these characters, finding 188 of them which we believe can be invaluable in introducing the vital topic of race and racism to young children in early childhood Jewish classrooms through the historically important lenses of Black-Jewish relations and Black Jewish individuals.

Social anxiety disorder (SAD) is characterized by significant distress and avoidance surrounding social and performance situations with marked interpersonal and academic impairment. This review paper highlights cultural considerations relevant to the conceptualization, identification and treatment of SAD in Black youth. Research evaluating the utility of evidence-based measures to assess SAD suggest they are culturally relevant; however, gaps in knowledge regarding psychometric properties of even the most widely used instruments are evident. In regards to intervention, Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) approaches hold promise, yet there is a lack of research on the use of CBT with Black adolescents. Recommendations to incorporate cultural factors into CBT are provided and future work investigating culturally adapted interventions are needed. Finally, given significant disparities in access and utilization of mental health services with Black youth, strategies to increase treatment engagement, such as school-based services, are important to consider.