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Objective/Context: This text sets out a succinct overview of the sweep of the history of emotions and sentiments, from the decisive steps taken by Peter N. Stearns and Carol Z. Stearns in the 1980s up to some of the essential contributions made to the field by numerous academics from Latin America in subsequent moments. The fundamental goal of this exercise is to provide context for the contributions of the articles included in the current issue of Historia Crítica. Methodology: I will point out the main methods and approaches of numerous papers about the history of emotions and sentiments produced in North America and Europe. At the same time, I will inquire about the attention this field has received in Latin American historiography and present the articles of the dossier. Originality: The text condenses and compares a substantial set of historical viewpoints about emotions and sentiments, the pathways it opens to widening historical explanations and invites exploring them from Latinamerican historiography. Conclusions: The articles collected in this issue suggest the importance of continuing to move forward in the study of the history of emotions and sentiments in Latin America, given the authors of these texts prove that the weight of regimes and the signification of emotional experiences matter in the spectrum of causalities, in the decisions, and the agency of individuals and groups, in the formation of political loyalties, in power contests, in revolutions, and wars, in the representations of order and the manners in which to subvert it, but also in the elucidation of the deepest creases of the lives, feelings, and words of the societies of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populist supporters have been found to take cues from populist incumbents. Yet, little is known about how they incorporate party cues in their political beliefs when populists are in office. This research note argues that (1) citizens who identify with populist parties engage in partisan motivated reasoning – that is, they are driven by the desire to be consistent with their partisan allegiances – and that (2) they engage in partisan motivated reasoning more intensely than their non-populist counterparts because populist party cues strongly prompt them to process biased information. Drawing on data from the European Social Survey, it is evidenced that populist supporters express much warmer economic views when their parties hold power. Warm economic views are also found to increase significantly more in accordance with strength of partisanship and exposure to political information for populist supporters than for non-populist supporters when their respective parties govern. Results highlight a mechanism by which populist incumbents are likely to remain attractive despite their poor economic record. They have implications for our understanding of the mainstreaming of populist parties in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions and to what extent do national publics come to accept the increasing efforts of state elites to build new political institutions that transcend the constitutional frontiers of the nation-state and affect their interests beyond their direct control? This paper explores the role of national publics and social policy in the process of national and European integration. A theory of allegiance is proposed as particularly useful for analyzing this topic. Allegiance is defined as the willingness of a national public to approve of and to support the decisions made by a government, in return for a more or less immediate and straightforward reward or benefit. National publics accept the efforts of their national state elites to build new trans- or supranational political institutions on the condition that this guarantees or reinforces economic (e.g. employment) and social (e.g. income maintenance) security in the national context. European integration depends on a double allegiance, consisting of a primary allegiance to the nation-state and its political elite and a secondary or derived allegiance to the EC or EU. Secondary allegiance, however, exists only to the extent that European integration facilitates nation-states to provide the resources upon which primary allegiance hinges. The theory of double allegiance specifies theoretically the mechanism explaining the link between national economic and social conditions, and public support for the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the ways in which Euro-Turks affiliate themselves both with their countries of destination in the European Union and with their country of origin, Turkey. Using the institutional channelling theory, this study claims that Euro-Turks are more likely to comply with the political, economic, legal and cultural structure of their countries of settlement. The study also claims that Euro-Turks have recently become actively engaged in political participation processes at a time defined by rising Islamophobia. However, official lobbying activities of the Turkish state among Euro-Turks are likely to be more destructive than constructive in the way in which they make the Euro-Turks compete with each other on ideological grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is meant to underline a peculiar pro-European perspective of a character little known in the contemporary scientific world. Ernesto de Martino, recognized nowadays as the father of Italian modern anthropology, has dreamt a dream, which was to become true but after his departure from the living. He has dreamt a dream of a culturally and geographically united Europe, in which the Cultural South would be appreciated for its intrinsic folk gems. He pledged allegiance to the vision of that Europe which he recognized as his homeland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the quest of the European Union (EU) for a substantial legitimacy in Europe. The symbolic dynamics of European politics may be analysed through the emergence of the EU as a communicative space. Moreover, symbols are amplifying mirrors of social, political and cultural changes and competitions. The social and cultural codifications of symbols will reveal the nature of the represented political system. The comparison of the evolution of the European flag with the paths of national ones is a parameter in assessing the specificity of EU and the kind of allegiance it attempts to create.

Given the enlargement of the European Union, the fall-back in productivity growth and the lack of success in implementing further structural reforms, this special issue highlights the political economy in the European Union and discusses the role of the Maastricht Treaty as an impediment or a catalyst for reform. It also sheds light on the empirical characteristics of the voting behaviour of Members of the European Parliament and shows that they vote more along party lines than national lines and pays due attention to allegiance and party discipline. It offers a game-theoretic analysis of why the Lisbon Treaty will not strengthen the European Parliament versus the Council as much as expected and how the old bigger Member States strengthen their grip on the political decision-making process. There is discussion of the ratification of European legislation in the Member States. Finally, the crucial question of how European politics can be made more attractive is addressed. (JEL codes: F55, H11, P16) [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the study of modernization in the conceptions of political identities and loyalties in Scandinavia in the late 18th century. Opening with a review of recent Scandinavian research on political cultures, the language of politics and emerging nationalism in the 18th century, it locates the ensuing case studies in this burgeoning field and also in a wider, European and comparative context. The construction of identities and loyalties among the nobility, the clergy, burghers, civil servants and peasants is examined. The author argues that, despite much of apparent continuity of values, there was a surprising degree of potential for innovation within Scandinavian political cultures in the Age of the Enlightenment. He emphasizes the need to study past political thought in the appropriate contexts of entire realms and North-Western Europe as a whole and not just in the context of present-day nation states. He also suggested that - due to the common traditions of representative government, unusually well-preserved archival sources and the intensity of scholarly work on the 18th century in Scandinavia - Scandinavian cases should more frequently be used as objects of comparison in international studies of 18th-century political cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicting prognoses for European identity are addressed using data from residents of Edinburgh, Scotland, on the everyday significance of being European; a theoretically informed focus on people in one city. A representative sample of established residents aged 18-24 years are compared with a sample of resident peers engaged in Europe-oriented work or study. Survey data provide an overview of their different understandings of Europe and patterns of identification with Europe, Britain, Scotland and Edinburgh. Using qualitative interviews, rationales for self-engagement with or disengagement from Europe are further interrogated and located in orientations to place of residence, nationality and citizenship. These data provide some further insight into the process by which some come to present themselves as passionate Utopian Europeans, while for many being European remains emotionally insignificant and devoid of imagined community or steps towards global citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ankle explores the question of public loyalty and the E.C. It is argued that public loyalty cannot be stimulated along the lines suggested by the Functionalists. Some of the weaknesses of Functionalist premises arc discussed. It is argued that the concept of loyalty transfers' has led to macro-level loyalty being regarded as indivisible and transferable only on a zero-sum basis: but that it would be more instructive to regard such loyalty as a divisible entity. Before public loyalty towards the EL can be generated, the relationship between the utilitarian and affective-identitive components of loyalty must be better understood. The EU. must also be made more visible, tangible, and intelligible for citizens if they are to become aware of it, and if their interest in owing allegiance to it is to be stimulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]