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After the Second World War, Australia introduced a new immigration policy based on the concept of 'populate or perish'. Through the International Refugee Organization (IRO), 170,000 DPs migrated to Australia between 1947 and 1950, funded by the United Nations and the Australian government. Jews were largely excluded from this programme and the Minister for Immigration even prohibited the IRO from continuing to support the migration to Australia, based on family reunion, of individual Jewish survivors. In addition, the Australian government introduced other discriminatory policies that ensured that Jews remained only 0.5 per cent of the overall population. Based on archival research in the files of the Hebrew Immigration Aid Society and the American Joint Distribution Committee, Rutland and Encel analyse the entrenched racism in Australian society that contributed to these policies, and the reactions of the American Jewish leadership to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defining Christian Zionism as theological support for Israel as a Zionist state, this article analyses four contradictions in such a theology. Firstly, although Christian Zionism insists it is purely theological, nor political, this separation is impossible. Secondly, mainstream Zionist use of Christian Zionism to influence US foreign policy, is misguided, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is anti-Semitic, wishing to eliminate all non-converted Jews (and Arabs). Finally, since Christian Zionists read the Old and New Testaments in a 'literal' fashion, they resort to the violence of Armageddon to resolve their theological contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores how former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's childhood experience affected his life and career. Kissinger was a German Jew living in Nazi Germany and had seen a deterioration of Jewish rights. Subsequently, his family's 1938 immigration to the United States gave him a deep appreciation for being an American. The author discusses the "immigrant experience," anti-Semitism, the liberalization of American educational opportunities, and explores the U.S. government's need for immigrant Americans to serve during the Cold War.

This article examines how the USA's growing 'Holocaust consciousness' has impacted on conservative interpretations of the transatlantic rift. Presenting the Holocaust as an antipode to US national identity has helped signal a moral divergence between the USA and Europe. The instrumentalisation of the Holocaust and anti-Semitism has allowed US conservatives to reframe norms of self-defence, victimisation, and liberation in justifying the invasion and occupation of Iraq. In the wake of Iraq claiming anti-Semitism as a 'European disease', and anti-Americanism and anti-Semitism as 'twin brothers', helps delegitimate European criticism of the war on terror. A new form of exceptionalism portrays the USA not only as the liberator of death camps and the protector of the Jewish people but, after 11 September, as a victim itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the life and work of philosopher Cornel West. It focuses on his position as a philosopher and a product of the African-American church. Growing up in a segregated part of Sacramento, California, it states, allowed him to escape negative experiences with white people and see their humanity. At Harvard University he was exposed to the philosophical analytic tradition but determined to preserve his individuality as African, Christian and militant. He strove to integrate his philosophical training and his religious upbringing with the passionate racial politics of the late 20th century. His unique position allowed him to attempt to bring together anti-semitic black nationalists with politically motivated Jews. West's political conflicts are followed and discussed.

The article reports on the American Zionists' place in Israel after statehood. American Jews became an increasingly important part of the international Jewish arena and of the Zionist movement as a result of the U.S. 's mounting international importance. This process escalated in the late 1940s when American Jews and Zionists made decisive economic and political contributions to the establishment of the state of Israel. Broad sectors of the American Jewish community were more ready than before to engage in Jewish and Zionist activity despite fears of growing antisemitism in the late 1930s due to the Great Depression and to propaganda from Nazi Germany.

The article reports the numbers and types of anti-Semitic incidents, attacks, media reports, and public opinion against Jews in the United States, Canada, Latin America, Western and Eastern European countries, the Middle East, and Australia. It also reports responses to these actions by police and local and national government officials. The period for which the data are reported is from 2000 to mid-2007. For each country, the size of the Jewish community is reported. What is manifestly clear from the data presented is that anti-Semitism is on the rise in most countries of the world. The data show a dramatic increase in anti-Semitism in Western Europe notably, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, and The Netherlands. Of those countries, France has the worse record. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responses to prominent reputations provide a framework for understanding the growth and decline of group prejudice. In the 1930s, the connection between American Jews and Communism was both an empirical and cognitive reality—Jews constituted a significant portion of the American Communist Party and many Americans stereotyped them as such. However, by mid-century, the perceptual linkage between Jew and Communist had largely vanished. We explain the change in public attitudes by treating prejudice as a cultural framework for collective memory. Building on Blumer (1958) and the empirical conclusions of other prominent sociologists of the period, we argue that group prejudice depends on a group's distinctiveness, its perceived moral imbalance, and the discursive utility of attacks. When components of this three-part frame weaken, prejudice dissipates. Specifically, we claim that the specificity of reputations serves as a concrete stand-in for more diffuse images of social groups. While group position is not only the result of the reputation of prominent figures, the public images of these figures help to shape prejudice and its decline. As an empirical case, we examine the cultural framework for interpreting the linkage of American Jews and Communism in the late 1940s and early 1950s through the reputations of Alger Hiss, Roy Cohn, and Adolf Hitler. Presented by reputational entrepreneurs, these images emphasize American Communists who were decidedly non-Jewish, underline the prominence of anti-Communist American Jews, and delegitimize public anti-Semitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the test-film screenplay titled "Below the Surface" which examines the character and intensity of anti-Semitism among U.S. audiences in 1945. The test-film project was conducted to investigate the social-psychological dimensions of modern warfare and to determine the role of media and cultural forms in the development of population for the conduct of war. It explains the various levels of meanings of the screenplay's title. It emphasizes that the screenplay is an example of a didactic film production.

Between 1946 and 1959, Vatican liaison to Germany Aloisius Cardinal Muench received tens of thousands of letters from German and American Roman Catholics. Of these, approximately one hundred letters-written by lay Catholics, priests, and prelates in the United States or by Catholics in the U.S. Army and military government-commented directly on the Holocaust, its survivors, and Jewish refugees in Germany or already in the United States. In addition, Cardinal Muench kept a diary throughout his stay. In it, he recorded several dozen private conversations with American military officers and with ecclesiastical officials regarding Jews specifically. Muench's diary entries offer an unusually clear window on antisemitic attitudes- his own and others'-in the American occupation zone of Germany and back home in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article Verkhovsky focuses on Russian nationalist groups who base their ideology on the Russian Orthodox tradition. These Russian Orthodox nationalists should be distinguished both from those nationalists for whom Orthodoxy is clearly overwhelmed by the ideological demands of ethno-nationalism, as well as from those who use Orthodoxy simply as a popular symbol of national identity. Orthodox nationalists, moreover, are fairly independent of the Moscow Patriarchate and its ideology. The ideology of Orthodox nationalism focuses both on its principal enemy, the Antichrist, and on those enemies subordinate to the Antichrist: Jews, Catholics, the West, the New World Order and so on. In the mid-1990s Islam had no obvious place among this set of hostile forces. The Moscow Patriarchate and moderately nationalist politicians, relying to some extent on Eurasianist ideas, saw the relationship between Orthodoxy and Islam in Russia as a harmonious one, and, on the whole, Orthodox nationalists did not disagree, although individuals occasionally claimed that the Jews, using the West, were setting Islam against Orthodox Russia. The situation began to change during the second Chechen war, when Orthodox nationalists began to issue warnings of an Islamic threat. This was related not only to the situation in former Yugoslavia and in Chechnya, but also to an increase in the immigration of Muslims to ethnically Russian regions of the country. For Orthodox nationalists, this Islamic threat was part of the larger threat coming from the Jews and the West. Islam, they claimed, was being used as a tool by the Antichrist not only because it was a flawed religion, but because it, being less godless than the West, would produce radical Islamism as a synthesis of western technology and eastern passion. In the intense debates that followed in the wake of the attacks of 11 September 2001 most Orthodox nationalists in Russia supported adopting a neutral position in the supposed 'clash of civilizations' between Islam and the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the emergence of a new anti-Semitism in the U.S. Increase in anti-Semitic propensities in the U.S. since 1998; Factors that could give rise to the new anti-Semitism in the country; Indicators of anti-semitism in the country.

Anticipates the rise of anti-Semitism in the U.S. against Muslims due to speculations on the emergence of Islamic militancy toward the U.S. Views on religious activism; Information on the French anti-Semitism; Implications of the speech of Martin Indyk on the U.S. administration's dualism containment policy in 1993; Characteristics of Muslims.

During the former U.S. President Ronald Reagan's administration a new group of conservative intellectuals, with deep roots in the anti-Stalinist left and Jewish New York, was gaining influence in Washington. Their ascent was observed with ill-concealed envy by older conservatives who themselves had only recently gained a foothold in Washington. As the marginalization of the paleoconservatives by the neoconservatives became irreversible, paleoconservatives lashed out in rhetoric subtly laced with antisemitic stereotypes.

Discusses the coordinated defense of German Jews during the first years of Nazi rule by the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and the Joint Foreign Committee (JFC) of England. Objectives and tactics of the defenders represented by Morris D. Waldman for the AJC and Neville Laski for the JFC); Type of leadership that characterizes the constituencies and Jewish communities of the partners; Ways in which cooperation sheds light on the status of the English and American Jews at the time.

Focuses on the prevalence of antisemitism in American athletics. Historical background of the reception of Jews in sports; Comparison of the degree of discrimination between Afro-Americans and Jewish-Americans; Variation of hostilities against Jews with the social prestige of the sport and its venue.

The Jewish Chautauqua Society (JCS), founded in Philadelphia in 1893 by Reform Rabbi Henry Berkowitz, evolved from an organization dedicated to popularizing Jewish knowledge among Jews to one devoted to teaching non-Jews about Judaism. Emulating the forms of Chautauqua Institution, the Society created reading circles, published textbooks for the study of Judaism, and held annual assemblies for forty years. In 1939, the Society came under the sponsorship of the North American Federation of Temple Brotherhoods, a lay Reform Jewish organization. It expanded the most ambitious of its programs, rabbinically-taught college courses on Jewish studies. Since its inception, the Jewish Chautauqua Society has sought to combat anti-Semitism, dispel prejudice and create ''understanding through education'' about a minority religious and ethnic component of American society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines antisemitism in the U.S. in the latter part of the nineteenth century. It also offers information and examples of antisemitic attitudes and policies in the country. The influence of Christian religious thinking on antisemitic sentiments in the country is also examined. Moreover, facts have noted the ambivalent feelings of Americans toward Jews along with a countervailing current of philosemitism and a case has been made for distinguishing between ideological antisemitism or the visualization of the Jew as Christ-killer and Shylock and the actual interruption of discrimination.

This article focuses on theoretical understanding of conditions under which discrimination in work settings might be attended to and conversely, conditions under which such attention might not occur. Discriminatory actions in work settings on the basis of sex, race, religion, ethnic group, age and physical disability have come under great condemnation during the past two decades. Despite, efforts made, discrimination continues to remain a major dilemma for society and efforts aimed at its elimination. Within this context it would appear that one necessary step towards the development of meaningful theories of work-related discrimination and effective discrimination reducing interventions is a clearer understanding of those conditions under which discrimination is noticed, attended to and made part of conscious everyday life. Unnoticed acts are far less likely to be responded to, whether these acts involve discrimination or other forms of significant human activity.

The authors explore the relation among social demographic characteristics, occupational prestige, and anti-Semitism in America. The National Opinion Research Center's General Social Survey (1986) data are used to assess Americans' attitudes toward Jews. The results suggest that respondents' age, gender, and educational level are important predictors of anti-Jewish sentiment. The influence of age, however, contravenes previous research in that young Americans report themselves to be anti-Semitic. Reanalysis of these same data, focusing on Americans' attitudes toward Israel, suggests that age is an important factor for explaining anti-Zionism. Implications of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the southern attitudes toward Jews in the U.S. In the studies conducted by American historians Oscar Handlin, Richard Hofstadter and John Higham about anti-semitism in the U.S., all of their southern sources show evidence of hostility toward Jews. Other than Handlin, Hofstadter and Higham, American historians have shown little interest in the subject of antisemitism in the U.S. before the end of the nineteenth century. The author believes that a better understanding of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Jewish experiences in the South will come only after scholars examine contemporary manuscripts and periodicals and make some attempt to generalize on the basis of well-documented fact.

In this article, the author comments on the article "Do Christian Beliefs Cause Anti-Semitism?," written by Russel Middleton. The author of this article is of the views that the idea that Christianity and anti-Semitism might be linked was scarcely new, of course, but the plan to test it proved to be more novel than we had surmised. For all the speculation, no one had set out with serious intent and reasonable resources to discover what Christian belief might mean for how Jews are responded to in today's world. We did not conceive a direct link between Christian particularism and secular anti-Semitism: nothing in particularism provides a basis for thinking, for example, that Jews are prone to cheat in business or to be less loyal to the United States. The religious hostility toward Jews which Christian particularism might generate, however, could spill over, we proposed, into secular anti-Semitism, it would be easy to move from thinking ill of Jews religiously to thinking badly of them on other grounds as well. We formalized these ideas into a more elaborate, but basically simple model, adding that we expected that for a Christian to be particularistic, he would also have to be orthodox, that is accepting of such fundamental tenets of Christian faith as belief in the divinity of Christ, in Biblical miracles, etc.

Profiles Jewish rights advocate Isaac Mayer Wise. Views of Wise on the social issues faced by Jews during the first half of the 19th century; Analysis of the elements of the style used by Wise in his public speaking efforts to oppose anti-Semitism in the U.S.; Criticisms from Wise against Christianity.

The article profiles Hannah Arendt who is one of the leading political scientists and was a devoted friend of the Conference on Jewish Social Studies ever since her arrival in the U.S. in 1941. Arendt has significant contributions to political science and social philosophy in the country. She continued to pursue her intellectual interests in which the Jewish problem, particularly on the issues of antisemitism and assimilation, has played a significant role. She has rendered a very important service to the Jewish people in connection with the Commission for Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, of which she served as a research director.