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The rock art of the north-western peninsula is an important manifestation of prehistoric culture, to which a lack of chronological clarity presents itself as one of its greatest research challenges. Some depictions of weapons or idols, which are rare, can be excluded from this generalized situation, but can be found having a direct correlation within the archaeological record. The main objective of this present study is to publicize new sites with idoliform figures in the north-western peninsula. The findings presented here are a new site with "Peña Tú" motifs, two places with representations of cylindrical idols, and a possible idol plaque. These new groups are of great interest, since they become part of the set of this type of (particularly rare) motifs in the art of the northwest and allow for the discussion of certain aspects concerning the chronology of that artistic cycle. The presence of these figures is particularly illustrative because it reproduces a type of iconography characteristic of other peninsular regions, but adapted to the techniques and patterns of representation typical of Atlantic rock art. In addition, it gives an account of the extensive network of contacts throughout the Iberian Peninsula and Europe, where not only material elements are exchanged, but cultural concepts also flow. El arte rupestre del noroeste peninsular es una importante manifestación cultural prehistórica, que presenta como uno de sus mayores retos de investigación la indefinición cronológica. De esta generalizada situación se pueden excluir algunas representaciones de armas o ídolos, las cuales son escasas, pero encuentran correlato directo en el registro arqueológico. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es dar a conocer nuevas estaciones con figuras idoliformes en el noroeste peninsular. Los hallazgos presentados aquí son una nueva estación con un motivo tipo “Peña Tú”, dos estaciones con representaciones de Ídolos cilindro, y un posible ídolo placa. Estos nuevos grupos resultan de gran interés, ya que vienen a engrosar la nómina de este tipo de motivos (particularmente escasos) en el arte del noroeste y permite discutir ciertos aspectos sobre la cronología de ese ciclo artístico. La presencia de estas figuras es especialmente ilustrativa, pues reproduce un tipo de iconografía característica de otras regiones peninsulares, pero adaptadas a las técnicas y pautas de representación propias del Arte Rupestre Atlántico. Además, da cuenta de la extensa red de contactos, a lo largo de la península ibérica y Europa, dónde no solo se intercambian elementos materiales, sino también fluyen conceptos de tipo cultural.

The paper deals with the complex analysis of the stone equipment of the Kedrovy Mys-1 site associated with the Poludensky tradition, classical for the Trans-Urals, dated to the Late Neolithic period. On the basis of typologi-cal and functional analyses, aimed at the study of tool shapes and identification of their correlation with the func-tional purpose, specifics of the stone industry of the Poludensky complex have been determined. The tools manu-factured at the site of Kedrovy Mys-1 were produced from the materials from the valley of the river Miass, situated behind the Ilmensky ridge, approximately 20–25 km away from the site. Dominant materials are phtanitoids and sealing-wax green jade; these quality materials were scarce, so that local chalcedonies were used. The stone industry based on the prismatic flaking was aimed at the production of plates as the feedstock for the tools. For the production of tools, preference was given to the medium-width plates, with a little use of small plates. A fea-ture of the complex is represented by the tools indicating the existence of the insert technique, such as plates with the rounded back and face, chamfered tips, “triangle”, and unretouched plates used as knives. Mainly blunting retouching, and sometimes sharpening, was used for the plate processing from the back side. A cutter spalling as the tool shaping technique was used occasionally. No cutters were found. Typologically identified tools are repre-sented by arrow tips, end scrapers, piercers, borers, scrapers on the flakes and nucleus cleavage, chopping tools, abrasives, and a retoucher. Specifics of the Poludensky toolset of the Kedrovy Mys-1 site allows suggestion that during this period of the site the main activity of the population was concerned with food processing — meat cut-ting and catch processing. This is evidenced by the predominance of the knives for meat/fish cutting. The propor-tion of tools used for the production of wooden equipment is quite small, which is probably due to the sampling, although morphologically it is very prominent. In the meantime, the presence of tools for processing of skin, stone, bone, and for repair of ceramics indicates a full cycle of the production activity ensuring efficient adaptation in the lake system environment.

The importance of salt in human and animal diets suggests that the local resources of saline soils, watercourses, and marshes with saline water had to be well known to past populations. Based on the analysis of the environs of a large number of Late Neolithic and Early Eneolithic sites, this research assumes the great importance of such resources. This paper examines the spatial relationships between settlements and these resources, in the example of five Late Neolithic settlements from the territories of the Pannonian Plain and the Central Balkans. The goals of the research are to provide an initial step in the reconstruction of potential locations for salt exploitation, and provide a better understanding of each settlement and, subsequently, its role and function in the local Neolithic settlement system. The research considers previously published results of the pedological analysis of the settlement environments and archaeological investigations of the settlements. If certain micro-regions and regions did not provide possibilities for the extraction of salt for both animal and human utilisation, salt, and probably cattle, had to be procured through exchange networks. However, if livestock could not be grazed in areas abundant in salt, then salt would have to be added to the animals? diet. We conclude that Late Neolithic settlements should not be observed in isolation, but rather ?s parts of wider settlement systems including exchange networks with salt as a major commodity. This represents one of the crucial factors for the understanding of cultural development during the 5th millennium BC.

This article analyses the funerary sequence of a mega­lithic monument in the Northern Meseta, “Los Zumacales” dolmen (Simancas, Valladolid). This site was previously dat­ed to around the first half of the 4th millennium cal BC. Now, twelve radiocarbon dates by AMS, obtained from human bones, selected among the minimum number of individuals represented in the ossuary, are presented. The Bayesian mod­eling of these new dates offers a chronological framework for this site between 3846-3756 and 3627-3550 cal BC (1σ), which overlaps with the first regional megalithic funerary series. It has also been possible to detect that most of the dates are concentrated in the first third of the 4th millennium cal BC, revealing a probably more intense use in its early stage. The analysis has also made it possible to identify an individual deposited at the beginning of the Chalcolithic period, something which, while considering the possibility of an incorrect date, would mean the recognition of a later reuse not previously documented., Se analiza la secuencia temporal funeraria de un monu­mento megalítico de la Meseta Norte, el dolmen de Los Zu­macales (Simancas, Valladolid), fechado anteriormente en torno a la primera mitad del IV milenio cal AC. La secuencia se basa en 12 nuevas dataciones radiocarbónicas por AMS obtenidas mediante huesos humanos, seleccionadas a partir del número mínimo de individuos representados en el osario. El modelado bayesiano de las fechas define un marco tempo­ral de uso entre 3846-3756 y 3627-3550 cal AC (1σ), coinci­dente con las primeras series funerarias megalíticas regionales. La concentración de la mayoría de las dataciones del IV mi­lenio cal AC revela que la utilización del dolmen fue proba­blemente más intensa en su primera etapa. Además, el análi­sis ha identificado un individuo depositado al inicio del Calcolítico, algo que, sin dejar de considerar que la fecha sea errónea, supondría el reconocimiento de una reutilización pre­histórica de la que nada se conocía hasta ahora.

International audience; Copper, gold, and silver artefacts, together with evidence of metallurgical activities, have been retrieved from Late Neolithic strata in several settlements in Greek Eastern Macedonia. Recent excavations at Dikili Tash revealed that gold was further used in paints for the decoration of pottery. It appears that the area’s inhabitants had a great familiarity with different metals and the distinct stages of the production-elaboration processes, including those interfering with other chaînes opératoires. Considering also the results from geological research, we propose a reflection on the socio-economic role of metal production and consumption for these societies, in their broader Balkan context.

The purpose of this paper is the detailed study of one of the excavations that has marked the evolution of Fontbouïsse of MITRA III located in Garons (Gard, France) whilst focussing on the development and the disappearance of enclosures in the south of France. The site located near to a site known as Puech Ferrier, an unpublished enclosure of MITRA III excavated in 2011, was first excavated in 2012 within the framework of preventive archaeology. This exploration of a 5000 m ² surface revealed the southern part and the entrance of an installation delimited by at least two ditches which succeed one another, dating to a period between the 27th and 24th centuries BC that includes the development of the culture of Fontbouïsse, the Campaniforme (Bell Beaker) and the emergence of the early Bronze (BA2). A network of three concentric ditches, the innermost enclosure being the oldest, makes up the first enclosure, where an interruption in the ditches allows access to the site. A later much larger wider and deeper ditch cuts across the first enclosure. The paper focusses on the study of this ditch and its fill, which is the only enclosed site dating to the Late Neolithic in the south of France. Observed over nearly 90 m, this ditch delimits the southern part of the site. It contains fragments of mudbrick over a silty ashy layer the anthracological spectrum of which contains mainly by oak. Based on the results of stratigraphic and soil micromorphology, a phased filling of the ditch can be proposed. Micro-and macroscopic characterization of the earthen elements found in the ditch have specified the nature of the cob and wattle and daub and the demolished structure they came from. The findings reveal that the ditch remained open for a relatively short period of time, after which a cob structure, perhaps a wall, was installed, the base of which is preserved in a portion of the ditch. The ditch was then filled in by the destruction of another earthen and wood structure. This architecture could have been used to strengthen the monumental aspect of the enclosure, the hypothesis being that it copied a layout observed on other Fontbuxien settlements. A violent fire subsequently destroyed this ditch-wall enclosure and a possible adjoining building. Following on from this event, the ditch was re-dug before being filled in after the site is abandoned. The exact dating of the ditch and the destruction of the earthen wall remain imprecise. Some elements found in the lower ditch fill date to the first phase of the Fontbouïsse culture. They stylistically refer productions from the plain of Hérault and Gard. However, the destruction of the earthen architecture is dated by radiocarbon analysis and pottery found in the upper layers and the discovery of a sherd with international style decoration gives a later dating range of between 2450 and 2250 cal. BC. This enclosure and its destruction constitute a milestone in Fontbouïsse and Late Neolithic chronology. Its foundation and destruction occur within a short space of time. The events that occurred during the history of MITRA date the initial foundation and development of the concentric enclosures and the site''s total overhaul, which happened shortly before its abandon. The entrance identified at Mitra III, the new ditch with its earthen architecture that cut across the first enclosure around 2500 cal. BC questions our knowledge of the development and disappearance of enclosures at a pivotal period (Late Neolithic-Early Bronze Age) in southern France., Localisées non loin du site de Puech Ferrier et de l’enclos inédit de Mitra II fouillé en 2011, les enceintes de Mitra III situé à Garons (Gard) ont fait l’objet d’une première campagne de fouille préventive en 2012. L’exploration sur une superficie de 5 000 m² a révélé la partie méridionale et une porte d’un établissement délimité par au moins deux systèmes de fossés d’enclos qui se succèdent au cours d’une période qui connait le développement du Fontbouïsse, l’impact Campaniforme et l’émergence du plein Bronze ancien (BA2), soit entre le 27e et 24e s. av. J.-C. L’article traite spécifiquement de l’étude d’un imposant fossé plus large, plus profond et de plan plus anguleux que ceux du premier système d’enceinte dont il vient condamner l’accès. Il a été observé sur près de 90 mètres linéaires et délimite le sud de l’établissement. Il présente un puissant niveau de comblement constitué d’éléments d’architectures en terre crue en connexion partielle, surmontant une couche limono-cendreuse dont le spectre anthracologique est très largement dominé par le chêne. Sur la base des résultats de l’analyse stratigraphique, micromorphologique et une caractérisation micro et macroscopique des éléments de terre crue, il est possible de caractériser la dynamique de comblement et la nature de l’architecture en lien avec ce système de délimitation., Sendra Benoit, Onfray Marylise, Di pascale Ambre, Orgeval Maxime, Bruxelles L. Étude d’un fossé et d’architectures en terre fondés au milieu du 3e millénaire av. J.-C. sur le plateau des Costières (Garons, Gard, France) . In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 116, n°3, 2019. pp. 479-513.

Recent excavations for the Army Basing Programme on the periphery of the Stonehenge World Heritage Site have revealed extensive evidence of Early, Middle and Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age activity, including a causewayed enclosure, burials, occupation, pit groups, henges, post alignments and circles. Several of these either incorporate or refer to features of the landscape such as solution hollows, dry valleys, hilltops and rivers, as well as to astronomical phenomena. An appraisal of this evidence alongside other recent programmes of research around Stonehenge suggest an accreting pattern of development of this landscape that begins in the 38th century BC, and which throws new light on the location and meaning of several of the ceremonial earthworks, including Stonehenge itself.

International audience; The transdimensional Bayesian method AH-RJMCMC applied to archeomagnetic intensity data available in the Balkans and the Near East allows us to estimate the variations in intensity of the geomagnetic field in Upper Mesopotamia during the 7 th and 6 th millennia BCE (Late Neolithic), with adequate treatment of the dating and intensity uncertainties. The results for the 6 th millennium BCE appear particularly interesting because there is enough data to trace rapid geomagnetic field intensity variations, with two century-scale peaks around 5800 BCE and 5550 BCE, associated with rates of changes (>0.2 µT/year) higher than the maximum rate observed in the current geomagnetic field. We show that these variations could help decipher the correlations between different archeological sequences or periodizations established from scattered sites in Upper Mesopotamia. So far documented only from the Balkan data, the intensity peak occurring around 5800 BCE may provide accurate chronological constraints for the Early Halaf phase. New insights are also obtained for the Halaf-Ubaid Transitional phase (end of the 6 th millennium BCE), which remains poorly defined from an archeological point of view. The AH-RJMCMC results imply that either the archeointensity data currently available from Upper Mesopotamia document only the beginning of this phase, or that this phase occurred between ~5400 and ~5200 BCE, shorter 2 than often considered. Such preliminary archeological inferences will progress and broaden with the addition of new archeointensity data.

Late neolithic cultural landscape in the Al-Jafr Basin, southern Jordan: a brief review in context The Late Neolithic cultural landscape in southern Jordan waspoorly understood due to the deficiency of basic information. However, recent investigations are improving this situation. A good example is providedby the discovery of a Jericho IX pottery assemblage at Munqata’a near Tafileh, which offers a glimpse into the influence of an exotic culture onthe post-PPNB cultural landscape in southern Jordan. However, things are different in the al-Jafr Basin to the east, where a new adaptation strategy to cope with increasing aridification was sought within the context of the traditional PPNB outpost culture. The difference in cultural landscapes between the east and the west in this period ushers in the era of ‘the desertand the sown.’ In preparation for future comparative study, this paper briefly reviews past research outcomes in the basin and discusses the Late Neolithic cultural landscape at the arid margin of southern Jordan.

Funding: The University of Bradford Research Development Fund and the University of St Andrews funded this open access publication. A series of massive geophysical anomalies, located south of the Durrington Walls henge monument, were identified during fluxgate gradiometer survey undertaken by the Stonehenge Hidden Landscapes Project (SHLP). Initially interpreted as dewponds, these data have been re-evaluated, along with information on similar features revealed by archaeological contractors undertaking survey and excavation to the north of the Durrington Walls henge. Analysis of the available data identified a total of 20 comparable features, which align within a series of arcs adjacent to Durrington Walls. Further geophysical survey, supported by mechanical coring, was undertaken on several geophysical anomalies to assess their nature, and to provide dating and environmental evidence. The results of fieldwork demonstrate that some of these features, at least, were massive, circular pits with a surface diameter of 20m or more and a depth of at least 5m. Struck flint and bone were recovered from primary silts and radiocarbon dating indicates a Late Neolithic date for the lower silts of one pit. The degree of similarity across the 20 features identified suggests that they could have formed part of a circuit of large pits around Durrington Walls, and this may also have incorporated the recently discovered Larkhill causewayed enclosure. The diameter of the circuit of pits exceeds 2km and there is some evidence that an intermittent, inner post alignment may have existed within the circuit of pits. One pit may provide evidence for a recut; suggesting that some of these features could have been maintained through to the Middle Bronze Age. Together, these features represent a unique group of features related to the henge at Durrington Walls, executed at a scale not previously recorded. Publisher PDF

The role of daggers in prehistoric European society has been long debated. Within this discussion, we may add some hints to understand the human choices behind daggers’ production, in a study in combination with the University of Oxford and the University of Geneva, that combines their shape, the metal used for them, the working production techniques. We can also inform about the use, reuse and reshape of the objects. In this paper, we are applying this approach in the study of three daggers (owned by the museum of Neuchatel) from western Switzerland, dated to the end of the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age.

This paper reconstructs the diet and lifeways of Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic farming groups in the Cantabrian Region (northern Spain) using human remains found at Los Avellanos I and II (Alfoz de Lloredo, Cantabria). A bioarchaeological study was conducted, alongside radiocarbon dating and stable isotope analyses (?13C, ?15N, ?34S) of human (n =7) and animal (n =3) bone collagen. Both caves were used as a burial location between the 4th and 3rd millennium cal. BC. Taphonomic analysis of the human remains shows post-depositional activity within both sites after the burial. The ?13C and ?15N results show that the prehistoric individuals ate a pre-dominantly terrestrial diet, with animal protein from meat and likely dairy products being an important resource. Despite the proximity to the coastline, the ?13C and ?15N values demonstrate that marine resources were not being consumed in any great quantity by these Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic individuals. The ?34S results show heterogeneity among the people buried in both caves. The majority of individuals had higher ?34S values typical of living in coastal areas, but three individuals had lower ?34S values, indicative of living further inland for at least some of their lives, suggesting human mobility between inland and coastal areas. This study is part of BGR’s Doctoral dissertation, supervised by ABMA and MRGM. This research is funded by the research projects of the Spanish Economy, Industry and Competitiveness Ministry HAR2016-75605-R (Cambio global, respuestas locales: impacto del cambio clim ́atico en las sociedades terminales de cazadores recolectores y el inicio de las economías productivas) to MRGM and HAR2017- 84997-P and Santander Talent Atraction for Research (STAR1) to ABMA. The authors would like to thank Consejería de Universidades, Igualdad, Cultura y Deporte of the Cantabrian Regional Government for allowing the study and sampling of the remains from Los Avellanos I and II. Thank you also to R. Onta ̃n ́on, A. Chauvin and the Museum of Pre-history and Archaeology of Cantabria (MUPAC) for providing access to their facilities, as well as the use of pictures of the archaeological ma-terials curated. We also wish to express our gratitude to I. Varela and C. Revilla (IBBTEC, University of Cantabria) for the use of their laboratory facilities to carry out the collagen extraction and for laboratory assis-tance. Finally, we also thanks to two anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments that improved the manuscript.

This article summarizes the current state of research on the flaked stone assemblages from the Late Neolithic site Alsónyék‒Bátaszék, Tolna district. The raw material distribution of the nearly 6100 pieces that make up the stone tool assemblage is the focus of this paper, with a particular emphasis placed on the dominance of the local raw material. The research addresses the question of the method of procurement of the lithic raw material in the case of this enormous, extended Neolithic site. To supply an answer, basic geoarchaeological research was necessary. To that end, a field survey aimed at detecting those geological formations and lithic variations convenient for knapping was undertaken. The results of the survey reported in the second part of this paper help in our understanding of the selection strategy of the ancient knapping specialists. From these strategies, it is possible to recognize the cultural tradition and raw material manipulation of this Late Neolithic community and, in a wider sense, the southeastern group of the Lengyel culture

From the earliest excavations on the territory of the central Balkans and up to today, Late Neolithic pottery assemblages have remained one of the most important contributors to our knowledge of the past. To a certain extent, the burned Late Neolithic horizons left a great number of the architectural details preserved in the archaeological record, along with various artefacts, of which pottery makes up the largest part. However, due to the fact that the majority of pottery vessels and sherds were subjected to temperatures that were higher than those they were initially fired in the manufacturing process, decoration makes up a minority of the archaeological record of the central Balkans and, unfortunately, we usually deal with plain assemblages. Therefore, it is not surprising that the discovery of one vessel that has a small preserved portion of applied painted decoration, unearthed from a burned building structure in the latest horizon at the site of Plocnik, introduced a whole new set of questions. Importantly, this instance further emphasises that when deconstructing prehistoric paradigms, our interpretation sometimes must go beyond observation.

This paper investigates to what extent the significant material changes observable at the end of the Neolithic reflect transformations of the underlying social dynamics. Answering this question will help us to understand the formation of Bronze Age societies. The analysis concerns southern Scandinavia with a certain focus on Denmark. The assumption is that the creation of Bronze Age societies must be understood as a long formative process that partly originated in the culturally-heterogeneous Middle Neolithic. Four aspects seem to have been essential to this process: the rise of the warrior figure, the reintroduction of metal, increased agricultural production, and the establishment of one of the characteristic features of the Bronze Age, the chieftain hall. These aspects do not appear simultaneously but are introduced stepby- step starting out in the late Middle Neolithic and early Late Neolithic to fully develop around 2000 BC. Consequently, this paper argues that the final Late Neolithic (LN II, c. 1950-1700 BC) was de facto part of the Earliest Bronze Age.

Over the past twenty years, research on textile has received increasing attention in archaeology worldwide, providing new insights into one of the most important crafts in human history. In contrast, activities related to spinning and weaving in the Late Neolithic settlements in the Central Balkans have only be treated with cursory attention, which has resulted in nothing more than a set of general assumptions in archaeological literature. Though some progress has recently been made, investigations of textile in prehistoric contexts are still far from their full potential. The quest for spinning bowls in ceramic assemblages constitutes an important part of the given research, providing new evidence on the production of both textiles and pottery. Therefore, the focus of this paper is on the available evidence for those activities related to textile production in the Late Neolithic, primarily to spinning, with special emphasis on the earliest occurrence of spinning bowls in the Central Balkans i.e. the technology of wetting and tightening plant fibres in ceramic vessels.

espanolIV. milurtekoaren erdialdea eta K.a. III. milurtekoaren artean datatutako aire zabaleko bi kokalekuren indusketa arkeologikoren emaitzak biltzen ditu. Errioxan, Ebro ibaiaren eskuinaldean, populaketa mota honen inguruan argitaratutako froga bakarrak direla esan dezakegu. Bi kokalekuek ezaugarri berdinak dituzte neurriari, antolaketari eta kokapen-irizpideei dagokienez, eta ohikoak ziren ezaugarri horiek megalito handiak eraikitzen zituzten gizarte segmentarioetan. Azken Neolitoa-Kalkolitoa eta Kalkolitoa-Antzinako Brontze Aroaren arteko trantsizioko kultura materialeko elementuak dituzte, hurrenez hurren, 14C datazio bidez testuingurua finkatuta. Hala eta guztiz ere, profil arkeologikoetan aldeak nabari ditzakegu sorrerari eta haietako bakoitzean garatu zituzten jarduerei dagokienez, “zulo-zelaietarako” dinamiken baitan. Hilobi megalitikoekin eta barrunbeetako leku bizigarriekin alderatuta, herrixka sinkronikoetan esku-hartze gutxiago egin denez, beharrezkoa izan da informazioa dibertsifikatzea, hala, komunitate horietako profil zehatzagoak lortu ahal izateko. espanolSe presentan los resultados de la excavacion arqueologica de dos asentamientos al aire libre fechados entre mediados del IV y III milenio cal BC, practicamente los unicos testimonios publicados de este tipo de poblamiento en la margen derecha del rio Ebro en La Rioja. Ambos presentan caracteristicas comunes en su tamano, organizacion y criterios de emplazamiento, propios de las sociedades segmentarias constructoras de grandes megalitos. Poseen elementos de cultura material de transicion del Neolitico Final-Calcolitico y Calcolitico-Bronce Antiguo, respectivamente, contextualizados por dataciones 14C. A pesar de ello, sus perfiles arqueologicos tienen diferencias en la concepcion y las actividades que en cada uno se desarrollaron, dentro de las dinamicas que se suponen para los “campos de hoyos”. El deficit de intervenciones en poblados sincronicos frente a sepulcros megaliticos y contextos habitacionales en cavidad, hace necesario diversificar la informacion para obtener perfiles mas ajustados de estas comunidades. EnglishWe present the results of the archaeological excavation in two open-air settlements dated between the middle of the IV and III millennium cal BC, practically only published testimonies in the right margin of the Ebro River (La Rioja, Spain). Both show common characteristics in their size (2-2.5 ha), organization and location criteria in an intermediate fluvial terrace, characteristics of segmental societies that built megaliths; also because the low number of archaeological materials that suggest a temporary and recurrent occupation. The settlement of Igay (Varea-Logrono, Spain) is chronologically located in the Late Neolithic (4750 ± 30 BP, 3637-3382 cal BC 2σ); the structural record is formed by 15 pits (storage pits, furnace, post hole and other indeterminate pits). Geometrical and retouching flat cover coexist as elements of lithic industry transition to the Chalcolithic, which could be placed ca. 3500 cal BC. Pottery are related to the Cameros megalithic stations, 20 km away and with evident contextual and chronological relation. The settlement is explained by the temporary exploitation of the resources in Ebro River fertile plain, with agricultural and hunting activities evidenced by hand querns and lithic arrowheads, respectively. Los Cascajos (Granon, Spain) site is an open-air Chalcolithic settlement with an appreciable organization in disposition of the 32 negative structures documented. Approximately, 47% are combustion structures; the rest are interpreted as pits storage, post holes, indeterminate pits and a possible hut. Two almost continuous ditches delimit the nuclear area, inscribed on a small hill. In the archaeological site there are elements of transition to the Early Bronze Age, especially in the pottery repertoire. The lithic industry technique is laminar and with foliaceous; the absence of sickle and hand querns elements is striking, but in the settlement metal processing is present. The site is located chronologically at advanced Chalcolithic, dating 4097 ± 36 BP (2866-2498 cal BC 2σ); it anticipates the features of regional Early Bronze Age (ca. 2400 cal BC) without an abrupt rupture. The deficit of interventions in synchronic settlements in front of megalith tombs and cavity contexts requires diversifying the information at a regional scale to obtain more adjusted profiles of these communities.

A collection of polished stone axes from a late Neolithic site and an Early Bronze Age hill fort in South Tyrol (Italy) have been analysed through a multi-analytical approach, mainly based on non-destructive techniques (i.e. Raman spectroscopy, X-ray fluorescence and prompt gamma activation analysis) to identify the raw materials used in the same area during different periods and compare them with those in use in the surrounding territories. The analytical results suggest raw material exploitation strategies based on local or close sedimentary, metamorphic and magmatic rocks. Most of the artefacts are made from antigoritic serpentinite, whose origin is probably from Hohe Tauern (Austria) or related secondary deposits. These data confirm the importance of such raw material for the production of polished stone axes during recent prehistory and integrate the present knowledge about the distribution of antigoritic artefacts in north-eastern Italy and neighbouring countries.

The site of Aiguebelette-le-Lac / Beau-Phare is one of two final Neolithic settlement sites on Lake Aiguebelette. It is located in the southern part of the lake, on an extension of the shore platform, which forms a small peninsula to the north of Lépin Castel. Situated in shallow water (between 0.5 and 2 m in depth), the site was first identified in 1863 and was a focus for artefact collecting until the beginning of the 20th century. Following the inclusion of the site on the Unesco list of World Heritage Sites in 2011, Y. Billaud undertook the direction of a monitoring project, which included a condition assessment and bibliographic survey of the site conducted in 2016. A review of data produced by R. Laurent (1971) and A. Marguet (1983 and 1998), coupled with a short fieldwork campaign, significantly advanced our knowledge of the site. The extent of the site was established and an entrance path, which traversed three palisades, was identified and mapped. An area of 100 m ² at the centre of the site was surveyed, bringing the total area recorded to 230 m². As part of the continuing exploration of the site, an underwater survey was carried out in 2018. The aim of this campaign was to plot the surviving timber piles in order to obtain an overview of the layout of the village. Prior to the recording of the piles, a 3600 m ² grid was laid out. Depending on the area of the site and the density of piles, each 10x10 m square was subdivided into four intermediate units, each measuring 25 m ² . Some 1401 piles were plotted within an area 2600 m², which brings the number of recorded piles to 1670 out of a total of about 3000 for the entire site. The survey report throws considerable new light on the layout of the site. The gently curving access trackway crosses the village and extends as far as the northern extremity of the peninsula. It is formed by two parallel rows of piles, positioned some 1.6 to 2 m apart. The line of the path has been traced over a distance of about 90 m. Located to the east of the central axis of the peninsula, the trackway slopes gently upwards (0.7%) as far as the inner palisade before rising more steeply at the entrance to the village. It is formed of almost 290 piles, which are predominantly small in diameter and protrude only slightly above the sediments. The most evident entrance to the village is located on the axis of this trackway. It is formed of two rows of contiguous piles, which form a narrow bottleneck measuring less than 1 m in width. Some dendrochronological dates suggest it was built with trees felled in -2672. At least three palisades have been identified, representing several phases of building and re-building. The outer palisade forms the first enclosing element, which would have been encountered by approaching the site from the south. On the western side of the trackway, a single line of posts can be observed while to the east three roughly parallel lines are visible. The middle palisade features a marked dissymmetry between the sections to the east and west of the trackway. On the western side, it is composed of 24 piles spread out over a length of about 25 m. To the east of the trackway, its morphology is similar over a length of about 7 m : it is composed of densely spaced piles, which are medium size and very eroded. The line of the inner palisade is difficult to discern apart from an initial section at the east and a second section corresponding to the topographical “ centre” the 1998 survey. Four piles belong to trees felled in -2684. The two segments of this palisade are typologically similar to the middle palisade : they are composed of piles of various dimensions, but always quite small, which are positioned very close together (less than about 0,5 m apart). The easternmost section is interesting because it does not form a straight line but instead but appears to form a dog-leg to the south-west where we observe five aligned piles. At this point, the gap in the palisade resembles an entrance and is precisely located in the continuity of a south-west/ north-east orientated circulation area. The layout of the village is very regular with most buildings orientated perpendicularly to the axis of the pathway, particularly in the eastern sector. To the west of the access path, we can distinguish four buildings. The westernmost of these is perhaps the most easily identifiable ; the small building, measuring 4 m by 6 m and orientated east/west, is composed of relatively large piles. The roof and foundation piles, intended to support the roof ridge and sill beams, are generally over 12 cm in diameter and, based on field observations and the heights of the surviving cones, appear to be of hard wood. Located a short distance to the north-east, we observe a second similar building. Also orientated east/ west, this small building (4 x 7 m) is formed of three rows of posts ; it too is supported on relatively large piles. An enigmatic building lies in the southern part of the village, between the inner and middle palisades. Measuring about 5 by 8 m, it is directly adjacent to the pathway and the three rows of posts that delimit it are orientated north/ south. The posts located at the extremities of the three rows are paired and have a diameter of more than 14 cm. The small number of piles to support the sill beams, and the absence of posts to support the cross-pieces, suggest that this building lacked a raised floor, or indeed any type of floor, and may have been open-sided. Its dimensions, its location adjacent to the pathway and its architecture do not suggest a domestic structure. While its exact function remains unknown, we could hypothesise that it acted as an area for the storage and drying of timber, or perhaps as a workshop or warehouse. The largest building in the western sector is located at the centre of the site, facing the entrance within a space marked by a very high concentration of piles. Measuring about 5 by 10 m, this building is formed of three north-south orientated rows of piles. The eastern and western rows are formed of six groups of posts that delimit five bays. The posts are generally quite substantial (between 17 and 20 cm) and are of hardwood with very well-preserved erosion cones. At the centre of the structure, the row of posts intended to support the roof ridge is clearly identifiable, particularly in the southern part of the building where they are arranged in pairs. In contrast to the central building, the roof ridges of the other buildings in the sector are orientated perpendicular to the axis of the pathway. The buildings are thus arranged adjacent to each other with their long sides orientated east-west thereby reducing their exposure to the prevailing wind which blows down the Epine Mountain. Nine rows of piles, positioned 1.5 to 2.5 m apart, are visible and their high density probably reflects the permanence of occupation at this spot, with considerable evidence for repairs and extensions. The architectural reconstruction of these buildings is somewhat trickier. The traditional widespread model of buildings composed of three rows of weight-bearing posts would allow us to envisage three buildings measuring about 4 by 12 m. For the first time in Savoie and Haute Savoie, we have been able to obtain the partial plan of a lakeside village dating to the third millennium BCE. The extensive topographical survey covering an area of 2500 m ² has yielded concrete evidence regarding the organization of the village and the structuring of its principal constituent planimetric elements. The unique and rich nature of the site stems from its probable short duration, which allows us to identify the general layout of the habitation areas and storage areas., Le site d’Aiguebelette-le-Lac/Beau-Phare se trouve dans la partie méridionale du lac, sur une avancée de la plateforme littorale formant une presqu’île étroite. À faible profondeur, la station est repérée dès 1863 et fait l’objet de ramassages jusqu’au début du XXe siècle. Dans le cadre de l’opération de suivi dirigée par Y. Billaud (2015-2018) suite à l’inscription de la station sur la liste du Patrimoine mondial de l’Unesco (2011), un bilan sanitaire et documentaire du site a été réalisé en 2016. La synthèse des données issues des opérations de R. Laurent (1971) et d’A. Marguet (1983 et 1998), couplée à une courte mission de terrain a permis de progresser dans la connaissance du site. Afin de poursuivre l’exploration de ce site et documenter, pour la première fois en Savoie, le plan d’un village littoral du Néolithique final, une opération de prospection subaquatique s’est déroulée en 2018. L’objectif de cette campagne a été de réaliser un relevé du champ de pieux afin de disposer d’une vue générale de la structuration de l’habitat. L’originalité de ce site palafittique consiste en un chemin d’accès barré d’au moins trois palissades. Le plan villageois, très régulier, s’organise selon une orientation préférentielle à la perpendiculaire de l’axe du chemin, tout particulièrement pour le secteur est où quatre bâtiments de 5 × 10 m environ sont accolés par leurs murs gouttereaux. À l’ouest du chemin, au moins deux bâtiments se distinguent nettement : un premier, le long du chemin, fait face à l’entrée ; un second se situe entre deux palissades. En l’état actuel des recherches, près de douze pieux datés par dendrochronologie permettent une première esquisse de l’occupation du village avec une date en -2693 obtenue sur deux pieux en sapin disposés de part et d’autre de la palissade interne. Quatre bois de cette dernière ont été abattus en -2684. Enfin plusieurs dates obtenues sur les alignements de pieux au sud du site archéologique plaident pour une construction du chemin d’accès en -2672., Brigand Robin, Billaud Yves. L’habitat Néolithique final de Beau Phare à Aiguebelette-le-Lac (Savoie) : nouvelles approches méthodologiques de la planimétrie d’un village littoral de l’arc alpin. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 116, n°4, 2019. pp. 681-704.

The dolmen of Carrascal (Sintra, Portugal) was discovered at the end of the 19th century. The human bones housed in the Museu dos Serviços Geológicos (Lisbon) were re-analysed in the scope of a research program that is investigating the past lifeways of Late Neolithic populations from the central and southern regions of Portugal. Recent fieldwork under the scope of the Recovery and Valorisation project of the monument undertaken by the Sintra Municipality allowed constructional aspects of the tomb to be clarified, and the recovery of further osteological and archaeological remains. The radiocarbon dates obtained from the human bones enable us to assign this monument to an initial phase of the funerary practices associated with megalithic monumentality in Western Iberia. The assemblage comprised a minimum of 9 adults (both sexes) and 5 non-adults. Evidence of infectious disease, degenerative and metabolic changes, and a remodelled trepanation performed on a right parietal bone were noted. The dental remains yielded particularly interesting information regarding non-masticatory use of teeth, in form of chips and notches in anterior teeth. The data were compared with other collections exhumed from coeval tombs to obtain insights into the health status and behaviours of these prehistoric populations., El dolmen de Carrascal (Sintra, Portugal) fue descubierto a finales del siglo XIX. Los restos óseos humanos depositados en el Museu dos Serviços Geológicos (Lisboa) han sido re-analizados con un programa que investiga el estilo de vida de las poblaciones del Neolítico Final de las regiones del centro/sur de Portugal.Según los recientes trabajos de campo enmarcados en el proyecto de Recuperación y Valorización del monumento llevados a cabo por el Municipio de Sintra, estos han permitido clarificar aspectos de la construcción y la recuperación del material osteológico y arqueológico.Los datos de radiocarbono de los restos óseos humanos nos permiten encuadrar las prácticas funerarias en una fase inicial del megalitismo en el oeste de la península ibérica. La colección comprende un mínimo de 9 adultos (ambos sexos) y 5 no adultos.Se han observado evidencias de enfermedades infecciosas, cambios degenerativos, alteraciones metabólicas y una trepanación remodelada realizada en un parietal derecho.Los restos dentales ofrecen información particularmente interesante con respecto a otros usos no masticatorios de los dientes. Esto se manifiesta en forma de astillas y agujeros en los dientes anteriores.Estos datos han sido comparados con otras colecciones contemporáneas de Portugal con el objetivo de observar la salud y el comportamiento de estas poblaciones prehistóricas.

Contact across long distances is evident in the Neolithic of the Near East, whether driven by social networks, exchange links, or movement of individuals or populations. Movement of material, such as obsidian, can elucidate these processes but is often studied within a bounded world that places Mesopotamia at the center. This paper focuses on links that cut across the traditionally imposed boundaries between Northern Mesopotamia and the Caucasus. While Armenia is one of the world's most obsidian-rich landscapes, reports of Armenian obsidians in Northern Mesopotamia are scarce. The confirmation (or lack thereof) of these rare reports has important consequences regarding the movement of people, material, and information out of the Caucasus. As discussed here, all but one report either cannot be corroborated or are demonstrably erroneous. For one archaeological site, data processing methods led to overlaps in the signals for different obsidian sources. For another site, one element used in source identification suffered from unsystematic error. For other sites, data and key details went unpublished at the time. To corroborate past work that had identified Armenian obsidian at Domuztepe, 66 artifacts were newly sourced by electron microprobe analysis and confirmed by portable X-ray fluorescence. This sample was biased toward artifacts potentially from Armenia. Our analyses revealed that 15 artifacts match Pokr Arteni, one of the most used obsidian sources in Armenia. For reasons not yet clear, obsidian was brought to this Late Neolithic settlement over a distance of 670 km linearly and > 800 km on foot. Additionally, there are artifacts from four other sources in the Kura-Araxes basin, lending extra support to movement of materials, if not people, between the Caucasus and Domuztepe. Furthermore, there are similar patterns in the two chemical varieties of Pokr Arteni obsidian at Domuztepe and at a Late Neolithic site in Armenia, Aratashen, potentially reflecting similar processes or behaviors at this source.

The hypogeum necropolises of Saran/Les Tombeaux in Chouilly (51, Marne) have been the subject of many publications. No synthesis exists of the successive discoveries made between 1806 and 1956. The existing literature and archives concerning the hypogeum necropolises of La Grifaine and Les Ronds Buissons in Chouilly (Marne) were compiled to provide an overview. The artefacts were inventoried in sets, for each hypogeum, room by room, although precise artefact locations were never recorded. The graves and artefacts can be dated to the second half of the 4th millennium cal. BC. In 2015, an archaeological investigation was conducted in the necropolis by the French National Institute for Preventive Archaeological Research (INRAP). The hypogea found in 1922 were re-excavated and explored, and three new hypogea were also discovered nearby. The newly completed site map now shows eleven hypogea, thus ranking this site among the largest hypogeum necropolises in the Marne region (51, France). The three hypogea recently discovered at La Grifaine apparently have only one chamber each but, at the same site, the five best-documented hypogea have two chambers and an antechamber. This layout is comparable to those of Les Mournouards 3 in Le Mesnil‑sur‑Oger and Le Mont‑Aimé I and II in Coligny (Val‑des‑Marais). These regional comparisons highlight the existence of a hypogeum group, different from that in Les Marais de Saint‑Gond, located immediately to the west, where there are no hypogea with two burial chambers. In the current state of knowledge, these differences seem to correspond more closely to cultural facies or social behaviours than to distinct chronological phases. La synthèse des publications, des archives et le récolement des collections du Musée d’Épernay permettent de présenter un état des connaissances sur les nécropoles d’hypogées des Ronds Buissons et de La Grifaine (anciennement appelée Saran/ Les Tombeaux), à Chouilly (Marne). La nécropole des Ronds Buissons est très mal documentée, tandis que la reprise de la documentation permet de présenter les architectures et le mobilier des huit hypogées découverts à La Grifaine entre 1806 et 1922. En 2015, un diagnostic mené par l’INRAP a permis de renouveler les connaissances sur le site grâce à la redécouverte des hypogées ouverts en 1922 et à la découverte de trois nouveaux hypogées. Le mobilier, attribué au Néolithique récent, a pu être pour partie localisé par hypogée, salle par salle, permettant de reconstituer ainsi des ensembles. Un premier plan d’ensemble du site est proposé. La nécropole de La Grifaine compte 11 hypogées, ce qui la place au rang des plus grandes et des plus importantes nécropoles d’hypogées du département de la Marne. À La Grifaine, quatre hypogées présentent deux chambres et une antichambre selon un plan comparable à celui des Mournouards 3 du Mesnil‑sur‑Oger et du Mont-Aimé I et II à Coligny (Val‑des‑Marais). Ce type d’architecture à deux chambres et une antichambre semble se répartir uniquement le long de la Côte des Blancs. Ce type est absent à l’ouest, autour des marais de Saint‑Gond, où on connaît pourtant plus de 120 hypogées ne comportant qu’une seule chambre. Les mobiliers de ces deux types d’architecture funéraire apparaissent typo-technologiquement contemporains. Ces différents types d’architecture funéraire pourraient correspondre à des faciès culturels, ou bien à des fonctionnements sociaux différents.

International audience; "Flaked-tool technology can provide insights into social and cultural changes and interregional connections. This study of changing tool production covers the Upper Palaeolithic to the Late Neolithic in the Yakutia region of eastern Siberia. This region is home to the Palaeolithic Dyuktai complex, the Mesolithic Sumnagin complex and Neolithic traditions; it thus enables a better understanding of the material culture of these societies in Siberia and improves our knowledge of the complex migration processes towards the New World." (source éditeur)

The article deals with debating questions regarding research of the Boborykino archaeological culture. It gives a brief overview of historiography and characteristics of a unique Neolithic phenomenon of North Eurasia. The basis of sources for research of the Boborykino culture consists of more than 50 settlements in the Middle Trans-Urals. The paper emphasizes originalities of the Boborykino culture in pottery technology and typology. Boborykino pottery differs from other Neolithic Ural complexes. Similar pottery and objects for worship, as well as some peculiarities in ceramic production technology, have been found in Neolithic complexes of North Mesopotamia. Therefore, we may conclude that the formation of the Boborykino culture is the result of migration. The main features of the Boborykino culture remained almost untouched for more than one thousand years. It is extremely difficult to trace the internal dynamics of the Boborykino culture and its contacts with indigenous population. All this leads to the conclusion that the Boborykino culture is conservative by nature. Over the last years new data were excavated in North Kazakhstan and Baraba forest-steppe region (Autodrome 2/2, Borly). New settlements are located outside of the main Boborykino cultural area. However, their material culture has significant typological similarity with the sites of the main Boborykino culture area. That is why we can assume that their populations have common origin from the Near East and we can determine the direction of migration paths. Migrants occupied vacant lands between indigenous settlements. Peaceful colonization of vast territories led to the discrete nature of cultural genesis. The idea of the genesis of culture is connected to the understanding of culture. Ornamental compositions of ceramics and objects for worship become a source of interpretation of the Boborykino culture. The ornaments are treated as texts. Transcript of the ornaments is based on the analysis of geographical conditions, form of economy, social relations. The semantics of ornaments is revealed by the context. In this case, it is more important than the text. The main topics of the ornament reflect the ideas of water, rain, earth, grain and serpents, and give ground to associate them with the cult of fertility. New results of carbon analysis of Boborykino antiquities confirmed the proposed earlier dating of the culture within the end of the V — the end of the IV millennium BC.

Discovered in 2006, a collective burial, located at 200 m, north of the site Collet-Redon, in la Couronne, was excavated during two campaigns in 2014 and 2015. Located in the small valley called “the Chappats”, the tomb is installed in a pit with architectural features. Two sepulchral levels were identified. The first, probably composed of primary deposits, was partially removed. The second is consisted of an articulated individual and many commingled remains close to one of the wall. At least, 11 subjects (adults and immatures) are necessary to explain the composition of the osteological series. Only 7 beads made in limestone were associated with the human remains. Four radiocarbon dates are situated in the Recent Neolithic or at the very beginning of the Late Neolithic, before the widespread of collective burials in Provence. The chronological situation of the tomb, its location, the originality of its architectural feature and the use pattern are discussed taking into account the actual knowledge on funerary practices in the south of France at the end of Neolithic. Découverte en 2006, une sépulture collective, située à 200 m au nord du site de Collet-Redon à La Couronne (Bouches-du-Rhône), a fait l’objet de deux campagnes de fouilles en 2014 et 2015. Localisée dans le fond du vallon des Chappats dont l’activité sédimentaire a permis sa conservation, elle est implantée dans une fosse et bénéficie d’un dispositif bâti et d’un pavage. Deux couches ont été identifiées. La première semble avoir reçu des dépôts primaires, en partie vidangée par la suite. La seconde est composée d’un individu incomplet en connexion et d’un amas d’ossements dissociés le long d’une des parois. Au moins 11 individus (adultes et immatures) sont nécessaires pour expliquer la composition de la série ostéologique. Le mobilier associé aux défunts se limite à 7 perles en calcaire. Quatre datations sur os humains situent l’utilisation de la tombe au Néolithique récent ou au tout début du Néolithique final, avant le plein développement des sépultures collectives en Provence. La position chronologique, la localisation, l’originalité du dispositif bâti ainsi que les caractéristiques du fonctionnement de cette sépulture sont discutées à la lumière des connaissances actuelles des pratiques funéraires de la fin du Néolithique dans le midi de la France.

Interpretations of prehistoric enclosures worldwide have varied from those that see the primary role of enclosures as defensive features to others that explore the symbolic, ritual, social, and ideological dimensions of separating space into an inside, an outside, and an in-between. Such evidence and interpretative accounts are inevitably linked to wider anthropological discussions on modes of social interaction and reproduction in the past, whether altruistic or predatory, and evolutionary narratives regarding changes in the level of intergroup violence over the course of human history. Growing evidence indicates that many Neolithic settlements in Europe were enclosed by a complex system of ditches, ramparts, and palisades. We present a case study from the central Balkans at the Neolithic Vinča culture site of Oreškovica-Selište in Serbia, dated to the last centuries of the sixth millennium BC, where recent geophysical surveys, stratigraphic excavation, and accelerator mass spectrometry dating document the existence of an early enclosed settlement with multiple enclosure features. We interpret these features as defensive and discuss the social dynamics that led to the founding and abandonment of this short-lived occupation in the context of other contemporaneous settlements in the Balkans.

International audience; Discovered in 2006, a collective burial, located at 200 m, north of the site Collet-Redon, in la Couronne, was excavated during two campaigns in 2014 and 2015. Located in the small valley called “the Chappats”, the tomb is installed in a pit with architectural features. Two sepulchral levels were identified. The first, probably composed of primary deposits, was partially removed. The second is consisted of an articulated individual and many commingled remains close to one of the wall. At least, 11 subjects (adults and immatures) are necessary to explain the composition of the osteological series. Only 7 beads made in limestone were associated with the human remains. Four radiocarbon dates are situated in the Recent Neolithic or at the very beginning of the Late Neolithic, before the widespread of collective burials in Provence. The chronological situation of the tomb, its location, the originality of its architectural feature and the use pattern are discussed taking into account the actual knowledge on funerary practices in the south of France at the end of Neolithic.; Découverte en 2006, une sépulture collective, située à 200 m au nord du site de Collet-Redon à La Couronne (Bouches-du-Rhône), a fait l’objet de deux campagnes de fouilles en 2014 et 2015. Localisée dans le fond du vallon des Chappats dont l’activité sédimentaire a permis sa conservation, elle est implantée dans une fosse et bénéficie d’un dispositif bâti et d’un pavage. Deux couches ont été identifiées. La première semble avoir reçu des dépôts primaires, en partie vidangée par la suite. La seconde est composée d’un individu incomplet en connexion et d’un amas d’ossements dissociés le long d’une des parois. Au moins 11 individus (adultes et immatures) sont nécessaires pour expliquer la composition de la série ostéologique. Le mobilier associé aux défunts se limite à 7 perles en calcaire. Quatre datations sur os humains situent l’utilisation de la tombe au Néolithique récent ou au tout début du Néolithique final, avant le plein développement des sépultures collectives en Provence. La position chronologique, la localisation, l’originalité du dispositif bâti ainsi que les caractéristiques du fonctionnement de cette sépulture sont discutées à la lumière des connaissances actuelles des pratiques funéraires de la fin du Néolithique dans le midi de la France.

Notched arrowheads have long been considered as one of the leading fossils of the Late Neolithic in France and Western Switzerland, in the Jura, the Western Alps and the Saône valley. However, the distribution maps of these artefacts prove that they are not limited to this geographical area. An inventory based on both our work and more extensive bibliographic research enabled us to identify 236 points on 142 deposits, and we propose a revision of knowledge concerning this particular artefact. The distribution of notched arrowheads encompasses southern Burgundy, southern Jura, western Switzerland, Savoie and Dauphiné, but also the Drôme, Ardèche and Charente-Maritime. In Provence, in eastern Languedoc and in the Grands Causses their distribution is more limited and in northern Italy their presence is anecdotal. For the southern zone, the arrowheads discovered in Ardèche, Languedoc, Provence and in the middle Rhone valley in reliable contexts correspond to the interval 2900– 2600 BCE. In the Jura and Alpine regions, the oldest lateral notched points are represented in the Clairvaux group from the 31st century, between 3050 and 2950 BCE. However, most of the Jura and Western Switzerland models belong either to the recent Lüscherz or to the recent Clairvaux, between 2900 and 2700 BCE, or to the early phases of the Auvernier-Cordé or to those of the later Chalain group. Lastly, between the Charente and the Gironde estuary, there is a concentration of points with basal notches, which appeared in 3100 BCE in Artenac I contexts for the oldest specimens. Although many examples are of siliceous raw material of undetermined or indeterminable origin, the few points analysed are often shaped from regional or local raw materials. Therefore, while some of these are imported in the form of finished products, many are produced locally. Several types of notched arrowheads constitute the series. The notched arrowheads are basically round (type 1), or crushed, straight or convex base models, sometimes with spurs or lugs (type 2). Other types are lozenge-shaped (type 3) or lanceolate (type 4) with more or less median notches. Finally, some foliate models with a rounded or acute base are also represented within the lithic assemblages (type 5). Some types seem to be common in the various geographical areas (type 1a), while others have their distribution restricted to small territories (type 2c, for example). According to the general shape of these different models, no morphotype seems directly associated with the presence of notches. In general, lozenge-shaped and straight sections dominate. From a chronological point of view, it is difficult to observe a precise succession between the different models. The basal groove points (type 1a) appear in both the Ferrieres and Clairvaux series, but also in the Artenac I series. This type is the most frequent and is also the one most widespread geographically. Subsequently, in the first half of the 3rd millennium BC, arrowheads with lateral notches and basal notches varied in shape (lanceolate, ogival, foliaceous or lozenge-shaped), in their notches (deep or not very marked), or in their base (straight, rounded, squared or escutcheon). Similarly, there are certain peculiarities in the geographical distribution of types. The Artenacian complex shows a clear dominance of type 1a, while the Languedoc and Provençal sectors, found in Ardèche and Drôme, are distinguished by a good representation of types 5b and 1a, and are also the only ones to deliver type 2c. Western Switzerland and the Dauphiné / Savoie sector show a dominance of type 5a and more or less similar rates for seven other types. The Southern Jura shows a good representation of type 3a with respect to types 5a, 1a, and even 3c, the latter three being however represented among the Jura models. In the Saône-Rhône group, type 3 is dominant, but types 1b, 2a and 5a are also present. The distribution of these elements is therefore restricted to welldefined geographical areas, which reinforces the impression that it is a specific artefact for certain groups. Morphometrically, the points also exhibit great variability. However, the length / width ratio is generally 2 : 1, while the criterion of thickness is more random. Unlike the shaping of certain late Neolithic points, no intention of producing a stereotyped form can be clearly established for the manufacture of the notched arrowheads. Observation of the measurements of the pieces according to the geographical sectors shows, despite the general variability, that the largest pieces inventoried are generally in the south. Overall, their measurements are compatible with efficient use. Most individuals are present in domestic contexts, with 74 deposits for 157 pieces, and 42 individuals delivered in 33 funerary sites. For the eastern specimens, there appears to be a north-south gradient in the status of these pieces, which could be explained in the South of France by a secondary use of these points in deposits and funeral endowments -gestures or intentions rarely or never documented among the elements of the Segonian, Jurassian and circum-Alpine domains. This phenomenon is, moreover, a constant which applies to all the Late Neolithic arrowheads on these territories. The question of the geographical origin of these elements remains complex because the oldest well-dated cases appear almost synchronously in the Charente and in the southern Jura, which supports the hypothesis of contacts between these zones. Contacts are documented by other categories of material culture. The possible preferential direction of these influences cannot yet be specified on the basis of archaeological documents. However, the relationship that can be proposed with the evolution of flint daggers could suggest a conceptual influence originating in central and northern Italy. Their development takes place in a chrono-cultural sequence which sees the multiplication of types of arrowheads in both the south of France and in the Alpine and Jurassian domains. This multiplication constitutes a specificity of the late Neolithic period in southern France and in western Switzerland. This general phenomenon, which enables the coexistence of up to a dozen morphotypes to be observed, is commonly interpreted as an exacerbation of social competition in a society in full hierarchical mutation, or even as an affirmation of values relating to identity in a warlike context., À la fin du IVe millénaire avant notre ère, les armatures à encoches latérales ou à encoches basilaires sont une nouvelle composante des assemblages lithiques. Leur nombre s’accroît jusqu’à atteindre un maximum au cours de la première moitié du IIIe millénaire. Ces artefacts s’inscrivent dans un phénomène global de multiplication des morphotypes d’armatures de flèche à la fin du Néolithique dans le Sud de la France et sur ses marges septentrionales. Les armatures à encoches latérales ou à encoches basilaires ont un temps été considérées comme spécifiques du Néolithique final des bassins du Rhône et de la Saône ; conception aujourd’hui révolue car la carte de répartition actualisée montre que leur extension ne se limite pas à cette entité géographique. Leur large diffusion englobe en effet le Sud de la Bourgogne, le Jura méridional, la Suisse occidentale, la Savoie et le Dauphiné. Mais, elles sont bien représentées également en Drôme, en Ardèche et en Charente-Maritime, contrairement à la Provence, au Languedoc oriental et aux Grands Causses où leur diffusion est moindre, et en Italie du Nord, où leur présence semble, pour l’heure, anecdotique. Les plus anciens cas bien datés apparaissent de manière quasi-synchrone en Charente et dans le Jura méridional. Plusieurs modèles d’armatures à encoches se retrouvent de part et d’autre de cette vaste sphère géographique, certains sous-types se cantonnant à des territoires plus restreints. Un modèle particulier, l’armature à encoches basilaires, spécifique à la Charente, se retrouve également en Languedoc, en Provence et dans le Jura, ce qui vient appuyer l’hypothèse de contacts entre ces zones. Contacts qui sont d’ailleurs documentés par d’autres éléments de la culture matérielle. L’éventuel sens préférentiel de ces influences ne peut être encore précisé sur la base des documents archéologiques. Toutefois, la relation que l’on peut proposer avec l’évolution des dispositifs d’emmanchement des poignards en silex pourrait suggérer une influence conceptuelle originaire d’Italie centro-septentrionale. Enfin, le contexte de découverte des armatures à encoches latérales présente des spécificités géographiques. Dans certaines régions, elles paraissent plutôt en lien avec le domaine des vivants alors que, dans d’autres zones, elles semblent réservées aux dotations funéraires., Remicourt Maxime, Saintot Sylvie, Rey Pierre-Jérome. Les armatures à encoches latérales et à encoches basilaires à la fin du Néolithique, des Alpes à la façade atlantique. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 115, n°1, 2018. pp. 125-147.

The Late Neolithic harvesting tools of south-western France were often mentioned in archaeological literature as glossy sickles, but few tools of this kind have been the subject of detailed analysis. The Chalcolithic cave of Foissac (Aveyron) is one of the most representative settlements of this period and famous for the discovery of harvesting tools, two of which were found with their axial side handle in bone. No weed seeds were among the carbonized cereal deposits in the cave and these two tools were therefore considered to have been used for cutting grain crop ears, by a high cut, or by pulling out the ears. These tools were quoted repeatedly in archaeological literature but were never studied exhaustively in spite of their unusual character. It is the reason why we were anxious to analyse them further and place them in their precise geographical and chronological frame, before trying to identify their significance in relation to other reaping tools of the same kind, found in the same region and further afield. As regards the intrinsic data of these two harvesting knives, it proved possible to obtain several new results. The examination of the lithofacies and the biofacies of the used flint indicates that they are blades in oligocene lacustrine flint from Mur-de-Barrez (Aveyron) ; such blades circulated regionally in the south-west of the Massif Central during the Late Neolithic period. The analysis of microscopic use-wear confirms that these tools were used for cutting cereals in a longitudinal action. The handles were shaped from sections of bones of large ruminants and drilled so as to improve the link between the tool and the hand. The extrinsic data regarding the discovery context of these tools are not very reliable because the cave has no stratigraphy but juxtaposed objects were deposited on the cave floor over a long period of time covering the whole 3rd millennium BCE. We note however the closeness of one knife to a pot decorated with an arch-shaped cordon which is typical of the early stage of the Treilles culture belonging to the Late Neolithic 2 (between 3200 and 2800 BCE). The morphological similarities between both the harvesting knives of Foissac and the compact models with wooden handles of the northern Alpine lakeside domain (knives of the Claivaux type of the NMB and the Horgen-type knife) consolidate this dating proposal. During the comparative investigation with other bone handles we noticed that the specimens from the Sargel cave, sometimes quoted as identical to those from Foissac, are actually different because they do not have a lithic blade. They may perhaps have used reaping knives just of bone. Other harvesting tools from the Foissac cave belong to the notched saw type. They are represented by three specimens of Grand-Pressigny flint blades found in other unstratified sectors of the cave. However, thanks to other assemblages from several sites in Quercy we know that notched saws became widespread in the same region during the Late Neolithic 3 (between 2800-2400 BCE), in either the form of imports of Grand-Pressigny flint, or of imitations in local flints or rocks. The microscopic use-wear analysis of these blades indicates that these tools were also used for the cutting of cereals in a longitudinal action and reveals that these tools had been resharpened and refitted to prolong their use. Their handles are not documented, but they are too narrow to have been used directly in the hand and we presume that the notches were used to fix them to a handle by means of dowels, bindings, or other methods. The harvesting knives from the Foissac cave suggest that one evolution occurred in this region between the Late Neolithic 2 and the Late Neolithic 3. The oldest stage is represented in Aveyron by the Treilles culture which implemented and developed a regional network of blades in flint from Mur-de-Barrez. These were used for tools similar to those of the lakeside domain in the north-western Alps. They are knives with a flat or pointed lithic end which were attached to a side and axial handle with two perforations to attach a wrist-strap. During the recent stage, represented locally by the Loupiac/ Marsa group, imports of Grand-Pressigny flint became the dominant form, in particular the use of notched saws. This change in the supply of lithic tools must be put into context with the arrival of some ceramic elements of the Artenac culture in the local group. Notched saws imported from Touraine were highly successful in Quercy and the west of Aveyron where they were imitated using local flints. Further south we also know of numerous imitations of wider notched saws which were made from flakes of metamorphic rocks in the Véraza culture group which occupied all the upper part of the Garonne basin. This transmission of notched saws in the form of imports or in the form of imitations does not seem to have been pursued in the Mediterranean zone of Languedoc. The technical evolution of harvesting tools found in the Foissac cave is representative of the oceanic south-west of France during the Late Neolithic period. It presents common points with those observed in Western European Late Neolithic times where harvesting knives or reaping knives developed under the influence of improvements in agricultural practices of the period, in particular selective harvesting of only the ears and denser sowings prepared by the use of the ard plough., La grotte de Foissac (Aveyron) a livré deux couteaux à moissonner du Néolithique final qui sont particulièrement bien conservés et dont les lames lithiques étaient encore insérées dans leurs manches en os perforés latéralement. L’examen du lithofaciès et du biofaciès du silex utilisé indique qu’il s’agit de lames en silex lacustre oligocène du type Mur-de-Barrez (Aveyron), lames qui ont été diffusées régionalement dans le Sud-Ouest du Massif central au Néolithique final. L’examen tracéologique confirme qu’il s’agit bien d’outils ayant coupé des végétaux tendres dans une cinématique longitudinale. Les poignées ont été façonnées dans des tronçons de côtes de gros ruminants et s’apparentent aux modèles compacts en bois du domaine lacustre nord alpin (NMB et culture de Horgen). Ces deux couteaux à moissonner sont attribuables au Néolithique final 2, c’est-à-dire à l’étape ancienne du groupe des Treilles (3200-2800 av. notre ère) et sont différents des couteaux de type «scie à encoches » qui sont attestés par trois exemplaires en silex du Grand-Pressigny trouvés dans des secteurs non stratifiés de la même grotte. Grâce à d’autres sites, on sait que les scies à encoches se sont généralisées dans la même région au Néolithique final 3 (2800-2400 av. notre ère), soit sous la forme d’importations en silex du Grand-Pressigny, soit sous la forme d’imitations en silex locaux ou en roches locales. La tracéologie indique que ces outils ont fonctionné eux-aussi pour la coupe de végétaux tendres dans une cinématique longitudinale et révèle que ces outils ont connu des raffûtages et des réaménagements destinés à faire durer leur usage. L’évolution perçue à Foissac à travers ces pièces est représentative de celle du Sud-Ouest océanique de la France au Néolithique final. Elle présente des points communs avec celle observée dans le Néolithique final occidental où les couteaux à moissonner courts et les couteaux à érusser se sont généralisés sous l’effet des améliorations des pratiques agricoles de cette période, notamment la moisson sélective des seuls épis et des semis plus denses préparés à l’araire., Vaquer Jean, Philibert Sylvie, Torchy Loïc, Du Fayet de la Tour Alain. Les outils à moissonner de la grotte de Foissac (Aveyron) dans le cadre du Néolithique final dans le Sud-Ouest de la France. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 115, n°1, 2018. pp. 99-123.

Los adornos de variscita son un tipo de artefacto empleado en distintos contextos de la Prehistoria reciente de buena parte de Europa Occidental y de forma general son interpretados como elementos de prestigio. El registro arqueológico del centro-sur-oeste de la Meseta Norte Española ofrece un caso de estudio ideal para reconstruir al completo su cadena operativa: 1) minería en Palazuelo de las Cuevas y otros lugares de la comarca de Aliste, 2) manufactura en los asentamientos de Quiruelas de Vidriales y en otros yacimientos y 3) consumo en una treintena de tumbas y poblados del Neolítico Final y el Calcolítico de las comarcas circundantes. Así, en este artículo se analizan las características tecno-tipológicas, escala y organización de la producción de adornos de variscita y sus continuidades y transformaciones con el paso del tiempo. Los resultados nos permiten hablar de una tradición artesana originada en el Neolítico Final la cual mantuvo sus rasgos tecno-tipológicos esenciales mientras crecieron la intensidad, la concentración y, probablemente, la especialización de su producción en el Calcolítico During Late Prehistory adornments worked out of variscite are widely used as prestige items all over Europe. The archaeological record of centre-south-west Northern Spanish Meseta is an ideal case study to fully reconstruct the chaîné opératoire from 1. Mining at Aliste area (Palazuelo de las Cuevas and other nearby mines), 2. adornment manufacturing at the production locii of Quiruelas de Vidriales sites, 3. Adornment consumption in about 30 tombs and settlements from Late Neolithic to Copper Age in the nearby areas to the mining and manufacturing places. This paper analyses the technotypological features, scale and organisation of variscite adornment production patterns along time. Results allows to argue about a craft tradition born during the Late Neolithic that keep up its techno-tyopological features as grew up on intensity, concentration and most likely specialisation of the production during the Copper Age

The site of Las Mesas is located in the west bank of the Guadajira river (La Fuente, Badajoz, Spain). It covers a half hectare and is enclosed by a stone wall. Previous assessments based on site surveys suggested a general chronological span from Late Neolithic period (ca. 3600-2900 BC) through the Copper Age (3rd millennium BC). Excavations revealed a well-constructed wall with bastions and a domestic space at the centre of the site with three occupational phases. Several functional areas and a votive pit are ascribed to the second phase. A deer antler located in a re-cut ritual pit associated to the second phase was dated by AMS-14C. Samples from a living floor assigned to the second phase (SU-9/10) and the basement of a kiln associated with the first phase (SU-18) was dated by optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) using the single aliquot regenerative dose (SAR) protocol on 90-160 m quartz grains. Luminescence profiling analysis of 7 samples taken throughout the archaeological stratigraphy was used to assess variations in luminescence behaviour and relative age through the sequence, using infrared-, optically –and thermally– stimulated luminescence (IRSL, OSL, TSL) on poly-mineral and etched samples. Luminescence dating and profiling indicates that the upper archaeological layer (SU-1B) probably dates to the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1000 BC), but that the sediments in the remainder of this section accumulated during the late Neolithic-Copper Age: the site was most probably inhabited between 3300 and 2900 BC. There were gaps in occupation between the Late Neolithic-Cooper Age phases (I & II), and between the Late Neolithic-Cooper Age phases and Late Bronze Age phase (II & III), indicating that the site was abandoned and reoccupied twice. The AMS-14C date on deer antler of 4254 ± 45 BP (3010-2675 cal BC) is consisten with the OSL results for phase II, indicating that the pit was excavated at the beginning of the second occupational phase. Combined OSL and AMS-14C dating shows that Las Mesas site was first occupied during Late Neolithic farming colonization, abandoned during the Copper Age and occupied again during the Late Bronze Age. The occupational gap recorded during the Copper Age relates to evidence for burning of the site and the partial destruction of the wall, followed by its reconstruction and consolidation.El yacimiento amurallado de media hectárea de Las Mesas se ubica en la margen oeste del río Guadiana (La Fuente, Badajoz, España). El análisis de la cultura material recuperada en prospecciones de superficie remite a un arco cronológico que va desde el Neolítico Final (ca. 3600-2900 AC) a la Edad del Cobre (III milenio AC). Las excavaciones han revelado una muralla polibastionada y un espacio habitacional en el centro del asentamiento con tres fases de uso, diferentes áreas funcionales y un hoyo votivo adscrito a la segunda fase. En un hoyo ritual efectuado en la segunda fase se ha recuperado una cornamenta de cérvido que ha sido datado mediante AMS-14C. Se analizaron por Luminiscencia Ópticamente Estimulada (OSL) muestras de un nivel de uso de suelo asignado a la segunda fase (UE-9/10) y de la base de un horno asociado a la primera fase (UE-18). Se aplicó un procedimiento de Dosis Única Regenerativa (SAR) sobre la fracción de granos de cuarzo de 90-160 m. Se efectuó también un análisis de 7 muestras tomadas de la estratigrafía para determinar las variaciones de la conducta luminiscente y la edad relativa a través de la secuencia estratigráfica en muestras poliminerales mediante luminiscencia estimulada infraroja-ópticamente y térmicamente (IRSl, OSL, TSL). La datación y el perfil luminiscente indican que el nivel superior (UE-1B) pertenecería probablemente al Bronce Final (ca. 1000 AC), pero que el resto de la secuencia estratigráfica se corresponde con una ocupación del Neolítico Final-Edad del Cobre. Siendo lo más probable que la ocupación del sitio tuviera lugar entre el 3300 y el 2900 AC. Se detectan vacíos de ocupación entre la fase I y II, y entre la fase II y la ocupación del Bronce Final (fase III). Indicando que el asentamiento fue abandonado y reocupado en dos ocasiones, una en la Edad del Cobre y una en el Bronce Final. La fecha de 4254 ± 45 BP (3010-2675 cal AC) obtenida mediante AMS-14C coincide con las fechas luminiscente de la fase II, apuntando que el hoyo fue excavado al principio de la fase II. Las fechas luminiscentes y radiocarbónicas combinadas muestran que el asentamiento de Las Mesas fue ocupado durante la colonización agrícola del territorio que tuvo lugar en el Neolítico Final, abandonado durante la Edad del Cobre y reocupado en el Bronce Final. Los vacíos poblacionales registrados podrían relacionarse con las evidencias de quemado y destrucción parcial de la muralla del asentamiento, y su posterior reconstrucción y consolidación.

The discovery of a child’s skeleton in a Late Neolithic well in Sweden raises again the issue of watery rituals and human sacrifice in prehistoric societies. Analysis of diatoms from the right humerus and from the surrounding sediment indicated that the child died by drowning and had not simply been disposed of in the well after death. The scenarios of accidental drowning and murder are examined to account for this discovery. The preferred hypothesis, based on a comparative study of similar finds from north-western Europe, interprets this instead as a ritual sacrifice. The use of diatom analysis to establish drowning as the cause of death adds a new weapon into the armoury of forensic archaeology.

In the Late Neolithic in Southern France, collective burials are very well documented. However, numerous single burials have also been discovered in domestic settlements. One of our purposes is to provide information regarding unpublished or partially unpublished single burials from three sites located in Provence : Le Clos de Roque, Les Fabrys and Les Martins. The second goal is to discuss the meaning of this mortuary practice whereas collective burials are the most frequent funerary treatment documented in this region. The preventive archaeological excavation in 2011 of the Clos de Roque deposit (Saint-Maximin la Sainte Baume, Var), revealed pre-and protohistoric remains over 11,200 m2. Two silo pits attributable to the Late Neolithic delivered human remains. The feature FS 23 was partially filled before a young woman was placed in it. She was laid prone, without any goods. The pit was filled after the body was deposited. The feature ST 2247 was also partially filled before the human remains were put in it. The bones are disarticulated and the body of a young individual is incomplete. No goods are associated with the human remains. The Les Fabrys site (Bonnieux, Vaucluse) was excavated in the 1980s, over an area of 1,200 m2. The burial is located at some distance from the domestic settlement. The limits of the pit were not visible in the subsoil. Two individuals are superposed. The first one, an old woman, was laid on her left side, upper and lower limbs flexed. The body decomposed in an empty space. The second body, incomplete, is separated from the first deposit by a layer of sediment. The young woman lies on her back, the left arm flexed, hand on shoulder. The lower limbs are extended but the thigh is flexed. No items were found. The excavation at the site of Les Martins (Roussillon, Vaucluse) in 1986 revealed Middle and Late Neolithic remains. Five pits contained human remains. Two of them belong to the Late Neolithic. Both pits are circular. The body of an adolescent lay on the bottom of pit S 93. He was covered by a few stones. He lay on his right side, lower limbs flexed, with no goods. Feature S 104 was partially filled before the human remains were deposited. The position of the individual, an adult male, is singular. He was probably not slid into the feature, but deposited, in a seated position, the upper part of his body partially on the lower limbs. Both pits were filled in after the corpses were deposited. In the South of France, Late Neolithic individual burials have been known since the beginning of the 20th century. They are however more numerous since the development of preventive archaeology. These discoveries shed new light on funerary customs at the end of the Neolithic. Collective burials are very well documented and provide a huge number of deceased compared with the Early and Middle Neolithic. These tombs were usually used over a very long period of time and led to commingled assemblages of bones. As a consequence, it is difficult to identify changes in the treatment of bodies over time and between individuals. Moreover, the relations between collective burials and settlements are not very well known. Recently, it has been argued that collective burial gives only the illusion of equality and that people gathered in death enjoyed different social status. It is also likely that only some of the community members had access to the collective tomb. We may, thus, wonder, where and how the others were treated. We propose that the individual burials associated with domestic contexts could give some clues on this issue. Most of the burials we list are installed in pits or associated with features related to domestic activities. Very few individuals are associated with grave goods and some of the subjects seem to have been slid down into the pit rather than deposited with care. Such configurations are very well known in the Middle Neolithic and considered as a particular form of treatment devoted to only a small part of the community. We propose that this treatment was, in the Late Neolithic, allotted to individuals who were not allowed burial in the collective tomb. Remains of babies are rather rare in the Middle and Late Neolithic. However, in this period it seems that they were carefully disposed in close relation to residential features, as in Protohistoric periods and Antiquity, whereas, in the previous period, it is likely that their bodies were thrown into domestic pits or wells. However, in some cases, the grouping of single tombs could have been an alternative to collective graves. Some cultural groups may have had a different ideology and chosen another way of dealing with their dead that probably reflects a different social organization. Late Neolithic single burials also give new parameters for the discussion of single Bell Beaker graves. This culture has for a long time been associated with the reappearance of the fashion for individual burials. It is more complex than it seems. Firstly, single burials never disappeared in the Late Neolithic. Secondly, they are rather different from single burials containing Bell Beaker items. Grave goods and/ or ornaments are very abundant in Late Neolithic collective tombs and absent in single burials, emphasizing the difference between the two customs. Funerary items such as daggers and pottery in Bell Beaker single tombs indicate a very different status of the deceased compared with those of the Late Neolithic. Individuality has neither the same value nor the same signification in the Bell Beaker Culture as in the other Late Neolithic cultures. Human remains in domestic settlements are known on other areas of France, such as the West and South-West, in enclosure ditches. However, single burials in domestic pits are specific to Southern France and probably correspond to configurations known in the Middle Neolithic, reflecting very similar mortuary meanings., Dans le Midi de la France, de très nombreuses sépultures collectives datant du Néolithique final ont été recensées. Des inhumations individuelles en contexte domestique sont également attestées sur plusieurs gisements. Nous ajoutons à ce corpus trois sites provençaux : le Clos de Roque (Saint-Maximin-la-Sainte-Baume, Var), les Fabrys (Bonnieux, Vaucluse) et les Martins (Roussillon, Vaucluse). Le premier a fait l’objet d’une fouille récente, les deux autres opérations datent des années 1980. La documentation est inégale, notamment pour ces dernières, dans la mesure où l’opération a eu lieu avant le plein développement d’une réelle archéologie préventive et surtout de l’anthropologie de terrain. Le Clos de Roque a livré deux structures domestiques partiellement comblées avant l’apport de corps complets ou partiels. Deux inhumations superposées dans un creusement dont les limites ne sont pas visibles ont été découvertes sur le site des Fabrys. Sur les cinq inhumations individuelles du site des Martins, deux datent du Néolithique final. L’une d’entre elles était partiellement comblée avant le dépôt de l’individu. Dans la seconde, le sujet repose sur le fond de la fosse. Ces six inhumations présentent entre elles des points communs, notamment le type de structure ainsi que l’absence ou la quasi-absence de mobilier associé mais, aussi, une certaine variabilité : la localisation de l’individu dans la fosse, la position des sujets, la situation de la fosse par rapport à l’habitat auquel elle est ou semble associée, et leur place chronologique dans le Néolithique final. En faisant le point sur les inhumations en contexte domestique dans la région d’étude, nous proposons un lien étroit entre ces configurations, qui ne correspondent pas toutes à des sépultures, et celles observées au Néolithique moyen dans des contextes comparables. D’autres traitements des morts, hors des sépultures collectives, sont également connus au Néolithique final. Nous discutons de l’apport de ces découvertes pour la caractérisation des pratiques mortuaires de cette période, notamment la relation entre les inhumations individuelles, parfois plurielles, et les sépultures collectives, entre alternative et complémentarité., Schmitt Aurore, Remicourt Maxime, Anna André d'. Inhumations individuelles en contexte domestique au Néolithique final en France méridionale. Une alternative à la sépulture collective ?. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 114, n°3, 2017. pp. 469-496.

The thin section analysis of a series of Bell Beaker geometric dotted style ceramics and of a mixed beaker from the city of Avignon (Vaucluse) allowed us to consider the current state of our knowledge and to reflect in an innovative manner on the Bell Beaker implantation in the South of France. The starting point of the study showed that the majority of the clay resources are local and come from the exploitation of a natural mixture of Rhone alluvions and lateral carbonate contributions. Apart from the mixed beaker, ceramics made from these clays were all tempered only with crushed calcite. The places of origin of the clays of the other two families, represented by only one vase each, are farther away, without it being possible to be more specific. Moreover, these two vases were the only ones that were tempered with grog. These data have made it possible to establish that geometric dotted style productions present in Avignon included various practices implemented in different geographical areas ; one of the two foreign vases, moreover, has a paste that also contained crushed carbonates. On the other hand, in Avignon, on the basis of the samples analysed, the practice of tempering ceramics with grog does not seem to have existed ; only the presence of crushed calcite could be identified for locally manufactured geometric dotted productions. Within the series analysed, two types of temper were therefore used. The first, the most commonly used, corresponds to the crushed calcites present in the majority of pastes of decorated Bell Beaker pottery as well as in that of the pre-oral rope vase. Grog, which is the second temper, was introduced only in the pastes of the two foreign vases. In western Provence, crushed calcite is a temper which has already been identified in the pastes of decorated Bell Beakers vases from Les Calades (Orgon, Bouches-du-Rhône) and Les Barres (Eyguières, Bouches-du-Rhône), which are stylistically similar to those of Avignon, as well as in the pastes of Rhodano-Provençal decorated production from Collet-Redon (Martigues, Bouches-du-Rhône). To the west of the Rhone, in eastern Languedoc, very few Bell Beaker ceramics of the same style as those from Avignon are known and none have been analysed. Very few petrographic analyses were carried out on beakers attributed to J. Guilaine’s early phase, which proved to be almost never tempered with crushed calcite. On the other hand, the use of crushed calcite is largely attested for the ceramics of the Rhodano-Provençal group and the associated common ceramics in eastern Languedoc. Since the Early Neolithic, crushed calcite has been traditionally used as a temper by potters in Provence and in eastern Languedoc. A large part of the Late Neolithic productions from Provence contain it and it is omnipresent in the pottery from the other Late Neolithic sites (Fontbouisse) in the Gard and the east of the Herault département. The Avignon series has especially brought results for local vases of the geometric dotted style that have been confronted with the data previously obtained on other corpuses from Provence and Languedoc. The new data acquired over the past few years allow two hypotheses to be envisaged. The first is to consider that the Bell Beaker potters originally corresponded to individuals from the same substratum, possessing a unique and common (but no longer determinable) practice, or they may also correspond to geographically heterogeneous individuals, without a single practice concerning the use or otherwise of tempers. In both cases, when settling in, they would have adopted the cultural practices of the populations of the local substratum. This would involve the borrowing of clay preparation recipes from indigenous populations. The second hypothesis resumes a proposition already presented in a previous study. In order to explain the characteristics of the geometric dotted production of phase 2 of J. Guilaine’s model, we proposed that at the end of the Neolithic, after an initial phase (phase 1) of short duration (probably some decades) during which the beakers were made locally by individuals foreign to the substratum, part of the indigenous population copied these beakers and then quickly created new shapes while diversifying the decoration. The first proposal implies that the Bell Beaker potters who wished to establish themselves systematically adopted local cultural practices concerning the temper for the preparation of the ceramic pastes of each population of the substratum present on the territory where they settled. This hypothesis is quite plausible because several ethno-archaeological studies have shown that potters displaced into another human group can modify their know-how under the influence of the traditions of the populations in which they settle. Such borrowing may concern the temper but also shaping or decoration techniques. The nature and duration of contacts appear to be important. The reasons given for such borrowing are the ease and speed of shaping as well as consumer demand. These types of borrowing do not seem to be retained in the case of the Bell Beaker potters since the forms and the decorations are radically different from those of the indigenous productions. Nevertheless, the adoption of a locally used temper may have helped spread the beakers among indigenous populations. The second hypothesis that we have chosen to privilege and develop is the opposite of the previous one. It is not the newcomers who borrow traditions but the natives who adopt a new ceramic form, the beaker. This hypothesis explains why the Bell Beaker productions are identical to the ceramics of the substratum, from the point of view of the use of temper, in particular crushed calcite, since they were made by the same local cultural groups. Moreover, this hypothesis also explains the systematic presence on the Bell Beaker sites of substratum ceramics other than through acquisitions made with indigenous populations. Nevertheless, a specificity can differentiate Bell Beaker productions from other locally made ceramics because, on the left bank of the Rhone, at Calades and Barres, but also in Avignon in the case of the two allochtonous ceramics, grog is found, in association with the crushed calcite still used in most productions. This hypothesis thus makes it possible to propose a renewed reading of modalities concerning the borrowing, reinterpretation and development of Bell Beaker ceramics by some of the potters of the indigenous cultures of the Late Neolithic following the first contacts with individuals foreign to the substratum. In particular, they highlight the variability of the behaviour of potters who use this pottery with, in particular, the manufacture of stylistically similar ceramics in different places according to distinct practices, but which are largely identical with local traditions. This situation can be observed in current traditional societies where borrowing mechanisms can be rapid, in the region of a few decades. Imitations can be the result of the arrival of a new potter with his own decors, which is very close to the situation envisaged for the Bell Beaker culture. On the other hand, the time required for the appearance of new ceramic decorations and forms is difficult to access by ethno-archaeology, but archaeological examples from lakeside sites which have yielded dilated stratigraphic sequences allow an order of magnitude of a few decades for this period., L’analyse en lames minces d’une série de céramiques campaniformes de style pointillé géométrique issues des fouilles réalisées par J. Courtin et G. Sauzade en Avignon dans les années 1960-1970 a permis de déterminer les origines des terres exploitées, le plus souvent locales mais avec des vases étrangers aux contextes géologiques des sites, ainsi que la nature des dégraissants introduits dans ces terres au moment de la préparation des pâtes. Ces analyses complètent celles réalisées il y a 25 ans sur les céramiques de même style d’autres sites provençaux et plus récemment languedociens. Elles ont également été confrontées aux analyses réalisées sur des corpus de vases attribués aux cultures autochtones. Même si macroscopiquement la céramique campaniforme de style pointillé géométrique (style 2 d’O. Lemercier) est nettement différente de celle des groupes culturels locaux (Fontbouisse, Vérazien), elle présente en fait une proximité marquée dans l’emploi des types de dégraissant, lorsqu’ils ont été introduits dans les pâtes, ainsi que des terres exploitées similaires. Ces convergences ne peuvent pas être le fruit du hasard et résultent vraisemblablement de relations étroites, de transferts et d’emprunts entre potiers de différentes traditions. Nous proposons d’expliquer cette situation par la mise en place de relations précoces dans le Sud de la France entre les populations autochtones et des individus étrangers qui fabriquent en majorité localement des gobelets campaniformes. Une adoption probablement rapide (quelques décennies) de cette céramique par une partie des indigènes conduit à la création de nouvelles formes et à la diversification des décors comme cela est illustré sur les sites d’Avignon, mais également d’autres sites provençaux et languedociens., Convertini Fabien. Les dégraissants des céramiques des sites d’Avignon (Vaucluse). Nouvelles données, nouvelles visions de l’implantation du Campaniforme dans le Midi de la France. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 114, n°4, 2017. pp. 691-710.

The Late Neolithic flint industry in the Grand-Pressigny area (Indre-et-Loire, France) is mostly known for the specialised production of long blades from ‘livre-de-beurre’ cores and their spread over long-range supply networks extending beyond the regional framework of the producer culture. While works about the Grand-Pressigny phenomenon rarely focus on the production of flakes, they are frequently identified as used tools in Late Neolithic assemblages, both in the production and diffusion areas. The scale of diffusion of the flakes, their importance on some sites, the somewhat standardized production in large quantities integrated with the knapping of long blades, lead us to wonder whether we might have minimized the role of flakes in the phenomenon. This paper focuses on the management and use of flakes made with flint from the Grand-Pressigny area and shows the indicator potential of their study for a better understanding of the Grand-Pressigny phenomenon and Late Neolithic flint assemblages. The study also considers the contribution of flake analysis to a better understanding of the diffusion network and flint tool management. The diffusion of flakes from Grand-Pressigny area flint is part of a shift in lithic industries during the third millennium BC : domestic productions tend to become simpler while careful retouching becomes more important, especially on tools made from exogenous flint. This study, which only takes into account domestic contexts, covers an area between the Grand-Pressigny workshops in the middle basin of the Loire river (France) and Neuchâtel Lake in Switzerland. The work is based on the results of functional and technological analysis of several hundred flakes made with flint from the Grand-Pressigny area found in workshop area assemblages and 69 flakes from sites in the diffusion area. They are more precisely distributed between seven Late Neolithic assemblages all dated between 2900 and 2400 BC : Bergeresse (Abilly, Indre-et-Loire, France), Le Foulon (Abilly, Indre-et-Loire, France), Les Vignes de Saint-Blaise (Truyes, Indre-et-Loire, France), Les Vaux (Moulins-sur-Céphons, Indre, France), Le Bournadiau (Quinssaines, Allier, France), La Chaume Vieille (Saint-Parize-Le-Chatel, Nièvre, France), Chassey (Chassey-le-Camp, Saône-et-Loire, France), and Bain des Dames (Saint-Blaise, Neuchâtel canton, Switzerland). The analysis also takes into account two other assemblages in which we did not find any imported flakes : La Croix de Saint-Roch (Le Crest, Puy-de-Dôme, France) and Sous-Collachoz (Concise, Vaud canton, Switzerland). Two of the seven assemblages are situated in Abilly, close to Grand-Pressigny workshops, and allow us to document the flakes'' use and management within the production area ; the seven others are receiving-consuming sites, all located in the diffusion area ; they illustrate different steps in the diffusion networks. When flakes were easily available blanks to make tools in the production area, the microwear analysis results are limited to a narrow range of use-wear marks corresponding to specific activities. Thus, we believe that making tools with flakes was part of a tool-kit set-up strategy bringing to light a functional complementarity between all the knapping products ; this is a good example of what M.-L. Inizan called ‘ knapping economy’. The study also revealed three kinds of scenarios in the diffusion area. In a short-range diffusion area, that does not seem to exceed 150 km, flakes made with Grand-Pressigny flint can be the most numerous exogenous tools. The example of the flake stockpile from Bournadiau is a significant indication of the specific management of Grand-Pressigny flint ; it also indicates the particular position of the site within the diffusion networks. In a more distant diffusion area, flakes can represent up to 50% of the imported products. Microwear analysis shows they were used for several tasks on various materials, in the same way as the rest of the tools on the site. Imported flakes could then be managed over the long term, through edge sharpening, in the same way as the daggers and long blades. However, in some of the assemblages we also noted the total lack of imported flakes, while we find many imported long blades. We believe that this is evidence that the site was in a marginal position from the main flow within the diffusion network of Grand-Pressigny flint products., L’industrie lithique de la fin du Néolithique dans la région du Grand-Pressigny (Indre-et-Loire), est essentiellement connue pour la production de grandes lames à partir des nucléus «livre de beurre » , et leur diffusion sur un large territoire. Rarement mis en valeur par les recherches sur le phénomène pressignien, on signale pourtant fréquemment la présence et l’utilisation d’éclats en silex du Turonien supérieur de la région du Grand-Pressigny dans les assemblages du Néolithique final, aussi bien dans l’aire de production que dans l’aire de diffusion. L’ampleur de la diffusion des éclats, leur importance dans certains sites, leur production relativement standardisée, en grande quantité et intégrée à celle des grandes lames nous amènent à nous demander si nous n’avons pas minimisé leur rôle au sein du phénomène pressignien. Ce travail s’intéresse donc à l’utilisation et la gestion de ces éclats en silex du Grand-Pressigny et montre le potentiel heuristique de leur étude, pour la compréhension du phénomène pressignien et des assemblages lithiques de la fin du Néolithique. Il s’interroge aussi sur l’apport de la prise en compte des éclats importés pour comprendre la structuration des réseaux de diffusion et les modalités de gestion de l’outillage lithique. La circulation des éclats en silex du Grand-Pressigny s’inscrit dans un phénomène de transformation des industries lithiques au cours du troisième millénaire : les productions domestiques se simplifient au profit d’une gestion par la retouche soignée des produits importés. L’étude, qui ne prend en compte que les contextes domestiques, porte sur une zone qui s’étend de l’aire de production, dans la région de confluence entre la Claise et la Creuse, aux rives du lac de Neuchâtel en Suisse. Le travail se fonde sur les résultats de l’analyse techno-fonctionnelle de plusieurs centaines d’éclats en silex du Turonien supérieur issus d’ensembles de l’aire de production dans la région du Grand-Pressigny, et de 69 éclats en silex du Turonien supérieur de la région du Grand-Pressigny provenant d’ensembles de l’aire de diffusion. Ils sont plus précisemment répartis entre sept ensembles lithiques dans la zone considérée et datés entre 2900 et 2400 av. J.-C. Mais l’analyse prend aussi en compte l’étude de deux autres ensembles dont les assemblages sont dénués d’éclats importés. Deux des ensembles étudiés se situent dans la région du Grand-Pressigny et documentent la gestion et l’utilisation des éclats au sein de l’aire de production ; les sept autres sont tous des sites récepteurs de l’aire de diffusion qui se situent à différentes étapes de la diffusion. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que dans l’aire de production, alors que les éclats sont des supports très disponibles, l’éventail des stigmates reconnus sur les outils sur éclats est relativement limité et semble correspondre à des activités spécifiques. Les outils sur éclat intègrent donc une stratégie de constitution de l’outillage qui met en avant une certaine complémentarité fonctionnelle des différents produits et sous-produits du débitage «livre de beurre » et de débitages plus simples ; nous sommes ici en présence d’une véritable économie du débitage, tel qu’avait été proposé le concept par M.-L. Inizan. Dans l’aire de diffusion, trois cas de figure ont été mis en évidence. Dans une aire de diffusion régionale, qui ne semble pas dépasser une distance de 150 km des ateliers, les éclats en silex du Turonien supérieur de la région du Grand-Pressigny peuvent être les importations les plus nombreuses. L’exemple de la réserve d’éclats du Bournadiau est significatif de la gestion spécifique des produits pressigniens et elle signale une situation particulière du site au sein du réseau de diffusion. Dans l’aire de diffusion plus lointaine, les éclats peuvent représenter jusqu’à 50 % des importations pressigniennes. L’étude tracéologique montre alors qu’ils servent pour des activités et sur des matières d’oeuvre très variées au même titre que le reste de l’outillage. Les éclats importés peuvent alors faire l’objet d’une gestion sur le long terme par le biais de retouche des tranchants de la même façon que les poignards et les grandes lames. Dans l’aire de diffusion lointaine, on note toutefois l’absence d’éclats pressigniens au sein de certains assemblages, alors que les grandes lames importées sont nombreuses ; cette configuration marque, selon nous, une situation particulière du site en marge du flux principal d’approvisionnement régional en produits pressigniens., Linton Jimmy. Gestion et utilisation des éclats en silex du Grand-Pressigny au Néolithique final entre l’aire de production et le lac de Neuchâtel. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 111, n°2, 2014. pp. 291-305.

In the last few decades, archaeological research has invested more energy into better understanding of past societies than ever before. There are several different factors that have made these changes possible. The development of non-destructive investigating techniques has made it possible to choose more precisely where to collect new data. Furthermore, advances in information technologies and the natural sciences have provided new tools to analyze and evaluate the data. Our project started in 2012 in order to evaluate the enormous amount of archaeological material excavated at Polgár-Csőszhalom, the most significant site of the post-LBK period in North-East Hungary. Our main motivation was to reconstruct the community of this complex site with the application of multilevel statistical methods and spatial information technologies. The investigation of raw material from the chipped stone industry yielded sixteen different activity zones on the flat settlement. The differentiation of these zones was possible through the recognition of the repeated patterns of the raw materials used. The analyses show that whilst individual households, as the elementary building modules of the settlement community, were self-sufficient in tool making, the procurement of raw materials seems to have been communal. The homogenous picture apparent from the distribution of the local raw materials and the lack of accumulation from more distant sources suggest conformity at household level.

Remains of the houses in the Late Neolithic of Northern Greece are as a rule less well preserved than in some other regions of Greece such as Thessaly. The site of Stavroupoli-Thessaloniki is a settlement with a dense habitation pattern, but poorly preserved architecture. Several habitation phases have been distinguished, dating to the Middle and Late Neolithic. Radiocarbon dates place the earlier phase to 5890 B.C. or slightly later. As the domestic unit in Stavroupoli can barely be approached through their architecture, the ceramic wares and particularly the cooking vessels will be used as a proxy to identify households and clarify aspects of their organization. The size of domestic units is approached through capacity of cooking pots, assuming that sharing cooked food on everyday level is a vital element of these units. Also, variability in cooking techniques between houses and possible changes through time will be examined through both the shape and the size of cooking vessels. Finally, Stavroupoli’s cooking pots will be compared with cooking vessels from other contemporaneous sites in order to approach the issue of household on a regional level.

The final period of Neolithic Vinča culture, which occupied wide areas in the Balkans, is characterised by large settlements, which were built, judging by the most recent investigations, according to premeditated plan. What was their purpose? Were they autonomous or part of some wider communities? How large was the territory within which people of that time defined themselves as ‘we’ and where did communities of ‘others’ begin? The objective of this work is to indicate the possibilities for studying the complexity of group identities in the Late Vinča societies. We take as a starting point the micro-region of Drenski Vis in north-western Serbia, where five Late Vinča settlements have been discovered.

The aim of this paper is to review and critically evaluate relevant archaeological evidence regarding recent claims about the social complexity of Late Neolithic societies in the Central Balkans. Theory suggests that the relevant evidence should be related to population size, economic intensification, ranking, and craft specialisation. It is concluded that, although there are indications that inequalities existed and also demographic potential for organisational complexity, there is no unambiguous evidence that institutionalised inequality in the form of complex polities such as chiefdoms or states ever developed.

La synthèse des publications, des archives et le récolement des collections du Musée d’Épernay permettent de présenter un état des connaissances sur les nécropoles d’hypogées des Ronds Buissons et de La Grifaine (anciennement appelée Saran/ Les Tombeaux), à Chouilly (Marne). La nécropole des Ronds Buissons est très mal documentée, tandis que la reprise de la documentation permet de présenter les architectures et le mobilier des huit hypogées découverts à La Grifaine entre 1806 et 1922. En 2015, un diagnostic mené par l’INRAP a permis de renouveler les connaissances sur le site grâce à la redécouverte des hypogées ouverts en 1922 et à la découverte de trois nouveaux hypogées. Le mobilier, attribué au Néolithique récent, a pu être pour partie localisé par hypogée, salle par salle, permettant de reconstituer ainsi des ensembles. Un premier plan d’ensemble du site est proposé. La nécropole de La Grifaine compte 11 hypogées, ce qui la place au rang des plus grandes et des plus importantes nécropoles d’hypogées du département de la Marne. À La Grifaine, quatre hypogées présentent deux chambres et une antichambre selon un plan comparable à celui des Mournouards 3 du Mesnil‑sur‑Oger et du Mont-Aimé I et II à Coligny (Val‑des‑Marais). Ce type d’architecture à deux chambres et une antichambre semble se répartir uniquement le long de la Côte des Blancs. Ce type est absent à l’ouest, autour des marais de Saint‑Gond, où on connaît pourtant plus de 120 hypogées ne comportant qu’une seule chambre. Les mobiliers de ces deux types d’architecture funéraire apparaissent typo-technologiquement contemporains. Ces différents types d’architecture funéraire pourraient correspondre à des faciès culturels, ou bien à des fonctionnements sociaux différents. The hypogeum necropolises of Saran/Les Tombeaux in Chouilly (51, Marne) have been the subject of many publications. No synthesis exists of the successive discoveries made between 1806 and 1956. The existing literature and archives concerning the hypogeum necropolises of La Grifaine and Les Ronds Buissons in Chouilly (Marne) were compiled to provide an overview. The artefacts were inventoried in sets, for each hypogeum, room by room, although precise artefact locations were never recorded. The graves and artefacts can be dated to the second half of the 4th millennium cal. BC. In 2015, an archaeological investigation was conducted in the necropolis by the French National Institute for Preventive Archaeological Research (INRAP). The hypogea found in 1922 were re-excavated and explored, and three new hypogea were also discovered nearby. The newly completed site map now shows eleven hypogea, thus ranking this site among the largest hypogeum necropolises in the Marne region (51, France). The three hypogea recently discovered at La Grifaine apparently have only one chamber each but, at the same site, the five best-documented hypogea have two chambers and an antechamber. This layout is comparable to those of Les Mournouards 3 in Le Mesnil‑sur‑Oger and Le Mont‑Aimé I and II in Coligny (Val‑des‑Marais). These regional comparisons highlight the existence of a hypogeum group, different from that in Les Marais de Saint‑Gond, located immediately to the west, where there are no hypogea with two burial chambers. In the current state of knowledge, these differences seem to correspond more closely to cultural facies or social behaviours than to distinct chronological phases.

In the Valencia region of Spain, the dominant use of natural caves for collective burials during the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods has been documented. Collective burials are central to the hypothesis about social relationships in Copper Age societies from Iberia, and key to interpreting kinship-based societies. Les Llometes (Alcoi, Alicante) is one of the biggest collective burial sites existing in eastern Iberia. This article presents the direct14C dates on 25 skeletal remains at the site. The results indicate that the site was used as a burial place from the end of the 5th millennium cal BC until the end of the 4th millennium cal BC, and is a first milestone for future studies that will shed light on the transition towards social structure through the use of a cemetery space. Moreover, this research is one of the few investigations of Late Neolithic collective burials in Iberia that comprises an extensive accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS)14C data set of almost all the individuals reported at a single site. This case also serves to highlight the utility of revisiting materials from historic excavations by14C dating all the skeletal remains that define the minimum number of individuals, and therefore ensuring a more complete picture of the prehistoric human record.

The paper presents an analysis of storing, processing and dining structures from the Vinča culture site at Stubline. Numerous clay structures found in houses were associated with everyday activities related to food. We argue that these structures were not only important in subsistence strategies, but were also profound symbolic agents involved in complex symbolic practices related to the conceptualisation of social spaces in Vinča culture houses.

The present paper studies questions of the use of space in various ways on the basis of data obtained from a site at Sormás-Török-földek. The significance of this site lies in the fact that two enclosures were excavated here which differ in character, but which are in a close relationship physically and chronologically. They demonstrate precisely the radical change, which took place in the mode of space-use, representing two important stages of the progression as a result of which the separation of territories used for domestic and ritual activities were physically manifested.

International audience; Stable oxygen isotopic analysis of tooth enamel was used to investigate seasonality and season of birth in sheep. Analyses were performed on the teeth of eight modern sheep bred at the Carmejane farm in south-eastern France and born in different periods of the year. This reference data set confirms that oxygen isotopic records in the second and third molars can be used to differentiate between sheep born in late winter and those born in early autumn. The results show that inter-individual variability in the timing of tooth formation is low for the second lower molar and more pronounced for the third lower molar in this population. The duration of the process of enamel mineralization has been estimated at approximately six months. The teeth of four sheep and two goats from the late Neolithic site of Collet-Redon in south-eastern France were analysed using the same methodology. At this site, lambing occurred between the late winter and early spring. A slight difference appears in the seasonal sequence recorded in sheep and goat, although it cannot be determined, whether this is due to different timing of tooth development, or an actual shift in the birth period. From the distribution of slaughter ages ands birth period, it is suggested that domestic caprines were killed throughout the year and that Collet-Redon was probably a permanent settlement.

This paper defines the notion of standardization, presents the methodological approach to analysis, points to the problems and limitation arising in examination of materials from archaeological excavations, and presents the results of the analysis of coefficients of variation of metric parameters of the Late Neolithic vessels recovered at the sites of Vinca and Motel Slatina. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 177012: Society, the spiritual and material culture and communications in prehistory and early history of the Balkans]

The “ La Ferme Duport” tomb at Guiry-en-Vexin is located in the Vald’Oise, 60 kilometres northwest of Paris. This monument, located on the hillside, was partially excavated during the 1960s by a team of volunteers from the CRAVF [ Archaeological Research Centre of French Vexin]. This is a monumental type of allée couverte set into a slope, probably with a monumental entrance emerging in the landscape, but the chamber was not examined because it was under a modern barn. This article reviews the previous work, and completes knowledge of the site by a number of further tests conducted between 2006 and 2008 by the SDAVO [ County Archaeological Service of the Val-d’Oise]. The present study offers a renewed vision of the history of the monument. It appears to have been founded in the last third of the 4th millennium BC, and may have been in use fairly rapidly. However, the total duration of use of this tomb is unknown. It remains unclear whether the monument was still frequented in the 3rd millennium BC, and abandonment procedures are difficult to identify on the basis of the existing documentation. In addition the site was reoccupied during the Iron Age, which disturbed several areas of the chamber. Oriented east-west, the tomb has the particularity of having an “ apse tomb” dug into the bedrock in contrast to the chamber, which was built. The pit in which the monument was installed is not fully known, but its straight walls were lined with vertical slabs. The observed total length of the monument is about 8 m. Two stone walls assembled with irregular blocks and horizontal slabs of clay occupy the eastern and southern parts of the tomb. It was originally inserted between orthostat walls, as exists elsewhere in the region. Finally, the ground is covered with irregular limestone slabs covering the entire surface of the monument. At least sixty subjects, forty-eight adult individuals and twelve immature individuals, were buried in this vault. The exploitation of data regarding sex and estimated age provides few results in terms of the spatial distribution of those buried. In addition, hundreds of bones revealed pathological abnormalities. Finally, using a vault requires the collective management of human remains at each new interment. The skeletons of people buried initially underwent a series of manipulations (reduction, collection, grouping of bones) highlighted by comprehensive study. The method of depositing corpses seems fairly homogeneous. Many were buried in the flexed position lying on their side. Several arrowheads were found near some subjects, possibly corresponding to deposits of personal grave goods. Management of the burial space seems to have been quite opportunistic. No specific storage has been demonstrated. The oldest skeletons were apparently pushed roughly up to the walls. During the Recent Neolithic, after an indeterminate period of time, the eastern part of the tomb, also known as the apse, collapsed, causing the tilting of several orthostats. Despite this, the grave continued to be used. This megalithic monument is not isolated in this area of Val-d’Oise. It shares many characteristics with other architectural monuments located within a radius of 10 km around the site. Without being exceptional, the burial practices identified appear slightly different from those documented on several contemporary sites, pointing more to opportunistic management than to a codified ritual., L’allée sépulcrale de la «Ferme Duport » à Guiry-en-Vexin (Val-d’Oise) a été fouillée dans les années soixante. La documentation qui en émane a été exploitée à de nombreuses reprises, et récemment en 2006 par le Service départemental d’archéologie du Val-d’Oise. La confrontation des contributions existantes, à laquelle s’ajoutent de nouvelles analyses, permet d’affiner les interprétations relatives à la chronologie et au fonctionnement de ce gisement, semble-t-il fondé à la fin du IVe millénaire av. J.-C. Bien que la durée totale de l’utilisation de ce caveau demeure inconnue, des éléments du rituel funéraire du Néolithique récent transparaissent : inhumations en position repliée, réduction de squelette, etc. Ces caractéristiques, peu communes en Bassin parisien, enrichissent la connaissance des pratiques funéraires des sociétés de la fin du IVe millénaire av. J.-C., Pariat Jean-Gabriel. Guiry-en-Vexin, la « Ferme Duport » (Val d’Oise), une allée sépulcrale fondée au Néolithique récent. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 108, n°2, 2011. pp. 247-262.

International audience; A short history of the application of NAA in the characterization of archaeological materials at the National Center for Scientific Research 'Demokritos', Athens, is presented. NAA was first applied in archaeology in 1974 at the Radioanalytical Laboratory, and since 1989 has been one of the primary analytical techniques of the 'Demokritos' archaeometry programme. A case study is also presented, concerning chemical patterning of the black-on-red Neolithic pottery class from Macedonia. Four chemical groups were identified, each corresponding to a different area of production. It is shown that this standardized concept of pottery technology and style was spread out within at least eastern Macedonia.

The hypogeum necropolises of Saran/ Les Tombeaux in Chouilly (51, Marne) have been the subject of many publications. No synthesis exists of the successive discoveries made between 1806 and 1956. The existing literature and archives concerning the hypogeum necropolises of La Grifaine and Les Ronds Buissons in Chouilly (Marne) were compiled to provide an overview. The artefacts were inventoried in sets, for each hypogeum, room by room, although precise artefact locations were never recorded. The graves and artefacts can be dated to the second half of the 4 th millennium cal. BC. In 2015, an archaeological investigation was conducted in the necropolis by the French National Institute for Preventive Archaeological Research (INRAP). The hypogea found in 1922 were re-excavated and explored, and three new hypogea were also discovered nearby. The newly completed site map now shows eleven hypogea, thus ranking this site among the largest hypogeum necropolises in the Marne region (51, France). The three hypogea recently discovered at La Grifaine apparently have only one chamber each but, at the same site, the five best-documented hypogea have two chambers and an antechamber. This layout is comparable to those of Les Mournouards 3 in Le Mesnil-sur-Oger and Le Mont-Aimé I and II in Coligny (Val-des-Marais). These regional comparisons highlight the existence of a hypogeum group, different from that in Les Marais de Saint-Gond, located immediately to the west, where there are no hypogea with two burial chambers. In the current state of knowledge, these differences seem to correspond more closely to cultural facies or social behaviours than to distinct chronological phases., La synthèse des publications, des archives et le récolement des collections du Musée d’Épernay permettent de présenter un état des connaissances sur les nécropoles d’hypogées des Ronds Buissons et de La Grifaine (anciennement appelée Saran/ Les Tombeaux), à Chouilly (Marne). La nécropole des Ronds Buissons est très mal documentée, tandis que la reprise de la documentation permet de présenter les architectures et le mobilier des huit hypogées découverts à La Grifaine entre 1806 et 1922. En 2015, un diagnostic mené par l’INRAP a permis de renouveler les connaissances sur le site grâce à la redécouverte des hypogées ouverts en 1922 et à la découverte de trois nouveaux hypogées. Le mobilier, attribué au Néolithique récent, a pu être pour partie localisé par hypogée, salle par salle, permettant de reconstituer ainsi des ensembles. Un premier plan d’ensemble du site est proposé. La nécropole de La Grifaine compte 11 hypogées, ce qui la place au rang des plus grandes et des plus importantes nécropoles d’hypogées du département de la Marne. À La Grifaine, quatre hypogées présentent deux chambres et une antichambre selon un plan comparable à celui des Mournouards 3 du Mesnil-sur-Oger et du Mont-Aimé I et II à Coligny (Val-des-Marais). Ce type d’architecture à deux chambres et une antichambre semble se répartir uniquement le long de la Côte des Blancs. Ce type est absent à l’ouest, autour des marais de Saint-Gond, où on connaît pourtant plus de 120 hypogées ne comportant qu’une seule chambre. Les mobiliers de ces deux types d’architecture funéraire apparaissent typo-technologiquement contemporains. Ces différents types d’architecture funéraire pourraient correspondre à des faciès culturels, ou bien à des fonctionnements sociaux différents., Martineau Rémy, Charpy Jean Jacques, Langry-François Fabien, Polloni Angélique, Huard Patrick, Spiès Florie, Thiol Sandrine. Les nécropoles d’hypogées de La Grifaine et Les Ronds Buissons à Chouilly (Marne) The hypogeum cemeteries of La Grifaine and Les Ronds Buissons in Chouilly (Marne). In: Gallia préhistoire, tome 56, 2014. pp. 127-193.

The site of Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle, ‘ Le Grand Camp’ (Nord) is located on a plateau about 30 m above the Scheldt valley, northwest of the city of Cambrai. Rescue archaeology was undertaken in 1999 and 2000 on a total surface of 1.6 hectares : 14 pits were discovered but they revealed no building plan. Five of these pits yielded the majority of the artefacts. Characteristics of the different categories of artefacts, in particular ceramics, associated with three radiocarbon dates, indicate that the settlement dates from the end of the Neolithic period, at the beginning of the second half of the 3rd millennium, corresponding more or less to the final stages of the Deûle-Escaut culture. The original composition and abundance of the artefacts were incentives for undertaking the thorough study presented in this paper. The presence of numerous loom weights (128, of which 72 are complete) is the first characteristic of this site. This kind of artefact is well known on contemporary or more recent sites, but the number found here makes this set unique for north-western France. Technological analysis undertaken on these loom weights shows that their making did not involve a high degree of technical skill, which seems to be the norm for such items. Their interest lies exclusively in their use. These weights indicate that crafting activities centred on weaving took place in the vicinity of the pits in which they were found. A unique spindle whorl found here can be linked to spinning, the previous step in the textile creation process. The other characteristic of this site lies in the composition of the sandstone assemblage, with a high proportion of hammerstones and anvils and also of raw blocks and flakes, probably linked to the extraction of the material and on-site cutting of the blocks. One of the new aspects of this assemblage is the organised production of flakes meant to be transformed into tools with a blunted fracture platform, whose function is still undefined today. The low proportion of tools for grinding and the absence of polishers are another major difference compared with assemblages from the Deûle valley. In the flint industry, we can emphasize the important proportion of microdenticulates (more than half of the tools). Functional analysis showed a use on rigid tender plants, similar to what is known for this chronological horizon. The characteristics of the archaeological artefacts assemblage lead to an interpretation of the Raillencourt site as an area dedicated to artisanal or craft activities such as weaving, the production of sandstone artefacts, and plant processing. Two theories are discussed here : we are either in the middle of a settlement site where all traces of buildings have disappeared, or this is a dedicated area in connection with a settlement close by, but spatially distinct. Comparisons are proposed with existing data on a local scale where we can find sites with well-dated buildings that are contemporary but where few artefacts are found, and on a broader scale in northern France, in particular in the Deûle valley, and in Belgium, where similar situations occur. They confirm the originality of the artefact assemblage of Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle and the hypothesis of a spatial dissociation of living areas and artisanal areas seems to prevail. In this perspective, the site of Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle could point to an important transformation in the spatial organisation of groups from the end of the Neolithic period, implying greater specialization of areas within a defined territory., Le site de Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle au lieu-dit «le Grand Camp » (Nord), est localisé sur un plateau surplombant la vallée de l’Escaut d’environ 30 m, au nord-ouest de la ville de Cambrai. La fouille préventive menée en 1999 et 2000 sur une surface totale d’environ 1,6 ha, a livré un ensemble de 14 structures en creux de type fosses, mais aucun plan de bâtiment. Cinq des fosses rassemblent la quasi totalité du mobilier. Les caractéristiques des différentes catégories de mobilier, en particulier céramique, associées à trois dates radiocarbones permettent de situer l’occupation à la fin du Néolithique, au début de la seconde moitié du IIIe millénaire, donc plutôt dans une étape finale du Deûle-Escaut. La composition originale et la richesse du mobilier ont motivé l’étude approfondie présentée ici. La présence de très nombreux pesons (128 pesons dont 72 sont entiers) constitue la première spécificité du site. En effet, si cet objet est connu sur de nombreux sites contemporains ou plus récents, c’est bien ici la quantité qui rend cet ensemble unique dans un large quart nord-ouest de la France. L’analyse technologique révèle le faible investissement technique lié à la fabrication des pesons, ce qui apparaît comme la norme pour ces objets, dont l’intérêt repose exclusivement sur leur fonction. La présence des pesons témoigne d’activités artisanales liées au tissage à proximité immédiate des fosses. Une unique fusaïole est liée, quant à elle, aux activités de filage inscrites en amont dans la chaîne opératoire textile. L’autre caractéristique du site réside dans la composition de l’assemblage en grès, avec en particulier une forte proportion de percuteurs et d’enclumes mais aussi de blocs bruts et d’éclats, qui renvoient probablement aux activités d’extraction de la matière et de taille sur place des blocs. L’une des nouveautés de cet assemblage réside dans la mise en évidence d’un production organisée d’éclats destinés à être transformés en outils à plan de fracture émoussé dont la fonction reste indéfinie à ce jour. La faible part d’outils liés à la mouture et l’absence de polissoirs contribuent également à différencier cet assemblage de ceux de la vallée de la Deûle. Au sein de l’industrie en silex, on soulignera la forte proportion de microdenticulés (plus de la moitié des outils), dont l’analyse fonctionnelle a montré une utilisation dans le cadre du travail de végétaux tendres rigides, ce qui est comparable à ce que l’on connaît pour cet horizon chronologique. L’ensemble des caractéristiques des mobiliers archéologiques converge donc pour considérer le site de Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle comme un espace dédié à des activités artisanales comme le tissage, la production de supports en grès, le travail de végétaux. Deux hypothèses sont discutées ici : soit on se trouve au sein d’un habitat dont les traces de bâtiments ont disparu, soit cet espace spécialisé se rattache à un habitat proche, mais dont il serait séparé spatialement. Des comparaisons sont proposées avec les données existantes non seulement à l’échelle locale où existent des sites avec des bâtiments bien calés chronologiquement et, pour certains, contemporains, mais sur lesquels on ne retrouve que très peu de mobilier, mais aussi à l’échelle du nord de la France en particulier dans la vallée de la Deûle et de la Belgique où des situations équivalentes sont observées. Elles confirment l’originalité de l’assemblage de mobilier de Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle et l’hypothèse d’une dissociation spatiale des lieux d’habitat et des lieux consacrés aux activités artisanales est mise en avant. Dans cette perspective, le site de Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle témoignerait d’une évolution importante dans l’organisation spatiale des communautés à la fin du Néolithique impliquant une spécialisation plus grande des espaces au sein d’un territoire défini., Bostyn Françoise, Beugnier Valérie, Martial Emmanuelle, Médard Fabienne, Monchablon Cécile, Praud Ivan. Habitat et économie au Néolithique final : l’exemple du site de Raillencourt-Sainte-Olle (Nord) entre activités domestiques et productions artisanales. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 111, n°4, 2014. pp. 679-726.

The current situation with studies of prehistoric plant cultivation in the Russian Far East is presented. A critical analysis of existing concepts and models of the oldest agriculture in this region is also included. Reliable data allows us to conclude that humans in the southern Russian Far East (Primorye Province) began to cultivate millet at c. 4700–4600 BP (c. 3600–3400 calBC) in the context of the early Zaisanovka cultural complex of the Late Neolithic. The most probable source area for prehistoric agriculture in the Russian Far East was neighbouring Northeast China (Manchuria).