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In this Viewpoint, we provide an overview of the worsening trend of traumatic injuries across the United States-Mexico border after its recent fortification and height extension to 30-feet. We further characterize the international factors driving migration and the current U.S. policies and political climate that will allow this public health crisis to progress. Finally, we provide recommendations involving prevention efforts, effective resource allocation, and advocacy that will start addressing the humanitarian and economic consequences of current U.S. border policies and infrastructure.

This article focuses on the advancement of fantasy policy solutions to irregular migration, drawing on the case study of the UK/French border. In 2018 people began to cross the English Channel in significant numbers to seek asylum. This led to much commentary and a raft of new legislation seeking to criminalise people crossing the Channel and end rights to seek asylum in the UK. In this article, we explore the interaction between two sets of fantasies that are advanced by politicians and mainstream political parties in the UK. That is: the liberal technocratic fantasy – that this phenomenon can be efficiently 'fixed' through interventions in policing and multilateral cooperation with neighbouring EU states; and the illiberal fantasy that extreme and performative punishments can solve it. These fantasies intersect and break at different points in time, and involve many of the same policy solutions which are represented in different terms. Importantly, both of these fantasies reproduce racialised and colonial logics and ultimately serve border imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The number of people in exile is rising. Sexual and ethnic minority refugee and asylum-seeking people present with special needs. This study utilised a collective narrative participatory design to explore how storying collective ways of resisting the effects of trauma, amongst gay and lesbian forced migrant people of Black African and Asian backgrounds in an urban context (London, UK) can be constitutive of healing. To do this, purposeful sampling procedures were pursued. Data collection was through individual and group format story telling sessions. Both sessions were structured around a co-constructed metaphor 'Passport of Life'. Narrative analysis was employed to examine the data, co-shaped with participants. Findings indicate that participants' (collective) storytelling is crafted as a site for resistances to emerge and be re-affirmed. Resistance pathways are inextricably linked to participants' diverse subjectivities. Healing is constituted as a dynamic process, bound by narrated and physical configurations of spaces of togetherness, which have re-definitional, hope-inducing, and social justice properties. The results support the use of participatory and narrative means for expanding (untold) stories of overcoming and supporting opportunities for healing and redress amongst this population. Implications for policy making, research, and psychological practice are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on fieldwork conducted in 2016 at the French national Court of Asylum (CNDA), explores reflections on the role and position of interpreters in the examination of asylum applications. Interpreters occupy a position that is at once an interstitial position – that is, at the crossroads of the social worlds of judges and claimants – and a 'bastard'position, in the sense that, although they are indispensable, their legitimacy is never fully established. To grasp the full ambiguity and complexity of their position, on the one hand, the article aims to shed light on the trajectories and working conditions of interpreters as actors in this system whose legitimacy is fragile, yet who play an essential bridging role between the institutions and the foreigners seeking their protection. On the other hand, it seeks to identify and explore other factors, beyond the codification of the role within highly standardized hearings, which may influence the ways interpreters carry out their missions in practice, in both speech and behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an epilogue to a special edition of articles employing a temporal lens to examine the politics of European asylum and reception systems. From camps to courts to casework, the papers explore a range of temporal matters arising in relation to attempts to manage human mobility. In this epilogue, I identify three temporal themes that arise across the different papers and that are dominant in contemporary Euro-American migration governance. These are: 1) the tempos (the strategic, often contradictory, employment of fast and slow speeds); 2) synchronicity (the multiplicity of times in European migration systems, and the alienation caused by disharmony); and 3) the tenses (from thwarted and inaccessible individual futures, to political representations of the past and future, and the enduring reverberations of past events). The prologue goes on to argue the importance of avoiding allochronism and identifies ways the authors avoid temporally 'othering' people, including by recognising people's autonomy in acts of timing and in reclaiming and recalibrating their own timelines and rhythms. The paper ends with a call for the migration sector to 'widen our gaze' and to draw out the underlying colonial and capitalist temporalities so as to situate migration governance in broader temporal bordering and dispossession. After all, themes of limbo, impermanence, insecurity, temporal poverty, negated futures, temporal dissonance, and other temporal governance mechanisms that hierarchise, marginalise and discipline us, are increasingly evident across the globe, whether or not we cross a border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of "transit" is an understudied phenomenon in migration studies. Transit is not necessarily a linear and unidirectional temporal movement from origin to destination countries, nor is it a clearly demarcated event in time and space. This article examines the complex dimensions of transit, that is, the geospatial, social, economic, psychological, and relational aspects that both shape and are being shaped by asylum seekers. Drawing on a unique qualitative phenomenological approach, the study utilizes an in-depth case narrative to trace and analyze the transit of Mamadou, a Guinean 26-year-old male asylum seeker in France. The salient themes of the narrative fall into five parts: (1) Triggers of transit; (2) Transit as a survival strategy; (3) The complex legal hurdles of asylum; (4) The politics of discomfort and dispersal; and (5) Acts of resistance. Throughout the narrative, an analytic lens is interwoven as informed by relevant literature. The results highlight how Mamadou's migration trajectory is characterized by various cycles of trauma, while he simultaneously employs survival, livelihood, and resistance strategies to confront and overcome these different forms of trauma. This paper highlights the much-needed call to depoliticize transit through adopting a pragmatic approach to asylum that promotes a virtuous cycle of policies, which contribute to the wellbeing and integration of asylum seekers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the role of affect in the credibility assessment process in queer asylum claims. Through 27 semistructured interviews with caseworkers, it explores how sexual truth, in the Greek asylum apparatus, is effectively produced and analyses how access to asylum is intermediated by effective control of who is considered the “good” sexual citizen. According to the research material, the process focuses on applicants' emotions, while caseworkers tend to assess the “authenticity” of applicants' feelings through their senses and intuition. Additionally, apart from the exclusionary politics of emotions in homonationalist border regimes, it discusses affect's transformative possibilities in legal decision-making. Reflecting on queerness as an affect, through those failed, unspeakable queer performances that have been rendered non-credible by the affective rules of spoken sexual truth, it aims to challenge white-centred definitions of “genuine” queerness and the binaries of compliance and resistance in slow-death apparatuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world where asylum and migration have become major concerns for countries of transit and destination, political neutrality seems to be demanded from humanitarian workers. But under the pressures of workload, limited funds, and complex settings, these actors deviate from expectations and practice extra‐legal authority of a unique political nature. When handling asylum cases, these agents take crucial decisions that decisively impact the lives of asylum seekers. In legally fragile transit points where the rule of law faces challenges and where asylum seekers come seeking further resettlement in European countries, rejected applicants face risky fates of deportation, jail, violence, or death. In turn, humanitarian caseworkers pushed by workloads, purse strings, emotional burnout, and compassion fatigue, flatten the sufferings of their applicants, balance, and rank them. Caseworkers have to rank sufferings and decide who may eventually survive and who may simply be left to a risky unknown. In Agambian terms, this extralegal authority draws the lines, creates a zone of exception and throws rejected applicants into the realm of "Bare Life" where they become "Homo Sacer," whose life is worthless. Using Lipsky's theorization of street‐level bureaucrats and in‐depth interviews, the paper tackles these crucial issues by interviewing caseworkers from a variety of international organizations operating in the transit point of Egypt. These caseworkers are responsible for conducting different roles in the Refugee Status Determination process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's asylum and social welfare systems have both been transformed by major organisational changes, funding cuts, and privatisations through a decade of austerity. With this, asylum‐seeker accommodation and the impacts of welfare reform have become increasingly concentrated in already‐impoverished, peripheral urban areas such as Rochdale, Greater Manchester. Despite these parallels, scholarship and commentary in the UK has tended to consider welfare and border regimes in relative isolation. Based on ethnographic work conducted in two charity drop‐centres in the town, this article addresses this gap by exploring how the UK's converging politics and geographies of asylum and welfare governance shape everyday negotiations of deservingness and social in/exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data have become a vital device of border governance and security. Recent scholarship on the datafication of borders and migration at the intersection of science and technology studies and critical security studies has privileged concepts attuned to messiness, contingency, and friction such as data assemblages and infrastructures. This paper proposes to revisit and expand the analytical vocabulary of script analysis to understand what comes to count as data, what forms of data come to matter and how "drawing data together" reconfigures power and agency at Europe's borders. Empirically, we analyze controversies about the practices of asylum decision-making and age assessment in Greece. We show that agency of "users" is unequally distributed through anticipations of subscription and dis-inscription, while asylum seekers are conscripted within security scripts that restrict their agency. Moreover, as a multiplicity of inscriptions are produced, migrants' claims can be disqualified through circumscriptions of data and ascriptions of expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the complex role of hope in relation to sport in the constrained lives of boys and young men who have experienced the Swedish asylum process. The data derives from an ethnographical longitudinal project on the social dimensions of hope in the asylum process. The project is situated in the context of escalating austerity politics and restrictions on asylum law and policy following the increased numbers of people seeking asylum in Sweden and other European countries in 2015. Through ethnographic cases, we expose how political decisions on national and supranational levels, amplified by economic structures, have put research participants in extremely precarious positions, affecting every aspect of their daily lives, including their sports life and ability to hope. Our analysis focuses on how sports may provide moments of realisation that generate distraction and an optimistic future orientation. Sports can also become everyday acts of resistance and manifestations of radical hope, opposing structural constraints. However, our research suggests that long-term, uncertain waiting coupled with neo-liberal labour exploitation creates situations where time and energy are taken over by external control, leading to an inability to maintain hope and experience sports as meaningful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the North American Sanctuary Movement of the 1980s, a transnational network of churches and volunteers who used civil disobedience to spotlight the United States' harmful policies in Central America, provide a non-statist form of protection for forcibly displaced Salvadorans and Guatemalans, and challenge the unequal provision of the US's recently enacted asylum laws. Some of the research questions are deceptively simple: why did the Sanctuary Movement (or movements) exist? And, who were its leaders? Others are more utilitarian: what does the movement imply about the history of asylum in the US, and particularly the efficacy and equity of the protections set forth in the 1980 Refugee Act? Through these varied but related inquiries, this article suggests the 1980s Sanctuary Movement existed in the US because equitable asylum laws did not. The analysis concludes by underscoring sanctuary's continued resonances today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 153-156 | Article | (Abstract) The functioning of the Schengen area and, more broadly, of European external borders, have been under considerable strain due to increased migration flows, the COVID-19 pandemic and security threats. These developments have tested Member States’ and EU agencies’ compliance with EU rules and principles, and the viability of the EU migration, asylum and border control policies. The future is equally challenging and will be marked by the reform EU migration, asylum and border control policies, with the recent adoption of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum and the amendment of the Schengen Borders Code. The nine Articles – by Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen and William Hamilton Byrne, Violeta Moreno-Lax, Jorrit J. Rijpma and Henriet Baas, Niovi Vavoula, Věra Honusková and Enes Zaimović, Luisa Marin, Matija Kontak, Ana Kršinić and the editor, Iris Goldner Lang – contained within this Special Section, offer a contemporary and rich study of Schengen and European borders against the backdrop of recent challenges and future perspectives. They cast a new look on both the legal and political context of Schengen by discussing its infrastructure, Schengen accessions, externalisation, protection of migrants’ and asylum seekers’ rights, as well as the use of modern technologies at the EU’s external borders.

This article is based on exploratory research on how the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals uses the language of trauma in gender-based asylum claims. Gender-based asylum claims include female genital mutilation (FGM), coercive population control (CPC) in the form of forced abortions and forced sterilizations, rape, forced marriage, and domestic violence. The Circuit Courts have reviewed appeals from petitioners with asylum claims since 1946, yet the language of trauma did not appear in the Court’s decisions until 1983. From 1983 to 2023, only 385, 3.85% or less, of the over 10,000 asylum cases before the Circuit Courts used the language of trauma in its legal interpretation of persecution. I have identified 101 gender-based asylum cases that were reviewed by one of the eleven U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that apply the language of trauma in its legal interpretation of persecution for this analysis. The research question guiding this study is: how does the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals use the language of trauma when reviewing gender-based asylum cases? This study found that U.S. Circuit Courts use the language of trauma in four ways: precedent cases, policies and reports, physical trauma, and psychological trauma when reviewing gender-based asylum claims. This study provides the first data set of gender-based asylum claims under review at the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that use the language of trauma.

As an organization committed to working with and standing alongside those who have been forcibly displaced from their homes, advocacy is a core element of Jesuit Refugee Service’s work around the world. With policymakers, donor governments, and host communities, JRS advocates for, and with, those who seek safety and the opportunity to rebuild a life for themselves and their families. Through a network of staff across the globe implementing programs each and every day, JRS identifies the challenges faced in meeting the basic needs of those we serve, and which policies can improve those circumstances. In this article, we share examples of three areas where JRS has exerted influence and action on such policies. This includes access to refugee education, protecting the right to asylum, and placing a spotlight on one of the world’s most forgotten crises, the conflict in Syria.

In "The Biden Plan for Securing Our Values as a Nation of Immigrants" (hereinafter "Biden Plan"), then-candidate Joe Biden promised to "reassert America's commitment to asylum-seekers and refugees." Three years into his presidency, how far has the Biden Administration come in their efforts to create a more humane asylum system? And has the treatment of unaccompanied minors seen any significant improvements? This article examines the Trump Administration's attempts to permanently alter the US asylum system. After trying to categorically ban all claims that were based on persecution by "private actors," the Trump Administration seized on the COVID-19 pandemic as a convenient pretext for taking away even some of the most basic human rights protections that asylum-seekers have enjoyed for generations. This article will argue that the Biden Administration, despite their efforts to restore some basic protections, continues to criminalize and institutionalize many unaccompanied minors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A description of partnership between a school of psychology and a human rights organization that offers asylum services is used as a basis for probing the ethical complexity of activism. "Doing good" is complicated by the insertion of asylum evaluation services into the reductionist and metrics‐based evaluative mechanisms utilized in conventional psychological services and demanded by U.S. and European immigration proceedings. Conceptualization of migration through the lenses of decoloniality, necropolitics, and critical refugee studies lays bare the extraordinary complexity of the journey of involuntary migrants. Some consequences of the imperative to reduce such complex suffering to simple psychometric parameters and medicalized diagnoses are explored, and the paper ends with a plea for a situated, culturally sensitive, and clinically complex understanding of the human suffering entailed by involuntary migration. Activism, it is suggested, is best practiced within complex ethical frameworks that ensure that, at a minimum, we do no harm to those we seek to serve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large groups of asylum-seeking refugees have settled throughout California. Communities large and small have met their arrival with a range of emotions, and a mix of support and social impacts. This qualitative study takes an in-depth look at a district program, Family and Community Engagement, to inquire about what services exist in schools to help students and families adjust to the new education system in the United States. This research may provide valuable insight to school districts that seek to better serve and support asylum-seeking refugees and other newcomer families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the representation of the Irish Asylum system – known as Direct Provision – by an artist and a writer who have experienced it first-hand. Vukašin Nedeljković's art project Asylum Archive (2007 –) and Melatu Okorie's short stories "Shackles" (2010) and "This Hostel Life" (2017) respectively engage in the visual and literary representation of unlivable life in this carceral system, both articulating a compelling critique of the necropolitical violence exerted in and through its operations. Their work foregrounds the spatial and time dimensions of detention, highlighting the vulnerability of international protection applicants whose lives are not only bounded by confinement but also deferred in indefinite waiting. Besides, this article contends that these works go far beyond critique, offering very powerful critical insights into the inmates' affective responses to the injustices of the asylum regime, and how these can potentially open spaces of dissent and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It seems impossible to explain language choice and practice in the multilingual, understudied context of an asylum law firm by simply referring to official policy texts and linguistic (human) rights. Based on linguistic-ethnographic data (in the form of participant observations, recordings and interviews conducted in the Belgian context), this study integrates a top-down perspective (focusing on the influence of language management) with a bottom-up perspective (by eliciting the research participants' language attitudes and ideologies and by investigating what actually happens in practice). Approaching these different parameters of language policy from a discourse analytical perspective, shows how a clear framework of linguistic (human) rights to regulate lawyer-client communication is missing. Because of the lack of concrete stipulations on how to make language choice acts, interpretation of linguistic needs is left to the individual assessment of lawyers. This leads to highly situated decision-making practices, where lawyers draw on their own experience as well as the input of others to organise multilingual interaction. Although a top-down policy exists, practice shows a lack of regulation and transparency in the selection of linguistic strategies/support on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: This paper examines the staffing needs of the US Department of Justice's Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), as it seeks to eliminate an immigration court backlog, which approached 2.5 million pending cases at the end of fiscal year (FY) 2023. A previous study by the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) attributed the backlog to systemic, long-neglected problems in the broader US immigration system. This paper provides updated estimates of the number of immigration judges (IJs) and "judge teams" (IJ teams) needed to eliminate the backlog over ten and five years based on different case receipt and completion scenarios. It also introduces a data tool that will permit policymakers, administrators and researchers to make their own estimates of IJ team hiring needs based on changing case receipt and completion data. Finally, the paper outlines the pressing need for reform of the US immigration system, including a well-resourced, robust, and independent court system, particularly in light of record "encounters" of migrants at US borders in FY 2022 and 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the Asylum Support Enablement (ASPEN) card – a prepayment card provided to UK asylum seekers – enacts their alterity in ways that problematise the techno-optimist narrative of digital technologies as promoters of financial inclusion. Drawing on analysis of 53 documents alongside 21 interviews with asylum seekers, refugees, advocacy organisations and technology providers, the article proceeds in four steps. First, we trace the migration of Prepaid Financial Services’ (PFS) prepayment technology from the humanitarian context of UNHCR’s Cash Assistance Programme in Greece to its adoption in UK state practices, considering what this means for the mobility of policy norms inscribed in digital technologies. Second, building on the concept of ‘alterity processing’, we examine how the UK Home Office discursively co-constructs asylum seekers as ‘deviant subjects’ and its bureaucratic entities as indispensable. Third, we analyse how this co-construction is used to justify asylum seekers’ exclusion from mainstream banking, rendering them dependent on the ASPEN card. Finally, we elucidate how the card’s surveillance, encoded rules, and induced precarity govern asylum seekers’ behaviours. We thus demonstrate how financial technologies – as deployed across humanitarian and statist welfare contexts – engender new lines of marginalisation and forms of social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asylum and labour migration used to be processed along sharply separate legal-political tracks, recognising either humanitarian need or individual performance, respectively. This binary is losing traction, as neoliberal performance criteria and mundane labour needs hold entry in the asylum domain. This trend is illustrated along the Spurwechsel (track change) in German migration policy. While the preference for track change traverses party lines, it is marked by a tension between the imperatives of migration control and migrant integration. This allows for political variation, the right tending towards the control and the left towards the integration horn of the dilemma. Under a recently left-dominated government, which is at the same time receptive to business calls for more Fachkräfte (skilled labour), the control versus integration dilemma has been decisively resolved in favour of integration, up to a point that the state's sovereign migration control function and the integrity of asylum policy are put at risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanitarian thought has sought to study the possibilities of establishing a balance between rights and duties at both individual and collective levels within countries, as well as at regional and international levels. This article addresses the issue of building humanitarian security from the perspective of achieving a balance between measures related to combating terrorism and manifestations of Islamophobia, and respecting human rights, particularly the rights of immigrants and asylum seekers in European countries. This balance, if achieved, would contribute to building humanitarian security between the Mediterranean countries. However, the reality of policies and cooperation among these countries highlights the dominance of security approaches at the expense of rights-based approaches in their conception of ways to build and enhance security in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of local contexts in the reception of asylum seekers by drawing on a qualitative study on the governance and implementation of reception policies in Luxembourg. Whilst contributing to a growing scholarship that has stressed the importance of the local dimension of asylum politics, the article advances the debate by unpacking the local and highlighting its internal multiplicity. It does so by exposing the heterogeneity of reception practices within individual local settings. Such heterogeneity, the article argues, calls into question an understanding of the local as a coherent unit of analysis in the field of asylum governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article 38 of Law 12/2009 establishes that Spanish ambassadors can authorise asylum seekers to be transferred to Spain so that they can submit their application if their physical wellbeing is in danger and they are not nationals of the country where the diplomatic representation is located. The Supreme Court (judgment no. 199/2024) has clarified doubts regarding this provision: (i) this mechanism applies despite the lack of developing regulations in this regard; (ii) the Spanish ambassadors are the relevant authority to approve this transfer; (iii) courts can approve the transfer to Spain as an injunction to safeguard the measures' legitimate purpose; and (iv) the physical wellbeing element applies to the country of origin, not the country of transit. It has also clarified that the National Court's Chamber for Administrative Matters ("Sala de lo Contencioso-Administrativo de la Audiencia Nacional") hears article 38-related appeals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The high infant mortality rate of illegitimate children in Dualist Hungary urged politicians to create a modern state child welfare system for the protection of abandoned children whose upbringing became a national matter. Their main concern was providing adequate nutrition for infants and increase their chances of survival. The article examines how demographical concerns and national-political ideals influenced the evolution of the child welfare system in multi-ethnic Transylvania, first as part of the dual monarchy and after the First World War as a province of Romania. The Hungarian state children's asylums offered a variety of nursing programs for abandoned infants, where the foster-care system often resulted in their Magyarization at a later age. During the First World War, the new objective was the protection of infants together with mothers and the promotion of breastfeeding in order to ensure the viability of the Hungarian nation. National arguments were used in both time periods to support infant protection initiatives. In interwar Transylvania, the urban-rural ethnic distribution influenced the development of infant protection facilities: all state investments were channeled toward the "authentic" Romanian countryside, while in the "foreign" urban environment ethnic minorities focused on their own institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to fill the research gap on the psychosocial and integration needs of unaccompanied children and the challenges they encounter to reach autonomy and social integration. To address this issue, the study utilized a qualitative research survey interviewing 18 field professionals, which indicated that the key challenges include insufficient preparation, institutionalization, uncertainty about the future, asylum procedures, and social exclusion, while proposing the implementation of an integration plan focusing on education, vocational training, and contact with the local community. This article aims to offer a better understanding of children's needs and how practitioners could protect children more effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the immigration crisis at the Mexico-U.S. border and its potential impact on the 2024 presidential election. It highlights the significant increase in asylum seekers crossing the border, with over 300,000 people arriving in December 2023 alone. The broken asylum system, lengthy court processes, and busing of migrants to cities and states contribute to the crisis. The text suggests potential changes that the Biden administration could make to address the issue, including limiting admissions, screening asylum seekers at the border, and federal government involvement in initial placement. The article also discusses the Biden administration's broader immigration policies, which aim to restore pre-Trump levels of legal immigration and prioritize the well-being of unauthorized individuals. [Extracted from the article]

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The article examines the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the international legal regulation of forced migration and the determination of prospects for its development. The opinion is expressed that the emergence of new technical means and methods of production, means of communication, changes in the social sphere of states, deformation of the geopolitical space and many other factors of a socio-economic and political nature caused the growth of migration flows in the world. It has been established that the state policy in the field of population migration is designed to ensure the regulation of population migration movements, overcoming their negative consequences both for the international community, each country in general, and each migrant in particular. It is noted that the Universal Mechanism for the Protection of the Rights of Forced Migrants is based on the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1951 and the Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees of 1967. In addition, it is emphasized that an important role in ensuring the international protection of refugees and asylum seekers is also played by the Recommendations acts adopted within individual UN bodies, as well as other universal documents supplementing the specified legal array. Based on the analysis of scientific points of view and legislation, the author comes to the conclusion that the main norms of international and regional acts in the field of forced migration, which serve as guidelines for domestic systems of legislation and law enforcement, as well as for global tools for solving the problems of forced migration in general, are the principles non-discrimination, non-refoulement, family unity, interstate cooperation, international solidarity and observance of the best interests of the child. The need to create effective mechanisms for the implementation of international legal documents in the field of forced migration, to strengthen the international responsibility of states, and to determine the optimal methods of final or long-term solutions to the refugee problem was noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to illuminate the little-studied phenomenon of asylum-seeking child-bearing women in the UK, survivors of violence and human trafficking. This is a significant issue in terms of the proportion of women affected and the paucity of care and support currently available to them as mother survivors. This study looked to examine the frontline support services of one project to survivor mothers through two collaborating organisations, Happy Baby Community and Hestia, and how their services support mothers' experiences of perinatal mental health, infant feeding, and the general experiences of migrant women and trafficking survivors in maternity care in the UK. Using evidence collected from semi-structured service-users' interviews and focus groups, and an anonymous online staff survey, this article shows the types of care and support that are required to address not only the challenges faced by any new mother, but also the additional challenges experienced with trafficking and seeking asylum such as mental health, housing, and legal and access to other support. This article illustrates the many complex and inter-related challenges these women face, and the way the project meets practical, informational, emotional, appraisal, and social needs. It concludes by identifying several implications of the support provided and/or needed, which could be considered by other services or policymakers looking to meet the fundamental needs and rights of this cohort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial powers have long used islands and island forms for imperial projects, including military bases, weapons testing, resource mining and migrant detention. In order to pursue these interests, colonial powers have often sought geographically remote sites, but they further rely on the construction of remoteness. This article reflects on the colonial construction of remoteness by analysing the case study of Diego Garcia. The militarised atoll of Diego Garcia is one in a chain of islands that make up the British Indian Ocean Territory, the last colony created by the British government. While Diego Garcia is now under British sovereign control, the island was brutally cleared of its Indigenous inhabitants to make way for a joint British‐American military base. By detailing the ways in which ‘remoteness’ has affected the Indigenous Chagossians, ‘war on terror’ detainees, asylum‐seekers and migrant workers, this article demonstrates how colonial powers deploy remoteness as a way of distancing groups deemed ‘other’ from rights. Additionally, colonial powers use ‘remoteness’ to paradoxically protect their own proximity to colonial interests, including geopolitically significant sites for military installations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special collection examines how immigration and asylum policies have evolved since Britain left the European Union. The referendum was won on the promise of 'taking back control', yet, since Brexit, immigration has increased to record levels and the nationalities of people coming to the UK have become more diverse. The increase in immigration was driven by a liberalisation of work and study visas and the creation of new humanitarian schemes. Although some aspects of immigration policy have evolved in a liberal direction, others have become increasingly restrictive. The Conservative government has pursued a draconian agenda on asylum, borders and irregular migration, including a scheme to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, and legislation that effectively abolishes the right to seek asylum in the UK. This introduction argues that recent immigration and asylum policies reflect the ambivalent, unstable and unresolved meanings of Brexit itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses post‐Brexit asylum policy in the UK. On the surface, Brexit had little impact on asylum, but Brexit, combined with the new phenomenon of small boat Channel crossings, created the conditions for a new and extreme UK policy agenda. It explains how politicians have sought to deliver border sovereignty performatively after Brexit by introducing extreme measures, ostensibly—though not practically—to stop small boat Channel crossings, and how private actors have sought to profit from people seeking asylum within this policy regime. These interrelated political and financial interests are pursued irrespective of the fact that none of the policies being advanced will 'stop the boats'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the UK's 'safe and legal (humanitarian) routes' are evaluated by examining how they are positioned in the post‐Brexit migration regime, and how these domestic provisions compare to those underwritten by international protections. The Hong Kong British Nationals (Overseas)—HK BN(O)s—and Ukraine visa schemes are an area of focus which, combined, account for the vast majority of those arriving in the UK for the purposes of humanitarian protections since Brexit. Despite being formally presented under the same banner, the schemes have significant differences in terms of eligibility criteria, costs, rights and entitlements. Moreover, on closer inspection, while they share an overarching policy vision informed by foreign policy priorities, these new provisions are underpinned by different genealogies and policy logics. While the HK BN(O) scheme is rooted in the tradition of ancestry visas and colonial entanglements and requires that potential beneficiaries pay for protections, the Ukrainian schemes are more closely aligned with recent refugee resettlement schemes and share with them the push towards greater involvement of private and community stakeholders in humanitarian protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can the management of transnational migration and asylum be used as an instrument of foreign policy? From labour market needs to legal issues, electoral pressure, and financial and commercial interests, the scholarly literature on the drivers of migration policy in both the North and the South has focused primarily on domestic factors. The case of Morocco offers a useful additional perspective. The security-orientated and restrictive policy toward transmigrants applied in the 2000s gave way, in 2013, to a new approach that was much more welcoming and mindful of migrant integration. Since Morocco's independence in 1956, asylum management has been driven exclusively by security and political objectives. Although it has never had a national asylum system, Morocco has officially taken the initiative to establish a system that complies with its international commitments in asylum. By taking a Moroccan perspective on the situation, this article examines the management of migration and asylum by a country of the Global South with a multifaceted migration profile (as a country that is simultaneously one of emigration, transit, and immigration). It shows that Morocco's change in migration policy is a reflection of its evolving foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2014, as part of the EU accession negotiations, Serbia is meticulously conducting legal, policy, and institutional reforms in order to align its asylum and migration law and policy with the EU acquis. At the same time, as a consequence of the European policies put in place since 2015 (fences, large-scale pushbacks), Serbia faces a high risk of becoming a buffer zone in between EU Member States Greece and Bulgaria (whence many refugees enter Serbia) and Croatia and Hungary (which many refugees seek to enter). While aiming to implement EU law as a candidate Member State, Serbia is simultaneously trying to avoid stronger migration pressure and becoming a hotspot which are the consequence of implementing the EU acquis. Caught between these two conflicting policy aims, Serbia is following the example of Greece in limiting migration pressure by keeping its asylum system dysfunctional, ignoring refugee needs and undermining refugee protection. The substandard character of the Serbian asylum system in practice (both when it comes to its slow and inefficient asylum procedure, limited access to legal aid and information, as well as when it comes to an unsustainable and dysfunctional reception and integration system) makes returns to Serbia a violation of European Human Rights law (i.a., ECtHR 21 November 2019, Ilias and Ahmed v Hungary , application no. 47287/15), while it also gives migrants and refugees a strong incentive to move on to the EU. This combination of formally adopting, but not implementing, the EU acquis will be analysed as a normative response to the perceived lack of legitimacy of the EU acquis, which uses the weak position of peripheral Member States like Greece and neighbouring countries like Serbia to impose a disproportionate burden on them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2011, migration and asylum have grown in salience in EU-Tunisia international cooperation. Through various agreements, the EU has provided technical and financial support to Tunisia to strengthen its border management capabilities, develop a national migration strategy, legislate a national asylum framework, and re-integrate Tunisians who were returned from Europe. However, among the points of contention between Tunisia and the EU, two key issues stand out: the continued absence of a national law governing asylum in Tunisia, and Tunisia's refusal to include clauses related to readmission (of its own nationals and third-country nationals) in its agreements with the EU. Drawing on an analysis of cooperation on asylum and readmission between the EU and Tunisia from 2011 to 2021, this article argues that the EU's perceptions of a lack of cooperation from its Tunisian counterparts are misplaced. Rather, Tunisia is willing to work cooperatively with the EU as long as it does not see this cooperation serve the sole purpose of supporting the EU's externalization agenda. We see this attitude as a form of resistance to EU pressure, with the unfortunate consequence being the undermining of protection for vulnerable populations in Tunisia and in the EU. Tunisian authorities see the adoption of an asylum law as paving the way for disembarkation platforms, the use of the safe third country concept to return foreign nationals and contain them to Tunisia. This has been fueled by issue linkage in negotiations with the EU between the passing of the asylum act and the return of third-country nationals to Tunisia. Similarly, while Tunisia has concluded agreements with some EU countries regarding the readmission of its nationals, its priorities with respect to facilitating returns lie in the protection of its nationals' social rights rather than in meeting quantitative targets set by the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]