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In this paper I look at refugee women's narratives of border crossings and inhabiting borderlands. Following tracks and traces of feminist geopolitics, the paper unfolds in three parts: first I explore borders as political, cultural and material practices, particularly focusing on the sea borders of the Aegean islands as gateways to 'the fortress Europe'. Then I consider border situations within symbolic and imaginary spaces inspired by feminist critical poetics. Finally, I turn to women's stories, which were not so much about understanding borders and their contested politics, but rather about the risks and joys of crossing them at any cost, as well as about surviving the borderlands. My argument is that refugee women's stories of forced displacement challenge abstract theorization of borders and illuminate the importance of embedded and embodied practices in understanding the borderlands as liminal and marginalized spaces of transition, thus contributing to a wider project of charting feminist political geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces a paper about the role of the European Union (EU) in Turkish-Greek disputes. Reason for conducting such research; Oft-repeated argument that Europeanization processes in EU candidate and member states will lead to the resolution of territorial disputes among them in a win-win framework; Argument that both the EU as an institution and the EU accession process as a mechanism have fallen short of becoming conducive to the resolution of the Turkish-Greek disputes, particularly over Cyprus.

Analyzes the so-called catalytic effects of the European Union's (EU) involvement in the Cyprus dispute between Turkey and Greece and to demonstrate that the promise of the EU has not been so high as some circles have expected it to be. Historical account that highlights the major turning points in the Cyprus policy of EU; Analysis of the major assumptions, on which the catalytic effects of the EU involvement are based.

Relations between Greece and Austria-Hungary had never been particularly cordial, despite some brief periods of a certain rapprochement, and Vienna displayed a total lack of consideration for the interests of Athens also during the Balkan Wars. Greek 'dreams' were only marginally 'tangent' to Vienna's interests and the Ballhausplatz did not envisage any point of convergence of their political goals. The cooperation, let alone the alliance, between Greece and Serbia proved to be a thorn in the Greco-Austrian relations. All issues of Greek interest met with Vienna's strong opposition: the drawing of the southern/southeastern borders of Albania; the fate of Thessaloniki and Kavalla; the future of the East Aegean islands. While Austria was aiming at bringing Bulgaria in her sphere of influence, Germany wanted to attract Athens closer to the Triple Alliance, which led to serious misunderstandings between the two empires. Ultimately, this divergence of policy worked in favour of Greece that obtained Thessaloniki and its hinterland, Kavalla, a large part of Epirus, safeguarded her titles on the Aegean islands and secured a common Greco-Serbian borderline. However, the issue of Northern Epirus was left in abeyance until after the First World War. Finally, the Ballhausplatz, re-evaluating the new geopolitical realities in the Balkans, started looking constructively to the future role of Greece in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues that the post-Helsinki period in the European Union (EU)-Turkey-Greece triangle has been giving mixed signals as to the credibility and promise of the EU to constructively contribute to the resolution of Turkish-Greek disputes. Some factors that seem promising for the future; Some other factors that continue to shed doubts on the ongoing positive climate and remind observers of Turkish-Greek relations of the painful cycles of conflict-cooperation seen in the past; Aegean Sea and Cyprus disputes.

Discusses issues that add further doubts to the promise of the European Union (EU) in contributing to Turkish-Greek cooperation in the post-Helsinki period. Claim that Turkey's cooperation with Greece seems to be dependent on the nature and quality of her relations with the EU; United States' view of Turkey and her relations with Greece and the EU from a strategic-security perspective; Suggestion that current Greek strategy towards Turkey should value Turkey's membership in the EU more than the resolution of the Aegean and Cyprus disputes in more pro-Greek ways; Latest developments in Iraq and Cyprus that have enhanced the position of Euro-skeptic circles in Turkey to the disadvantage of pro-EU circles.